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A mommy track is a path in a woman's life that puts priority to being a mother. [1] It can also specifically refer to work arrangements for women in the workforce that facilitate motherhood, such as flexible hours, but at the same time usually provides fewer opportunities for career advancement. [2] [3] References to the mommy track often go along with being a housewife, "opting out" of the workforce, temporarily or even permanently. Women following the mommy track may be contrasted to career women who prioritize their careers more than having children.
Writer Jennifer A. Kingson introduced the term "mommy track" in an August 8, 1988, article in The New York Times , in which she described the career hurdles faced by law firm associates who sacrificed advancement potential once they had children. [4]
Felice Schwartz's 1989 article in the Harvard Business Journal is sometimes called the first discussion of the mommy track phenomenon. [5] Schwartz claims in the article that while "the cost of employing women in management is greater than the cost of employing men," [6] this greater cost is due primarily to gendered expectations of the workplace and women's duties in raising children. [7] Schwartz wrote:
The misleading metaphor of the glass ceiling suggests an invisible barrier constructed by corporate leaders to impede the upward mobility of women beyond the middle levels. A more appropriate metaphor, I believe, is the kind of cross-sectional diagram used in geology. The barriers to women’s leadership occur when potentially counterproductive layers of influence on women—maternity, tradition, socialization—meet management strata pervaded by the largely unconscious preconceptions, stereotypes, and expectations of men. Such interfaces do not exist for men and tend to be impermeable for women. [8]
Schwartz's assertions generated widespread publicity and a new conversation about women in the workplace. The New York Times, having coined the term in 1988, described mommy track in greater detail in a March 8, 1989 article, "Mommy Career Track Sets Off Furor" which discussed Schwartz's article and the response to it in the public sphere. The article described the mommy track as a phenomenon "in which women with family responsibilities are shunted into dead-end, lower-paying jobs." [3]
Across different pay levels and socioeconomic groups, women's earnings tend to plateau after giving birth. [9] Even when controlling for variables, on average mothers in all groups earn lower wages than non-mothers. [10] Beyond this general drop in earnings, though, there are significant differences in mothers’ wage gaps between high-earning women and low-earning women.
High-earning women appear to bear much higher costs of childbirth than low-earning women. In the US, choosing to have children will force a woman to give up 21 to 33 percent of her lifetime earnings, a loss that could cost up to hundreds of thousands of dollars. [11] Ten years after having children, a highly skilled woman with children remains at a pay level 24% lower than non-mothers even when time out of the workforce is taken into account. [12] This group of women also seems to face greater discrimination within the workplace; only 16% of all law firm partners are women, a discrepancy absent from lower-skilled professions. [13] Higher-skilled women tend to have flatter wage-earning trajectories than their low-skilled counterparts after giving birth, primarily seen in a lack of wage growth. [14]
Low-earning women who have children are sacrificing about 10 to 14 percent of their total lifetime earnings. [15] Even ten years after having children, a mother in the US in this income bracket earns wages that are about 12% lower than non-mother, low-skilled women. [12] This group of mothers tends to experience a one-time fall in pay immediately after childbirth of about 6%, but after that initial fall the wage gap between women with children and those without does not continue to grow over time. [14]
A theory frequently cited for why mothers earning lower wages than other women that is the fact that mothers tend to spend fewer hours in the workplace than non-mothers. [16] A report in 2014 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics stated that employed men worked 52 minutes more than employed women on the days they worked, and that this difference partly reflects women's greater likelihood of working part-time. [17] Part-time work and flextime or more flexible arrangements are seen as hallmarks of the mommy track, since they point to women not being in the workplace full-time. However, this is changing as more people—men and women alike—choose more flexible work arrangements that allow for more free time. [5]
In the years since the women's liberation movement and second-wave feminism, gender roles have become more complicated and less dogmatic. [18] Despite this, the modern ideal of "intensive parenting", first described by Sharon Hays, ensures that mothers continue to take primary responsibility for raising children due to the engrained social norm that women are better nurturers. [19] This is one of the reasons that while both men and women report having increased trouble with their work-life balance after having a baby, women are the only ones whose hours working decrease as a response to this conflict. [20] Moreover, women who cannot afford to pay someone else to take care of domestic work are faced with the double burden of working outside of the home while continuing to complete the majority of domestic work in the home. [21]
Another cultural influence on mothers' decreased presence in the workforce is gender discrimination within the U.S. tax code. Since domestic labor in one's own home is unpaid and untaxed, and women continue to do a majority of domestic labor as a result of societal norms, in many households it may be less expensive for a woman to take care of this labor than to go to work and pay someone else to cook, clean, and care for children. [22] The tax code also sees men as the primary earners and women as secondary earners, so men benefit from joint filing while women's earnings are frequently subject to higher taxation. [23] Married women in the workforce also pay payroll taxes, reducing their earnings, although they frequently receive the same benefits (Social Security and Medicare) as spouses even if they do not join the workforce. [24]
Many feminists saw the idea of the mommy track as divisive to women and therefore one that could have a detrimental effect to the feminist cause. Since Schwartz's initial article proposed sorting women into two categories based on their devotion to careers, [25] some saw this as a division between women that both forced them into narrow categories and ignored any existing differences between men. [3]
There is also an ongoing discussion of whether the wage gap that results from a mommy track is any sort of societal discrimination against women, or basically an effect of mothers choosing to spend more time away from work. [16]
In a 2005 study, in the US, it has been estimated that 31% of working mothers left the workplace (for an average of 2.2 years), most often precipitated by the birth of the second child. [26] As of 2015, the US was one of only three countries in the world (the other two being Papua New Guinea and Suriname) that does not have laws that require employers to provide paid maternity leave. [27]
Japan's social norms, like those of the U.S., help to cause many women to move into part-time work upon having children. However, unlike the U.S., Japanese mothers rarely return to full-time work after having children. [28] Even more so than other developed countries, Japan has an especially high proportion of women who work part-time, and a majority of those women are mothers. [29] Common business practices in Japan further penalize mothers who may have taken leave from the workplace at some point, due to companies choosing to only recruit directly from universities and setting upper limits on age for full-time positions. [30]
In the Netherlands women have entered the workforce relatively recently. Throughout much of the 20th century, women faced many legal and social obstacles preventing them from working. Although in the late 1950s, the Netherlands made important legal changes, such as removing the marriage bar and the marital power of the husband, it was only in 1984 that full legal equality between husband and wife was achieved – prior to 1984 the law stipulated that the husband's opinion prevailed over the wife's regarding issues such as decisions on children's education and the domicile of the family, reflecting the traditional structure of the society. [31] [32] Also, according to The Economist , "[Dutch] politics was dominated by Christian values until the 1980s", which meant that Dutch women were slower to enter into the workforce. [33] In the early 1980s, the Commission of the European Communities report Women in the European Community found that "it is in the Netherlands (17.6%) and in Ireland (13.6%) that we see the smallest numbers of married women working and the least acceptance of this phenomenon by the general public". (pg 14). [34] From the 1980s onwards, the numbers of women entering the workplace have increased, but most of the women work part time. In 2012, 76.9% of employed women worked part-time, well above the European Union average of 32.1%. [35]
The UK has less working mothers than many other Western countries. Lack of sufficient childcare and social stigma against working mothers have been cited as reasons. [36] In general, women in the UK have one of the highest rate of part-time work in Europe. A report by OECD which looked at the OECD members, as well as at other countries from inside and outside Europe, found that only the Netherlands and Switzerland had a higher percentage of women working part-time. [37] Women in the UK face one of the worst motherhood penalties among Western countries: "[mothers] find significant motherhood wage penalties in several Continental Northern European countries (Austria, the Netherlands and Germany) and Anglophone countries (Canada, the UK and the US)". [38] The European Council, in a recommendation to the UK (which is non-binding), has criticized the UK because "The difference in the share of part-time work between women (42.6% in 2013) and men (13.2% in 2013) is one of the highest in the Union. The percentage of women who are inactive or work part-time due to personal and family responsibilities (12.5%) was almost twice as high as the EU average (6.3%) in 2013...[e]ven if supply in the childcare system has increased recently, the availability of affordable, high-quality, full-time childcare remains a key issue." [39]
In the Nordic countries, marriage and having children have far greater effects on women than on men, partly due to the expectation that women will continue unpaid domestic labor. [40] However, the Nordic countries have worked to make the dual-earner household the norm, with nationalized childcare, parental leave, and flexible working hours making it possible for women to continue to work. [41] According to a 2007 UNICEF report, in Sweden, although parents are given 12 months of parental leave time that can be divided between the two as each couple sees best, gender norms continue to have an effect: mandated maternity leave combined with Sweden allowing women to reduce work hours after giving birth means that nearly half of mothers in dual-income families work less than full-time. [42] Although women in Nordic countries have a high overall labour participation, there is a strong segregation by gender with women being often found in certain work sectors, which have a working culture adapted to family life, with flexible hours and offers of part-time jobs, and men working in other sectors. According to the Nordic Information on Gender "The gender-segregated labour market is a main reason why women are more likely to work part time in the Nordic countries than elsewhere in Europe". [43] However, this part-time work culture does not extend to Finland, where for historical reasons there was a shortage of labour in the country, which increased the need for women to work full time – as such, the part-time culture of the other Nordic countries was never established in Finland. [43] Finland has a longer tradition of mothers working, compared to the other Nordic countries: in 1978, 73% of Finnish mothers of 0–6 year olds were employed, compared to 69% of Swedish and only 48% of Norwegian. [44] As of 2014, Sweden's employment rate for women was the highest in the EU28, and was only slightly below that of men (73% female rate vs. 76.5% male rate). This compared with the EU28 rate of 58.8% female vs 69% male. [45]
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: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)Parental leave, or family leave, is an employee benefit available in almost all countries. The term "parental leave" may include maternity, paternity, and adoption leave; or may be used distinctively from "maternity leave" and "paternity leave" to describe separate family leave available to either parent to care for their own children. In some countries and jurisdictions, "family leave" also includes leave provided to care for ill family members. Often, the minimum benefits and eligibility requirements are stipulated by law.
A pink-collar worker is someone working in the care-oriented career field or in fields historically considered to be women's work. This may include jobs in the beauty industry, nursing, social work, teaching, secretarial work, or child care. While these jobs may also be filled by men, they have historically been female-dominated and may pay significantly less than white-collar or blue-collar jobs.
Employment discrimination is a form of illegal discrimination in the workplace based on legally protected characteristics. In the U.S., federal anti-discrimination law prohibits discrimination by employers against employees based on age, race, gender, sex, religion, national origin, and physical or mental disability. State and local laws often protect additional characteristics such as marital status, veteran status and caregiver/familial status. Earnings differentials or occupational differentiation—where differences in pay come from differences in qualifications or responsibilities—should not be confused with employment discrimination. Discrimination can be intended and involve disparate treatment of a group or be unintended, yet create disparate impact for a group.
A double burden is the workload of people who work to earn money, but who are also responsible for significant amounts of unpaid domestic labor. This phenomenon is also known as the Second Shift as in Arlie Hochschild's book of the same name. In couples where both partners have paid jobs, women often spend significantly more time than men on household chores and caring work, such as childrearing or caring for sick family members. This outcome is determined in large part by traditional gender roles that have been accepted by society over time. Labor market constraints also play a role in determining who does the bulk of unpaid work.
The gender pay gap in the United States is a measure comparing the earnings of men and women in the workforce. The average female annual earnings is around 80% of the average male's. When variables such as hours worked, occupations chosen, and education and job experience are controlled for, the gap diminishes with females earning 95% as much as males. The exact figure varies because different organizations use different methodologies to calculate the gap. The gap varies depending on industry and is influenced by factors such as race and age. The causes of the gender pay gap are debated, but popular explanations include the "motherhood penalty," hours worked, occupation chosen, willingness to negotiate salary, and gender bias.
Since the Industrial Revolution, participation of women in the workforce outside the home has increased in industrialized nations, with particularly large growth seen in the 20th century. Largely seen as a boon for industrial society, women in the workforce contribute to a higher national economic output as measure in GDP as well as decreasing labor costs by increasing the labor supply in a society.
Occupational inequality is the unequal treatment of people based on gender, sexuality, age, disability, socioeconomic status, religion, height, weight, accent, or ethnicity in the workplace. When researchers study trends in occupational inequality they usually focus on distribution or allocation pattern of groups across occupations, for example, the distribution of men compared to women in a certain occupation. Secondly, they focus on the link between occupation and income, for example, comparing the income of whites with blacks in the same occupation.
A kyariaūman (キャリアウーマン) is a Japanese term for a career woman. The term refers to the type of Japanese woman, married or not, that pursues a career to make a living and for personal advancement rather than being a housewife without occupation outside the home. The term came into use when women were expected to marry and become housewives after a short period working as an "office lady".
Occupational segregation is the distribution of workers across and within occupations, based upon demographic characteristics, most often gender. Other types of occupational segregation include racial and ethnicity segregation, and sexual orientation segregation. These demographic characteristics often intersect. While a job refers to an actual position in a firm or industry, an occupation represents a group of similar jobs that require similar skill requirements and duties. Many occupations are segregated within themselves because of the differing jobs, but this is difficult to detect in terms of occupational data. Occupational segregation compares different groups and their occupations within the context of the entire labor force. The value or prestige of the jobs are typically not factored into the measurements.
Felice Nierenberg Schwartz was an American writer, advocate, and feminist. During her career, Schwartz founded two national advancement and advocacy organizations. In 1945, she established the National Scholarship Service and Fund for Negro Students (NSSFNS), an association committed to placing African Americans in institutions of higher education. In 1962, she founded Catalyst, a national organization dedicated to advancing women in the workplace, where she served as president for three decades.
Catalyst Inc. is a global nonprofit founded by feminist writer and advocate Felice Schwartz in 1962. Schwartz also served as Catalyst's president for 31 years.
Gender pay gap in Australia looks at the persistence of a gender pay gap in Australia. In Australia, the principle of "equal pay for equal work" was introduced in 1969. Anti-discrimination on the basis of sex was legislated in 1984.
A working parent is a father or a mother who engages in a work life. Contrary to the popular belief that work equates to efforts aside from parents' duties as a childcare provider and homemaker, it is thought that housewives or househusbands count as working parents. The variations of family structures include, but are not limited to, heterosexual couples where the father is the breadwinner and the mother keeps her duties focused within the home, homosexual parents who take on a range of work and home styles, single working mothers, and single working fathers. There are also married parents who are dual-earners, in which both parents provide income to support their family. Throughout the 20th century, family work structures experienced significant changes. This was shown by the range of work opportunities each parent was able to take and was expected to do, to fluctuations in wages, benefits, and time available to spend with children. These family structures sometimes raise much concern about gender inequalities. Within the institution of gender, there are defined gender roles that society expects of mothers and fathers that are reflected by events and expectations in the home and at work.
The feminization of the workplace is the feminization, or the shift in gender roles and sex roles and the incorporation of women into a group or a profession once dominated by men, as it relates to the workplace. It is a set of social theories seeking to explain occupational gender-related discrepancies.
The breadwinner model is a paradigm of family centered on a breadwinner, "the member of a family who earns the money to support the others." Traditionally, the earner works outside the home to provide the family with income and benefits such as health insurance, while the non-earner stays at home and takes care of children and the elderly. The breadwinner model largely arose in western cultures after industrialization occurred. Before industrialization, all members of the household—including men, women, and children—contributed to the productivity of the household. Gender roles underwent a re-definition as a result of industrialization, with a split between public and private roles for men and women, which did not exist before industrialization.
Work–family balance in the United States differs significantly for families of different social class. This differs from work–life balance: while work–life balance may refer to the health and living issues that arise from work, work–family balance refers specifically to how work and families intersect and influence each other.
The motherhood penalty refers to the economic disadvantages women face in the workplace as a result of becoming mothers. This sociological concept highlights how working mothers often experience wage reductions, diminished perceived competence, and fewer career advancement opportunities compared to their childless counterparts. Studies indicate that mothers face a per-child wage penalty that exacerbates the gender pay gap. In addition to lower pay, mothers are often viewed as less committed and less dependable employees, leading to hiring biases, lower job evaluations, and reduced chances for promotion. These penalties are not limited to a single cause but are rooted in societal perceptions, workplace biases, and theories like the work-effort model, which posits that caregiving responsibilities reduce mothers' work productivity. The motherhood penalty is prevalent across various industrialized nations and has been documented across racial and economic lines, with women of color and those in low-wage jobs experiencing more severe consequences. Despite increased attention to this issue, the penalty has not shown significant signs of decline.
The gender pay gap or gender wage gap is the average difference between the remuneration for men and women who are employed. Women are generally found to be paid less than men. There are two distinct numbers regarding the pay gap: non-adjusted versus adjusted pay gap. The latter typically takes into account differences in hours worked, occupations chosen, education and job experience. In other words, the adjusted values represent how much women and men make for the same work, while the non-adjusted values represent how much the average man and woman make in total. In the United States, for example, the non-adjusted average woman's annual salary is 79–83% of the average man's salary, compared to 95–99% for the adjusted average salary.
The maternal wall is a term referring to stereotypes and various forms of discrimination encountered by working mothers and mothers seeking employment. Women hit the maternal wall when they encounter workplace discrimination because of past, present, or future pregnancies or because they have taken one or more maternity leaves. Women may also be discriminated against when they opt for part-time or flexible work schedules. Maternal wall discrimination is not limited to childcare responsibilities. Both men and women with caregiving responsibilities, such as taking care of a sick parents or spouse, may also result in maternal wall discrimination. As such, maternal wall discrimination is also described as family responsibilities discrimination. Research suggests that the maternal wall is cemented by employer stereotypes and gender expectations.
The Duncan Segregation Index is a measure of occupational segregation based on gender that measures whether there is a larger than expected presence of one gender over another in a given occupation or labor force by identifying the percentage of employed women who would have to change occupations for the occupational distribution of men and women to be equal. A Duncan Segregation Index value of 0 occurs when the share of women in every occupation is the same as women's share of employment as a whole. In other words, 0 indicates perfect gender integration within the workforce, while a value of 1 indicates complete gender segregation within the workforce.