The Umbri were an ancient people, considered an Italic people, attested during the Iron Age in inner central Italy, approximately between the middle Tiber river and the central Apennines.[1][2] A region called Umbria still exists and is now occupied by Italian speakers. It is somewhat smaller than the ancient Umbria. Most ancient Umbrian cities were settled in the 9th-4th centuries BC on easily defensible hilltops. Umbria was bordered by the Tiber and Nar rivers and included the Apennine slopes on the Adriatic. The ancient Umbrian language belongs to the Osco-Umbrian branch of the Italic languages, an Indo-European subfamily that also includes the Latino-Faliscan languages.
Herodotus, writing in the 5th-century BCE, provides the earliest literary mention of the Umbrian people, stating that they inhabited the region prior to the supposed migration of the Tyrrhenians from Lydia and into Italy.[3][4] However, modern scholars agree that Herodotus' account is not based on real events.[5] Moreover, there is no archeological evidence for a migration of the Lydians into Etruria.[6] Ancient Roman writers thought the Umbri to be of Gaulish origin;[7]Cornelius Bocchus wrote that they were descended from an ancient Gaulish tribe.[8]Plutarch wrote that the name might be a different way of writing the name of a northern European tribe, the Ambrones, and that both ethnonyms were cognate with "King of the Boii".[9] However, both Greek and Roman scholars sometimes conflated Celtic and Germanic peoples. The historical Ambrones originated in or around Jutland, were apparently a Germanic-speaking people, and no evidence that they had a connection to the Celtic peoples, per se, has been found. Livy suggested that the Insubres, another Gaulish tribe, might be connected; their Celtic name Isombres could possibly mean "Lower Umbrians," or inhabitants of the country below Umbria.[10] Similarly Roman historianCato the Elder, in his masterpiece Origines, defines the Gauls as "the progenitors of the Umbri".[11]
Pliny the Elder wrote concerning the folk-etymology of the name:
The Umbrian people are thought the oldest in Italy; they are believed to have been called Ombrii (here, "the people of the thunderstorm," after ὅμβρος, "thunderstorm") by the Greeks because they survived the deluge (literally "the inundation of the lands by thunderstorms, imbribus). The Etruscans vanquished 300 Umbrian cities.[2]
Ancient Greek historians considered the Umbri as the ancestors of the Sabellian people, namely the Sabines and the Samnites, and the tribes which sprung from them, as the Marsi, Marrucini, Peligni, Picentes, Hirpini, and others.[12][13][14] Their expansion was in a southward direction, according to the rite of Ver Sacrum.[15]
The Umbrians are associated with the culture of Terni, protohistoric facies of southern Umbria, dated between the Late Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age (10th century BC - 7th century BC). Although archaeological evidence is still limited and scattered, it remains difficult to completely understand how the Umbrian tribes developed their economy, culture, and social identity. This is especially true when compared to the more advanced Tyrrhenian and Adriatic regions. The lack of solid information is particularly clear for the earliest period, covering the late Bronze Age and early Iron Age (1300 to 1000 BC).[16] With the start of the Iron Age, the historical settlements of the Umbrians were continuously occupied almost without interruption through to the Roman period and beyond. These settlements include the modern towns of Terni, Colfiorito, Spoleto, Todi, Gubbio, Spello, Amelia, Matelica, and Pitino.[17]
The area near Terni, called Interamna Nahars in ancient times, is very important for learning about ancient Umbria. Archaeologists found many signs of large settlements with early town features from the beginning of the Iron Age. Close by, Maratta Bassa has remains of buildings from the 6th century BC with roofs made of flat and curved tiles. A Latin inscription says the city was founded in 672 BC.[18]
The most interesting finds come from two cemeteries at Acciaierie and S. Pietro in Campo, where about 2,000 tombs were discovered from the 10th to 4th centuries BC. At first, people cremated their dead, but by the 8th century BC they began burying them in graves. Many tombs belonged to warrior leaders and had rich gifts similar to those from southern Etruria. The graves were marked with stone circles or mounds, a tradition common in central Italy.[19]
Assisi, called Asisium by the Romans, was an ancient Umbrian site on a spur of Mount Subasio. Myth relates that the city was founded by Dardanus in 847 BC. Perugia and Orvieto were instead of Etruscan origin. According to the geographical distribution of the Umbrian territory, they are located on the left side of the Tiber River, which is part of the ancient Etruria. Umbri were on the opposite side of the river.
Language
The Umbrians spoke an Italic language related to Latin, although the Umbrian language was more specifically a member of the Osco-Umbrian branch of Italic rather than the Latino-Faliscan branch to which Latin belongs.[20] There are about thirty inscriptions written in the Umbrian language. They include public writings, religious messages, boundary marks, ownership signs, funeral writings, artist names, and coin writings. The most important are the Iguvine Tablets—seven bronze plates written in Umbrian using two alphabets: the Etruscan alphabet and the Latin alphabet. They were found in Gubbio near an old Roman theater in the 1400s.[21]
The Iguvine Tablets were discovered in 1444 at Scheggia, near Gubbio, Italy. Composed during the 2nd or 3rd centuries BC, they describe religious rituals involving animal sacrifice.[22] The modern Festival of Ceri, celebrated every year in Gubbio on May 15 in honor of Bishop Ubald or Ubaldo of Gubbio (1084-1160), shares certain features with the rites described in aforementioned Iguvine tables mentioned above, and so may be a survival of that ancient pre-Christian custom. It is also celebrated in Jessup, PA, a town with a large number of immigrants from the Gubbio area, as Saint Ubaldo Day.[23]
Deities
The Iguvine Tablets describe a sacrifice to the gods Jupiter, Mars, and an obscure deity named Vufiune.[22] Etymologically, the name of this deity has been connected to the Proto-Indo-European root *h₁lewdʰ- ("to grow").[24] Alternatively, his name may be related to Latin voveō ("to vow") and derive from the Proto-Indo-European root *h₁wegʷʰ- ("to promise, vow"), perhaps indicating that the domain of the deity pertained to vows.[25]Vufiune may correspond to the Roman deity Quirinus, a member of the hypothetical Roman Archaic Triad, which may indicate that the Umbrian religion possessed a similar tripartite conceptualization of its chief divinities.[22] Both the Umbrian and Roman triads may reflect Proto-Indo-European trifunctionality, a hypothesis advanced by the philologist Georges Dumézil which argues that Proto-Indo-European religion conceptualized a set of three divinities each associated with military, priestly, and social functions. Within Umbrian and Roman religion, the martial and priestly roles were fulfilled by Mars and Jupiter respectively, although Vufiune may have fulfilled the societal role in Umbrian religion.[26] However, the archaeologist Olivier de Cazanove argues that the similarities between Roman and Umbrian tripartism may only exist at the surface level, as the three deities are mentioned within the context of a particular ritual function that itself may be unrelated to any known Roman ceremony.[27] Moreover, even if the Umbrian triad reflects a Proto-Indo-European tradition, the extent to which it was directly inherited from the Proto-Indo-European religion or borrowed from neighboring cultures is unclear.[26]
Numerous other deities are described in the Iguvine Tablets, possibly as subordinates to more important gods such as Jupiter or Mars. These potentially lesser divinities are often mentioned with epithets, usually the names of other gods. For instance, the divine entity Turse ("the one-who-terrifies") is variously recorded as "Tuse Çerfie" ("Torsa Cerfia") and "Tuse Iovia" ("Torsa Jovia").[28] Likewise, the goddess Prestate ("the one-who-protects") is recorded in the Iguvine Tablets as "Prestate Çerfie," implying an association with the god Cerfie. These Umbrian deities may have served as deified representations of general ideas associated with other gods. If this theory is accepted, then the goddess Prestate would have personified the concept of protection and would have been invoked when another good was propriated for their protective capabilities.[22] De Cazanove compares these Umbrian onomastic formulae to the "books of the priests" ("libris sacerdotum") mentioned by Aulus Gellius that supposedly include phrases such as "Salacia of Neptune" ("Salaciam Neptuni") or "Maia of Vulcan" ("Maiam Volcani").[28][29]
Sanctuaries
Umbrian sanctuaries were usually established on mountains, often the highest mountain peak within the surrounding area.[30] Though, other sanctuary sites are known to have existed near lakes, caves, hills, hillforts, or settlements.[31][32] Various Umbrian sanctuaries appear to be situated in areas that were previously home to other structures, usually during the Bronze Age around the 12th-11th centuries BCE.[33] It is likely that the reoccupation of such spaces was premised on either distant memories of their former significance or because their age had conferred a sense of importance onto them.[33] The ancient sanctuary to Venus (or her Umbrian equivalent) at Hispellum was an important sacred place for Umbrian tribes from the 3rd c. BC and the site was monumentalized in the Republican age (2nd-1st century BC).[34]
Umbrian sanctuaries generally varied significantly in construction technique, with each individual cult site likely designed—not according to any standardized model—but instead to best satisfy the needs of the local populace.[35] Unlike the Latins and the Etruscans, who—during the 6th-century BCE—developed unique architectural styles that became characteristic of their religious sites, the Umbrians primarily utilized open-air spaces largely devoid of any manmade structures as their sacred spaces.[35] Nevertheless, there are still scant traces of architectural constructions at various Umbrian ritual areas.[35] In certain sacred spaces, manmade structures may have been used to define the territorial boundaries of the site.[35] For instance, the sanctuary of Monte Ansciano demarcated its sacred space utilizing a limestone platform constructed atop an older wall dated to the Bronze Age.[36] Similarly, the sanctuaries of Monte Acuto and Colle Mori outlined their territories utilizing drystone walls composed of limestone that surrounded a rectangular sacred space,[37][38] which—in Monte Acuto— was likely involved in sacrificial rituals.[37] Nearby the rectangular space of Monte Acuto lay a pit that contained—among various other artifacts—votive objects and fragments of bovine skeletons, which likely belonged to the sacrificed animals.[39] Likewise, the sanctuary of Colle Mori contained a pit at the center of its rectangular space that also contained votive objects, although it also likely functioned as a cistern.[38] In Monte Moro, it is likely that the pit was also once a cistern that served to store food, gather rainwater,[35] and house votive objects.[40] However, the pit at Monte Torre Maggiore may have functioned as the foundation of the sanctuary space, as it was uncovered filled with sand underneath the pronaos of a later 3rd-century CE temple.[41]
Votives
Typological distribution of votive figurines across Umbrian sanctuaries
Large quantities of votive objects have been uncovered at Umbrian sites, perhaps indicating that votive dedication was a ubiquitous aspect of Umbrian religious life.[42] Umbrian votives often depicted human warriors or individuals with outstretched arms, who were presumably supplicating a deity.[43] The extremities of these figurines were typically sharp and pointed, and they were sometimes marked by oblique incisions which could denote the fingers or the feet.[44] Animal depictions were also common in Umbrian votive art, perhaps due to some association with sacrificial animals or pastoralism.[45] Agrarian themes may likewise underlie the warrior figurines, which themselves may be associated with Mars—a deity often connected to agriculture in Italic religion.[45] It was also common for Umbrian votive artifacts to portray body parts, perhaps due to a belief that such depictions could induce certain medical benefits.[42] Arianna Pavia argues that Umbrian votives may have served as metonymical representations of broader concepts pertaining to daily life within Umbrian society.[46] According to this theory, the anatomical votives functioned as figurative depictions of human individuals and the warrior votives were associated with protection from any potential threats.[47]
Votive objects were perhaps created and sold at the sanctuary sites themselves, as the remains of metal slags from Grotta Bella and Monte Torre Maggiore attest to the local manufacture of metallic substances.[48] Typically, the votives were composed of bronze, although several examples of lead votives have been uncovered at Pantanelli and Grotta Bella.[45] Stylistically, Umbrian votives are comparable with other contemporary statuettes uncovered in Latium, which may attest to underlying shared cultural elements governing the design of the votives in both areas.[49] However, analysis of Italic figurines conducted utilizing X-ray fluorescence has indicated that Umbrian figurines contained less iron than the statuettes from the Esquiline hill in Rome.[50] Discrepancies in iron contents between the two regions may itself suggest that the areas differed in regard to their metalworking technology, with Rome perhaps possessing more advanced smithing techniques.[51]
Spikes or spurs were often attached to the bottoms of votive objects, which may indicate that they were fixed to some object for display.[52] This theory is further corroborated by the discovery of nails at multiple Umbrian sanctuaries, which—according to the archaeologist Arianna Pavia—may have been used to connect wooden planks together or to attach these planks to other structures.[53] Pavia further suggests that certain figurines forged from bronze or lead sheets may have been suspended from holes pierced through the metallic surface, citing the presence of one such bronze sheet from Monte San Pancrazio that contains a hole within its surface.[54] In the pit at Monte Torre Maggiore, a coin of Commodus was unearthed in the same layer as sets of archaic votives, indicating that the well remained uncovered, with the votives on display, from the archaic period to at least the 2nd-century CE.[40]
Most votives were of relatively simple construction, perhaps indicating that they were deposited by less affluent individuals, whereas the few elaborately crafted bronzes may have been provided by higher-status persons. However, the metal utilized to produce the votives was itself usually valuable, which may indicate that they were all left by wealthy individuals who each may have dedicated numerous votive offerings.[42] Alternatively, Pavia argues that the extreme rarity of more elaborate figurines may indicate that the deposition of ostentatious votives was generally avoided in Umbrian culture, even if the suppliant could afford such expenses.[55] Regardless, if the ceremonial offering of votives was available to every Umbrian, even those of low status, then the ritual may have functioned as a communal activity and therefore may have reinforced a shared sense of group identity.[55] Furthermore, Pavia notes that numerous Umbrian sanctuaries contain types of votive figurine exclusive to that sanctuary.[55] For instance, the site of Monte Santo included several statuettes likely produced by a local artisan that, although somewhat similar to more common styles of Umbrian figurine, were still largely unique.[56] According to Pavia, Umbrian sanctuaries may have adopted distinctive styles of votives to assert their own individuality as a community among the broader Umbrian populace.[55]
While there is little direct information about ancient Umbrian political structure, it is fairly clear that two men held the supreme magistracy of uhtur and were responsible for supervising rituals. Other civic offices included the marone, which had a lower status than uhtur (closely related to Latin auctor whence English "author"), and a religious position named kvestur (cognate to or a borrowing of Latin Quaestor). The Umbrian social structure was divided into distinct groups probably based upon military rank. During the reign of Augustus, four Umbrian aristocrats became senators. Emperor Nerva's family was from Umbria.[57]
According to Guy Jolyon Bradley, " The religious sites of the region have been thought to reveal a society dominated by agricultural and pastoral concerns, to which town life came late in comparison to Etruria."[57]
Roman influence
Throughout the 9th-4th centuries BC, imported goods from Greece and Etruria were common, as well as the production of local pottery.
The Romans first made contact with Umbria in 310 BC and settled Latin colonies there in 299 BC, 268 BC and 241 BC. They had completed their conquest of Umbria by approximately 260 BC. The Via Flaminia linking areas of Umbria was complete by 220 BC. Cities in Umbria also contributed troops to Rome for its many wars. Umbrians fought under Scipio Africanus in 205 BC during the Second Punic War. The Praetorian Guard recruited from Etruria and Umbria. The Umbri played a minor role in the Social War and as a result were granted citizenship in 90 BC. Roman veterans were settled in Umbria during the reign of Augustus.[57]
A 2020 analysis of maternal haplogroups from ancient and modern samples indicated a substantial genetic similarity among the modern inhabitants of Umbria and the area's ancient pre-Roman inhabitants, and evidence of substantial genetic continuity in the region from pre-Roman times to the present with regard to mitochondrial DNA. Both modern and ancient Umbrians were found to have high rates of mtDNA haplogroups U4 and U5a, and an overrepresentation of J (at roughly 30%). The study also found that, "local genetic continuities are further attested to by six terminal branches (H1e1, J1c3, J2b1, U2e2a, U8b1b1 and K1a4a)" also shared by ancient and modern Umbrians.[58]
1 2 Pliny (1961). "Chapter 19". Natural History with an English translation in ten volumes by H. Rackham. Vol.3. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp.paragraphs 112–113.
↑ Hornblower, Simon; Spawforth, Antony; Eidinow, Esther, eds. (2014). The Oxford Companion to Classical Civilization. Oxford Companions (2ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp.291–292. ISBN978-0-19-101675-2. Briquel's convincing demonstration that the famous story of an exodus, led by Tyrrhenus from Lydia to Italy, was a deliberate political fabrication created in the Hellenized milieu of the court at Sardis in the early 6th cent. BCE.
↑ Wallace, Rex E. (2010). "Italy, Languages of". In Gagarin, Michael (ed.). The Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp.97–102. doi:10.1093/acref/9780195170726.001.0001. ISBN978-0-19-517072-6. Etruscan origins lie in the distant past. Despite the claim by Herodotus, who wrote that Etruscans migrated to Italy from Lydia in the eastern Mediterranean, there is no material or linguistic evidence to support this. Etruscan material culture developed in an unbroken chain from Bronze Age antecedents. As for linguistic relationships, Lydian is an Indo-European language. Lemnian, which is attested by a few inscriptions discovered near Kamania on the island of Lemnos, was a dialect of Etruscan introduced to the island by commercial adventurers. Linguistic similarities connecting Etruscan with Raetic, a language spoken in the sub-Alpine regions of northeastern Italy, further militate against the idea of eastern origins.
↑ Cambrian Institute (1862). The Cambrian Journal. Forgotten Books. p.118. ISBN1-332-83804-9. From Caius Sempronius (De Divis. Ital.,); "The portion of the Apennines from the sources of the Tiber to the Nar, the Umbri inhabit, the oldest stock of the Old Gael, (Veteres Galli), as Augustus writes." [Apenninum colunt Ligures, portionem vero Apennini inhabitant Umbri, prima veterum Gallorum proies, ut Augustus scribit.]{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help)
↑ Prichard, James Cowles (1841). Ethnography of Europe. 3d ed. 1841. Houlston & Stoneman. Solinus informs us that Bocchus, a writer who has been several times cited by Pliny, reported the Umbri to have been descended from the ancient Gauls; and a similar account of their origin has been adopted, either from the same or from different testimony, by Servius, Isidore, and other writers of a late period.
↑ Troya C (1839). Storia d'Italia del medio-evo e codice diplomatico Longobardo. p.253.
↑ Strabo, Geography, book 4, 7 BCE, p. 465, Alexandria,
↑ Dionysius of Halicarnassus. "Book II.49". Roman Antiquities. But Zenodotus of Troezen, a...historian, relates that the Umbrians, a native race, first dwelt in the Reatine territory, as it is called, and that, being driven from there by the Pelasgians, they came into the country which they now inhabit and changing their name with their place of habitation, from Umbrians were called Sabines. But Porcius Cato says that the Sabine race received its name from Sabus, the son of Sancus, a divinity of that country, and that this Sancus was by some called Jupiter Fidius.
Amann, Petra (2024). "The Umbrians". In Maiuro, Marco; Botsford Johnson, Jane (eds.). The Oxford handbook of pre-Roman Italy (1000-49 BCE). Oxford handbooks series. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN978-0-19-998789-4.
Boardman, John (1988). The Cambridge ancient history: Persia, Greece and the Western Mediterranean c. 525–479 BC. p.716.
Leonelli, Valentina. La necropoli delle Acciaierie di Terni: contributi per una edizione critica (Cestresed.).
Manconi, Dorica (2017). "The Umbri". In Farney, Gary D.; Bradley, Guy (eds.). The Peoples of Ancient Italy. De Gruyter. pp.603–636. ISBN978-1-61451-520-3.
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