The urbanization of Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) in the 1930s and the expansion of colonial commercial enterprises introduced Congolese populations to a broad spectrum of foreign musical styles, including Cuban rumba, jazz, blues, biguine, highlife, and bolero.[3] These influences contributed to a gradual shift away from purely folkloric traditions.[3] Among the key transitional genres was maringa, a Kongopartner dance originating in the former Kingdom of Loango, which flourished in the bar-dancing culture of Brazzaville and Léopoldville.[5][6][7][8][9] Early performances incorporated instruments such as the bass drum, accordion (likembe), and glass bottles used as percussion.[6][10] During the 1940s and 1950s, the arrival of Cuban son recordings played a major role in maringa's transformation into "Congolese rumba", as works by groups like Sexteto Habanero, Trio Matamoros, and Los Guaracheros de Oriente were frequently marketed as "rumba".[11][12]
The modern character of Congolese music was reflected in its adoption of electric instruments, innovative performance aesthetics, commercial appeal, and its emergence as a powerful expression of national identity.[13] This transition brought about a decline in the use of traditional instruments and vernacular languages, with modern tools such as the electric guitar, saxophone, and accordion gaining prominence, and Lingala emerging as the dominant language of popular music.[3][14] The new music adopted various names, including zebola, agwaya, nzango, kebo, Polka Piké, and, most notably, Congolese rumba.[3] Despite the increasing dominance of modern sounds, certain musicians maintained ties to traditional styles.[3] During the 1960s and 1970s, Congolese rumba gave birth to a wave of innovative popular dance styles, including soukous, a high-tempo genre characterized by intricate guitar melodies and layered polyrhythms.[15][16] In the late 1990s, ndombolo, an offshoot of soukous known for its high-energy dance, also rose to continental prominence.[17][18][19][20] Throughout this evolution, Congolese people have not adopted a singular term for their music. Historically referred to as muziki na biso ("our music"), the most common term today is ndule, meaning "music" in Lingala.[21][22] The term rumba or rock-rumba is also used generically to refer to Congolese music, though neither is precise nor accurately descriptive.[21]
Traditional music and instruments
A Bangongo diviner (singular: Ngongo) employing traditional methods to identify suitable treatments through divination. Belgian Congo.
Music plays a vital role in expressing the customs and culture of Congolese 450 ethnic groups, each of which has its own distinctive musical and dance traditions. With every ethnic group comes a unique set of traditional songs, dances, and ceremonial chants. Rich in diverse ethnic backgrounds and traditions, the country boasts a wide array of musicians, performers, instruments, and cultural expressions.[23] Many traditional instruments were used primarily for musical purposes. However, others—such as the tam-tam and the lokole—also functioned as communication tools, transmitting coded messages to nearby villages through a nuanced auditory language understood by the local population.[23] Owing to their intricate figurative designs, some instruments, particularly the arched harps of the Mangbetu and Zande peoples, the sanza, ritual drums, and slit drums, are seen as authentic representations of artistic expression.[23]
Closely interwoven with song, dance forms an essential component of social life, with lyrics that convey emotions ranging from sensuality to sorrow, physically interpreted through the swaying movements of women, whose gestures serve as a visual manifestation of the music's artistic soul. Congolese music journalist Samuel Malonga notes that traditional instruments have significantly declined in urban settings, as modern orchestras prefer contemporary instruments.[23] This shift has led to a reduction in the perceived sacredness of ancestral musical practices and has altered the authentic African spirit traditionally embodied in the music. The "ethno-tribal" musical styles and their associated traditional instruments are increasingly marginalized due to the influence of modern acculturation, relegating folklore to the periphery of cultural relevance.[23] Although some contemporary musicians continue to draw inspiration from traditional music, the incorporation of indigenous instruments in modern Congolese music remains limited.[23]
Most traditional instruments are handcrafted from wood derived from indigenous plant species, though wood is not the sole material. Iron and various animal-derived elements—such as skin and horn—are also commonly employed. Handmade by artisans, these instruments fulfill a broad spectrum of functions: social (festivals, weddings, communal gatherings), traditional (initiation rites, birth and mourning ceremonies, village councils), and cultural (circumcision and other rites of passage).[23]
In response to technological influences, some instruments have undergone modifications. For instance, the Zombo folklore band Konono Nº1 has adapted the likembe (a type of sanza) by electrifying it to enhance sound projection in contemporary performances. Historically, instruments such as these were used to accompany dances and chants during major ethnic celebrations, serving as vehicles for "expressions of seduction and sensuality, poetry and romance, lyricism and enthusiasm".[23] In the broader classification of African musical instruments, Congolese instruments fall into four primary categories: aerophones, chordophones, idiophones, and membranophones.[23]
Aerophones include various flutes and trumpets, often crafted from locally available materials such as bamboo, wood, and hollow plant stems. Among the Bakwa-Mputu of Kasaï, the Mangbetu, and the Pygmies, wooden trumpets are prominent. These instruments are known by different names across linguistic and ethnic lines: mpanda among the Barega, mpungi in Kikongo, and under a variety of names among the Teke, such as mvila mvili, mupara, munguani, mbabiyimi, nkuanku, and kô. The Bahungana refer to their trumpet as musembu.[23]
Flutes are widespread and diverse in form. The transverse flute, made from bamboo or wood, typically features up to five finger holes. It is referred to as mulizi by the Shi people of South Kivu, mpuela or tuti in Kikongo, and ndere among the Hema.[23]End-blown flutes share similar names in Kikongo (tuti, mpuela) and include nasal flute variants, particularly used by the Yanzi people of Kwango. Pan flutes are another notable subtype, known as bitanda among the Yaka, nshiba among the Luba, mishiba among the Songye, and mishiy among the Lunda.[23] Kikongo speakers use several terms for this instrument, including kwanga, makwanga, and mavonda. Additionally, the globular flute—a spherical wind instrument—is found among the Mongo, where it is called lofolongo, and among the Bembe, who refer to it as kitolori.[23]
Chordophones
An ngombi arched harp from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, currently in the collection of the Musical Instrument Museum (MIM), Phoenix, Arizona; likely collected in 1910, as indicated by the visible tag.
Chordophones occupy a particularly prominent place in Central African musical culture, with their strings typically fashioned from natural materials such as raffia fibers, bark strips, giraffe tail hair, or iron wire. One of the distinctive stringed instruments is the pluriarc, a multi-stringed bow-lute with several names across the region: longombe among the Nkundo, lungoyongoyo in Kikongo, ngweme among the Teke, and motumbe among the Ngombe.[23] Another notable instrument is the arched harp, a bowed string instrument with deep cultural roots, referred to as kundi among the Zande, domu among the Mangbetu, and seto among the Ngbandi.[23] The stick zither, another widely distributed instrument, is known by various names: enanga (Nande), esanzo (Mongo), inanga (Lega and Kirundi), langangu (Mbunda), lulanga (Shi), lunzenze (Luba-Kasai), and nedongu (Mangbetu).[23]
One of the most widespread and culturally significant instruments is the musical bow, often derived from a traditional hunting bow. It becomes a musical instrument when a resonating gourd is attached, and a string stretched across its frame. Played vertically, this instrument is prevalent across many Congolese ethnic groups.[23] The mouth bow, a variant of the musical bow, incorporates the performer's mouth as a resonating chamber. The string is held between the lips, and the vibrations are produced by striking the string with a stick.[23] The musical bow and its variants are known by a wide array of vernacular names. Among the Pygmies, it is called belumu; among the Boma, dweme or ngomi; and among the Nande, ekibulenge or zeze.[23] Other names include kadad (Lunda), lingungu (Lega), longofi (Mangbetu), longombi (Mongo), lukungu (Pende), lunkombe or nkutu kubidi (Luba-Kasai), lusuba (Luba-Katanga), mbela (Ngbaka), nedungu or nelingoti (Mangbetu), nguém (Teke), nzenze (Shi), and rukung (Lunda).[23] The earth-bow, a further derivative of the musical bow in which the ground serves as the resonating chamber, shares these same vernacular names.[23]
Idiophones
Chisonji lamellophone crafted by an unknown artist of the Chokwe people, late 19th century. Made of wood and iron, this intricately decorated instrument is housed at the Musical Instrument Museum in Phoenix and was featured in the exhibition Frapper le fer: L'art des forgerons africains at the Musée du Quai Branly – Jacques Chirac in Paris, France.
One of the most prominent Congolese idiophones is the sanza, a lamellophone often referred to by outsiders as the "thumb piano". The instrument consists of a rectangular wooden box, usually hollowed, onto which metallic or vegetal lamellae of varying lengths are affixed. The number of lamellae can range from six to twenty, with ten being most common, as among the Pende.[23] Widespread throughout sub-Saharan Africa, the sanza has no direct counterpart in the Western instrumental tradition. Its influence extended beyond the African continent through the transatlantic slave trade, leading to variations such as the marímbula in Cuba, manuba in Haiti, and the rumba box or "thumb piano" in Jamaica.[23]Archaeological evidence places its origins at least 3,000 years ago in what is now Cameroon. Congolese musicologist Michel Ngongo has posited a historical and musical connection between the sanza and the development of the solo guitar in Congolese popular music—a phenomenon unique in Africa, where one guitarist often assumes an exclusive melodic role.[23][24][25] Among Congolese ethnic groups, the sanza is known by a variety of vernacular names, including tshisanji tsha nzadi (Tshiluba), sambi or ndara (Kikongo), likembe (Lingala), kisanji (Teke), and esanzo (Nkundo).[23]
Other idiophones include a range of shaken instruments, most notably the rattle, which is considered a prototype form of the maracas and is used widely in traditional music, including by atalaku performers in popular dance music. These rattles often lack handles and come in diverse forms—gourd, woven, spherical, or metallic.[23] The gourd rattle, for instance, is known as mukwanga or nkwanga in Kikongo. Other names for rattles across Congolese languages include pedo (Swahili), disaka (Tshilubà), kinsakala, nsakala, nsansi (Kikongo), kisakasaka (Lingala), sheker (in music), tshotsha (Tshokwe), wanga (Ngbaka), yatsh (Kuba), and zeze (Ngbandi).[23]Bells are another form of idiophone, commonly used as rhythmic accents and worn by tam-tam drummers. In Kikongo, the bell is referred to as kiozi, nkembi a moko ("hand rattle"), or nsansi. In Cuba, a similar small bell used in Afro-Caribbean music is also known as nkembi.[23]
Friction idiophones are also present in Congolese music, notably the scraper, which may have originated in the DRC. The instrument, similar to the Latin American güiro, is played by scraping a stick or other object along a ridged surface.[23] Among Congolese peoples, this instrument bears different names, including mvunku (Tshiluba), munkwaka (Kikongo), dikwakasa (Luba of Katanga), and mukwasa (Mai-Ndombe).[23] Through the Atlantic slave trade, the scraper traveled to the Americas, where it evolved into forms now commonly found throughout Latin American music traditions.[23]
Struck or percussion idiophones
A traditional sanza of the Budu people, featuring metal keys affixed to a wooden resonator box, currently housed at the Museum aan de Stroom (MAS) in Antwerp, Belgium.
Struck or percussion idiophones are also abundant, with one of the most significant being the xylophone, which is known in West Africa as the balafon and is widely regarded as a precursor to modern keyboard instruments such as the synthesizer. Among Congolese groups, the xylophone is recognized under numerous vernacular names: pandingbwa (Zande), madimba (Kikongo, Luba, Pende), anemba (Tetela), bifanda (Yaka), djimba (Chokwe), dujimba (Lunda), didimba-dimba (Luba Katanga), endara (Nande), gbengbe (Budja), manza and bandjanda (Ngbaka, Ngbandi), and midimb (Lunda).[23] Another ancient percussion idiophone is the gong, specifically the double metal bell, which is considered one of the oldest musical instruments in the Congo. Traditionally used in dance accompaniment and later adopted into religious ceremonies by groups such as the L'Église du Saint-Esprit (Bangunza), the gong is played with a stick, alternating between the two bells. It is referred to by various names, including ngongi (Kikongo), ngonga (Tshiluba), kengele (Swahili), lubembo (Katanga), and munku or inkoro (Teke).[23]
Unconventional objects, such as an empty glass bottle, are sometimes used as idiophones as well. Most often, beer bottles are employed, held vertically and struck with a spoon to produce a percussive sound. The human body itself can function as an idiophone in traditional dance contexts, through clapping, mouth-slapping, and rhythmic stomping (techniques that generate communal energy and enhance the festive atmosphere).[23] Among the most distinctive idiophones in Congo are the wooden slit drums, such as the lokombe and lokole. The lokombe, a trapezoid-shaped instrument found primarily among the Tetela and Barega, is a type of tam-tam played with two sticks. Carved from special tree trunks, it is also used for long-distance communication.[23] The lokole, in contrast to membranophones, does not use animal hide but relies instead on a resonating slit carved into its body. Believed to have originated among the Mongo people, slit drums are made in various shapes—trapezoidal, cylindrical, tulip-shaped, half-moon, or even sculpted to resemble animals. Their resonance often surpasses that of skin drums.[23] The instrument is known by a vast array of vernacular names, mirroring its widespread use: itwoomba (Kuba), tshondo (Tshiluba, Swahili), mondo, mukonzi, nkonko, kiondo (Kikongo), kyondo (Kiluba), boungou (Lokele), bugu or gugu (Zande), gbugbu (Ngbandi), kiyondo (Songye), lokole (Batwa and Mongo), mandru (Mangbetu), mond (Lunda), mongungu (Ngombe), ndundu (Pygmies), tshingufu (Chokwe), and mukoku ngombu (Yaka). A particularly large trapezoidal version is known as lukumbi or nkumvi in Kikongo.[23]
Membranophones
A 1598 illustration by Theodor de Bry from Regnum Congo: Regnvm Congo hoc est Vera descriptio regni Africani, qvod tam ab incolis qvam Lvsitanis Congus appellatur by Filippo Pigafetta, depicting warriors of the Kingdom of Kongo. The scene features native soldiers, including a noble archer adorned with a feathered headdress, accompanied by others carrying traditional instruments such as a tam-tam drum and horn. Captioned in Latin: "Armatura tam nobiliorum quam gregariorum militum descripta lib. 1 cap. 7".
Among Congolese membranophones, the drum, commonly referred to as tam-tam or ngoma, holds a place of particular importance and is often regarded as the "king" of traditional instruments. Present in nearly all Congolese cultures, the drum performs an essential musical and social role, much like the solo guitar in popular music, by providing the primary rhythmic drive that compels audiences to dance.[23] Typically carved from long, hollowed-out tree trunks, with each community selecting wood native to its region, these drums vary widely in size, construction, and nomenclature. The standard drum shape is cylindrical, and the membrane (usually made of animal hide such as cow, goat, antelope, or sheep) is stretched over a wooden frame and secured with nails or woven cords.[23] A paste is often applied to the center of the membrane to produce a distinctive tonal quality, and tuning is commonly achieved by heating the drum over a fire.[23]
Performance techniques vary, with drums played either with bare hands or sticks, and sometimes accompanied by bells worn on the wrists to enhance rhythmic texture. Drummers generally play standing, with the instrument tied to the waist and held obliquely between the legs.[23] Drums vary significantly in size—from large instruments over a meter in height to smaller variants—depending on the cultural context. Beyond its musical function, the drum historically served as a "talking instrument", capable of transmitting coded messages to surrounding communities.[23] These rhythmic signals could announce births, funerals, enemy attacks, harvests, or communal events such as market days. While this communicative role has diminished over time, it once constituted a vital part of rural social organization.[23]
A group of Congolese men gathered in a circle performing on a tam-tam (drum) in Léopoldville, present-day Kinshasa.
There are an estimated 300 distinct types of drums in the DRC. The drum is generically known as ngoma across several languages, including Kikongo, Swahili, Tshiluba, Lingala (where mbonda is also used), and among numerous other Bantu-speaking populations.[23] Specific drum types bear more localized names: mu ngoma-ngoma (Kongo), mongei (Teke), mungele (Bangongo), mungiedi (Bahungana), bulup (Kuba), ngomo (Bahungana), ditumba (Luba of Kasaï and Katanga), mukupela (large Tshokwe drum), ndungu (elongated conical Kongo drum), ngomonene, mumbomba, and idudu (various Teke drums).[23] The double-membrane drum, with skins on both ends of a cylindrical body, is carried on the shoulder and played with one hand and one stick; in Kikongo, it is called bandi, a name derived from the English word "band".[23] The friction drum, a unique membranophone found across Congo, is played by rubbing a stick or similar implement across the membrane to produce resonant, vibratory sounds. This instrument is widely distributed and known by a variety of vernacular names: kwita (Chokwe), mfing nene (Mbunda), mondo (Yaka), mondule (Ekonda), mpwit (Lunda), ngoma i pwita (Tshiluba), mukwiti, kingulu-ngulu, nkwiti (Kikongo), pwita (Songye), koy na bula (Kuba, Pende), and ngoma wa bimrunku or tambwe ngoma (Kanyoka).[23] In Cuba, the instrument is known as kinfuiti, a term believed to be a linguistic transformation of the Kikongo word nkwiti.[23]
Less common but still culturally significant is the frame drum, particularly among the Kongo and Pende peoples. Circular in form, the frame drum is played with the hands, and tonal variation is achieved by applying pressure to the membrane with the heel of the palm. The instrument is traditionally played while seated, with the drum held between the legs.[23] Among the Luba-Shankadi, it is called tambur (a distortion of the French tambour), and among the Luba of Kasaï, the generic term ngoma is used. The patenge, a specific variant, is thought to have influenced the development of Cuban bongos. The talking drum, known as ntambu in Kikongo, is recognized for its ritual and communicative roles.[23]
History of popular music
Colonial times (pre-1960)
Since the colonial era, Kinshasa, Congo's capital, has been one of the great centers of musical innovation. The country, however, was carved out from territories controlled by many different ethnic groups, many of which had little in common with each other. Each maintained (and continue to do so) their own folk music traditions, and there was little in the way of a pan-Congolese musical identity until the 1940s.
In both the former French Congo and Belgian Congo (modern-day Republic of the Congo and Democratic Republic of the Congo), the popular partnered dance music was initially known as maringa. This dance originated among the Kongo people within the historical Kingdom of Loango, encompassing present-day areas of the Republic of the Congo, southern Gabon, and Angola's Cabinda Province.[6][5] Maringa utilized a combination of traditional instruments such as the patengé (a small frame drum), a glass bottle used as a triangle, and a variant of the likembe (a thumb piano) with steel reeds.[6] The dance was characterized by a rhythmic swaying of the hips, alternating weight from leg to leg, and was stylistically reminiscent of the Afro-Cuban rumba. By the 1930s, partnered dance had become widespread throughout the Congo region.[6] According to ethnomusicologist Kazadi wa Mukuna, early recording studios began to market maringa as "rumba", blending in the newer rumba rhythm while keeping the original name.[11] Scholar Phyllis Martin also noted that the interest of the White elite in Brazzaville in Latin American music—especially after Cuban rumba's exposure at the 1932 Chicago World's Fair—played a significant role in this transition.[6] Nonetheless, both colonial and African elites often favored dances like the tango and the biguine. In 1934, Jean Réal, a French director of entertainment from Martinique, coined the term "Congo Rumba" when he founded a band of the same name in Brazzaville in 1938.[6][26][27] Several institutions key to the development of Congolese popular music were established soon thereafter: Olympia and its associated labels (Novelty, Kongo Bina, and Lomeka) were founded in 1939 by Fernand Jansens and Albert Patou; Studio Congolia, affiliated with Radio Congolia, was created in 1941 by Jean Hourdebise.[28] In August 1941, Congolese musicologist Emmanuel Okamba documented the formation of Victoria Brazza, an ensemble led by Paul Kamba in Poto-Poto, Brazzaville. Their performances blended the traditional maringa rhythm with modern instrumentation, including accordion, guitar, mandolin, and banjo, creating what would become known as modern Congolese rumba—a fusion of programmable modern sounds with the intuitive, non-programmable textures of traditional instruments.[29]
1945 photo spread from Nos Images, a weekly magazine printed in French and the four main languages of the Belgian Congo (Lingala, Kiswahili, Kikongo, and Tshiluba). The images celebrate the fifth anniversary of Radio Congo Belge pour les Indigènes' (RCBI) African Program, showing the station's record library, a wall of listener photos and letters, and studio scenes, including Pauline Lisanga, RCBI's first female voice and a singer of emerging Congolese music, reading requests live.
A similar development occurred in Kinshasa, where vocalist Antoine Wendo Kolosoy formed the group Victoria-Kin in 1943. His ensemble employed instruments such as the patenge, the mukwasa (a scraper), and a bass drum. Wendo, renowned along the Congo River, performed with up to 15 choristers, including his cousin Léon Yangu Mbale.[28] His work inspired Henri Bowane, born in Mbandaka to a Congolese father from Brazzaville, who briefly formed the vocal group Victoria-Coquilathville before settling in Kinshasa on 25 December 1949. Bowane played a central role in the promotion of Kinshasa's evolving rumba style, particularly following the founding of key recording companies such as Ngoma (by John Nicolas Jeronimidis) and Kina (by Gabriel Benatar) in 1948.[28] Simultaneously, Cuban son music—performed by groups like Sexteto Habanero, Trio Matamoros, and Los Guaracheros de Oriente—was broadcast on Radio Congo Belge in Kinshasa. Musicians adapted Cuban son's instrumentation—piano, percussion, and brass—by transposing these elements onto electric guitars and saxophones, sometimes singing in phonetic Spanish or French.[30][31][32] Over time, Congolese artists began incorporating indigenous rhythms and melodic structures.[32] Notably, the term "Congolese rumba" emerged due to the mislabeling of Cuban records as "rumba" by importers.[11] According to Kazadi wa Mukuna, Congolese rumba was not a direct adaptation of Cuban dance forms, but rather a reinterpretation of the name and instrumentation, ultimately returning to maringa's rhythmic foundations.[33] He argued that the name "rumba" was retained primarily for commercial appeal, while musicians gravitated back to patterns that could be more readily integrated with newly acquired instruments and aligned with traditional music and dance structures.[33]
Léon Bukasa and De Saio (Manoka Souleymane) in 1958. De Saio was the son of a Senegalese father and became known for his contributions to Congolese rumba.
Before the establishment of formal bands, early Congolese music was dominated by solo singers, such as Antoine Wendo Kolosoy, Henri Bowane, Léon Bukasa, Antoine Kasongo Kitenge, Camille Feruzi, Adou Elenga, Baudouin Mavula, Jean Bosco Mwenda wa Bayeke, Baba Gaston, Kabongo Paris, and Manoka Desaïo.[28] On the female front, pioneering artists between 1951 and 1959 included Lucie Eyenga (considered the first woman in sub-Saharan Africa to record music), Tekele Mokango, Anne Ako, the duos Esther Sudila & Léonine Mbongo, Jeanne Ninin & Caroline Mpia, as well as Marie Kitoto, Albertine Ndaye, Martha Badibala, Pauline Lisanga, and Marcelle Ebibi—the latter being Cameroonian-born and married to Guy-Léon Fylla of Brazzaville.[28]
Following World War II, a group of coastal West Africans—referred to locally as the Popo and placed below Europeans and métis (mixed-race) in the colonial social hierarchy—settled in the Belgian Congo as accountants and administrators. To occupy their leisure time, they formed the Excelsior Orchestra in Boma.[28] This group was modeled on Ghana's Excelsior of Accra (founded in 1914 by Franck Torto) and performed on weekends in rudimentary bars and public spaces.[28] Their repertoire included maringa and highlife played on European instruments such as guitar, saxophone, chromatic accordion, trumpet, and piano. According to Bowane, this group later gave rise to a second formation, Jazz Popo, which served as a significant influence on emerging Congolese musicians.[28]
In 1942, historian Kanza Matondo records the formation of three Congolese brass orchestras: Odéon, led by Kabamba and Booth; Américain, under the leadership of brothers Alex and André Tshibangu; and Martinique, founded by Kasongo, Fernandès, Booth, and Malonga. These ensembles marked the advent of Congolese group-based music initiatives.[28] Jean-Pierre François Nimy Nzonga, Mfumu Fylla Saint-Eudes, and several online sources document additional vocal and brass ensembles active during the 1940s. Chief among them was Odéon Kinois, comprised largely of alumni from the Boma Colonial School (Colonie Scolaire de Boma).[28] This group was led by Justin Disasi, a playwright who would later become the elected mayor of Kalamu in 1956. The initiative stemmed from Eugène Kabamba, a civil servant in the Ministry of Finance and President of the Assanef (Association des anciens élèves des Frères des écoles chrétiennes).[28] In 1947, Disasi assumed leadership of the orchestra Melo Kin, a Kinshasa-based successor to Melo Congo, originally founded in Brazzaville by saxophonist Emmanuel Dadet. Disasi's tenure at Odéon Kinois concluded that same year when he was succeeded by trumpeter René Kisumuna, a fellow alumnus of the Boma school.[28] Odéon Kinois, then regarded as a leading ensemble, faced growing competition from other orchestras, including Américain and splinter groups led by musicians such as Antoine Kasongo Kitenge and Jean Lopongo. Lopongo's group eventually performed at Siluvangi Bar, a venue previously associated with Camille Feruzi's orchestra.[28]
The orchestra of Antoine Kasongo Kitenge in 1950.
Odéon Kinois—most commonly linked to Disasi—should not be conflated with the similarly named ensemble founded by Kabamba and Booth, nor with Odéon Vocal, led by Léon Yayu and Mulangi. All three formations are dated to 1942 and were based in Kinshasa. The ensemble Américain, founded in 1945 and led by Pierre Disu, emerged within a context shaped by the temporary presence of American military personnel stationed at Ndolo airfield during World War II.[28] These troops, monitoring Soviet submarine activity, entertained local audiences with New Orleans-style jazz. In both Américain and Odéon Kinois, proficiency in musical notation (solfège) was a prerequisite for membership.[28] According to Antoine Wendo, the earliest Congolese ensemble predating the influence of the Coastmen and the Excelsior Orchestra was that of Antoine Kasongo Kitenge, a clarinetist and later saxophonist originally from Maniema. Kasongo received musical training in the brass band of Sainte-Cécile School in Kintambo, later joined by Jean Lopongo. He went on to establish his own jazz orchestra, which performed at public dances in Parc de Bock (now Kinshasa Botanical Garden). Despite assertions by musicologist Clément Ossinondé, Kasongo's orchestra was distinct from Odéon Kinois.[28]
The Martinique Orchestra, directed by Rufin Mutinga—described as "deputy assistant to the first burgomaster"—bears a name with debated origins. According to Matondo, it likely derived its name from the cultural presence of Martinican soldiers stationed in Brazzaville. These soldiers, performing for recreation, contributed to the spread of the biguine rhythm, commonly referred to locally as "martiniquais".[28] This rhythm, also popularized by the Américain group, shared stylistic similarities with the musical approach of Odéon Kinois. During this period, many Congolese orchestras incorporated the biguine rhythm into their repertoire, adapting it to local musical idioms.[28] Antoine Kasongo began releasing music through the Olympia label in 1947, before signing with Ngoma in 1949. His collaboration with guitarist Zacharie Elenga, known as "Jimmy à la Hawaïenne" (Jimmy the Hawaiian), resulted in several influential recordings, including "Libala liboso se sukali" ("Marriage is sweet at first"), "Baloba balemba" ("We don't care about their gossip"), "Naboyaki kobina" ("I refused to dance"), "Se na mboka" ("It's in the village"), "Sebene", "Nzungu ya sika" ("New pot" or metaphorically, "new woman"), among others.[28] Notably, vocalists Jeanne Ninin and Caroline Mpia contributed significantly to these recordings.[28] The sebene, an instrumental bridge used to accentuate guitar improvisation, emerged prominently during this period and is largely attributed to Kasongo's innovation.[34][35] Contrary to Ossinondé's interpretation, Harmonie Kinoise and Odéon Kinois were not necessarily the same ensemble.[28] Nyimi Nzonga refers to Kasongo's group simply as "Antoine Kasongo and his orchestra" under the Ngoma label. He describes Kasongo as a virtuoso of solfège who trained initially in the brass band of the Marist Brothers' School in Kisangani and who briefly performed with Américain, a rival group composed of alumni from the Colonial School of Boma.[28]
Kinshasa nightlife in 1960, where Congolese and white patrons dance together to the rhythms of Congolese rumba in a local bar.
By the 1950s, several local record labels, including CEFA (Compagnie d'Énregistrements Folkloriques Africains), Ngoma, Loningisa, Esengo, and Opika, began releasing 78 rpm records, which thus facilitated the genre's spread.[36][37][38][39] Belgian producer Bill Alexandre, working with CEFA, introduced electric guitars to local musicians.[36] During this period, the Kinshasa population grew exponentially, rising from 49,972 in 1940 to over 200,000 by 1950. This expansion brought increased ethnic and racial diversity, and established Kinshasa as a central hub of cultural and economic activity in the Belgian Congo.[28] The city's urban growth was mirrored by the proliferation of leisure spaces, particularly bars and nightclubs, which became prominent sites of social interaction, musical performance, and entertainment for both migrant laborers and urban residents.[28] These establishments played a dual role: while serving the colonial administration's agenda for pacification and social control (often referred to as the "Pax Belga"), they simultaneously provided the African population with venues for leisure, self-expression, and community-building.[28] Bars were described as centers of style, sociability, and emerging cultural values. They were venues where aesthetic sensibilities, financial status, and modern identities were publicly displayed.[28] Of the more than one hundred bars operating in Kinshasa by the mid-century, approximately twenty held official authorization to host dancing. Prominent among these were the O.K. Bar, Macauley, Kongo Bar, Siluvangi, Quist, Zeka Bar, Amouzou, Air France, and the Home des Mulâtres.[28] These establishments were referred to as "the pride and heart of urban life", epitomizing what was perceived as the pinnacle of the urban culture generated through colonial capitalist contact.[28] Some of these bars were owned or managed by Coastmen, while others, such as the Home des Mulâtres, were marked by racial segregation, serving only the métis population. This latter venue in particular symbolized the persistence of colonial racial hierarchies in spaces that might otherwise have fostered social integration.[28]
In 1953, the Congolese music scene began to differentiate itself with the formation of African Jazz (led by Joseph "Le Grand Kallé" Kabasele), the first full-time orchestra dedicated to recording and performance, and the emergence of fifteen-year-old guitarist Franco Luambo.[40][41][42] Both would become among the earliest luminaries of Congolese music.[40][41][42]
1950–70
Return to maringa and integration of traditional elements
By the early 1960s, many imported dance and music styles had fallen out of favor, replaced by guitar-driven forms rooted in traditional Congolese sources. Ethnomusicologist Kazadi wa Mukuna observed that as the novelty of Latin American influences waned, musicians returned to maringa, which was easily adapted to modern instrumentation. This approach re-integrated traditional rhythms and dances into rumba's structure without compromising local aesthetic principles.[33] Modern instruments expanded the harmonic and tonal range, with the guitar supplanting both indigenous melodic instruments—such as the likembe and madimba—and certain European imports like the violin and accordion. During this transitional period, Congolese rumba—often still called maringa—proved highly adaptable to indigenous rhythmic frameworks.[33] Its standard structure evolved into a multi-section format: an instrumental prelude, the principal verse (sometimes abstract in delivery), an instrumental interlude, a reprise of the verse with a modified cadence leading to the refrain (frequently a call-and-response between the lead vocalist and chorus), the sebene improvisation, and a coda derived from the refrain.[33] This framework permitted extensive improvisation, encouraging rhythmic and melodic innovation and giving rise to numerous substyles. Among the most notable were soukous (1966), kiri-kiri (1969), cavacha (1972), mokonyonyon (1977), engoss and its variant zekete-zekete (1977–1987), kwassa kwassa, (1986), madiaba (1988), mayebo (1990), mayeno (1991), and sundama and kintekuna (1992).[33] These developments were strongly tied to ethnic traditions, as many new dances incorporated movements from specific communities. For example, Papa Wemba's mokonyonyon (1977) drew from the Tetela people's dances, while Lita Bembo's Ekonda saccade (1972) reflected Mongo heritage. The sundama, popularized by Swede-Swede, also originated from Mongo traditions.[33] The kwasa-kwasa, introduced in 1986 by Empire Bakuba, echoed a Kongosocial dance, and the mayeno style of TPOK Jazz was derived from Bantandu traditions of Kongo Central.[33] Ultimately, the evolution of Congolese rumba adhered to indigenous aesthetic norms, which affirmed Kazadi wa Mukuna's view that urban Congolese music was fundamentally rooted in maringa rather than in borrowed Latin forms.[33] The Latin American rumba and other foreign forms introduced in the 1940s primarily served as training tools for mastering new instruments and orchestration. Once these skills were acquired, Latin forms were abandoned due to their limited adaptability to Congolese traditions.[33] However, the term "rumba" persisted largely due to the commercial strategies of the recording industry, even as the music itself had become an entirely localized cultural expression.[33]
Big bands
TPOK Jazz (left) and African Jazz (right) stand out as the most influential and prominent big bands in the history of Congolese popular music.
During the 1960 Round Table Conference in Brussels, convened to determine the political future of the Belgian Congo, Congolese nationalist Thomas Kanza arranged for musicians to participate in diplomatic and social functions.[43] On 27 January 1960, Joseph Kabasele (known as "Le Grand Kallé") and his band, African Jazz, became the first Congolese musical group and rumba band to perform in Brussels.[44][45][46] That day, they debuted the Congolese rumba song "Indépendance Cha Cha" at the Hôtel Plaza to mark the formal recognition of the Congo's forthcoming independence, which would be proclaimed on 30 June 1960.[47][48][49] Sung in Lingala, the composition became an anthem for independence movements across Francophone Africa and was widely performed at public celebrations and gatherings.[50][51]
Nico Kasanda leading the Orchestre African Fiesta Sukisa.
Throughout the 1960s, both African Jazz and TPOK Jazz maintained prominence in the Congolese music scene, with TPOK Jazz under Franco Luambo Makiadi ultimately dominating for two decades.[40][42][52][53] African Jazz experienced significant internal fractures, beginning in 1963 when its guitarist Nicolas Kasanda, known as Docteur Nico, and his brother Charles Déchaud Mwamba departed following financial disputes.[54][55] Although temporarily reconciled in 1961, tensions persisted.[55] In 1963, Docteur Nico and vocalist Tabu Ley Rochereau left permanently to form African Fiesta.[56][57] Their collaboration dissolved in 1965, leading Tabu Ley to rebrand the band as Orchestre African Fiesta 1966, later Orchestre African Fiesta National Le Peuple, and eventually Orchestre Afrisa International, alongside the creation of his own record label, Flash, which was sometimes called "Editions Flash", "Flash Rochereau Chante", or "Flash Edition Express Rochereau Chante".[58][59][60] Docteur Nico founded African Fiesta Sukisa.[56][57]
Docteur Nico was instrumental in defining the role of the electric guitar in African popular music, pioneering the integration of the mi-solo guitar into Congolese rumba and influencing the development of soukous.[61] Unlike the two-guitar structure common in Western genres, Congolese dance music employed three guitars: rhythm, mi-solo (half-solo), and lead. The mi-solo often carried syncopated ostinatos, or guajeos, complementing the harmonic progression and freeing the lead guitar to perform elaborate melodic lines.[61] Dr. Nico's style, characterized by fluid arpeggios, double-stops, rhythmic punctuations, and the use of tremolo and reverb, contrasted with Franco's more traditionalist approach.[61][41][62][63] His work earned him the epithet L'Éternel Docteur Nico ("the Eternal Doctor Nico"), and his reputation extended internationally, and American guitarist Jimi Hendrix expressed a desire to meet him during a Paris tour after hearing of his technical mastery.[61]
The Congolese rumba band Ry-Co Jazz was a major act under the French label Disques Vogue during the 1960s. Founded by Henri Bowane at the Loningisa studio in Kinshasa in 1958, the group's name stood for "Rhythme-Congolaise".
Despite the prestige of Orchestre Afrisa International, it could not match the sustained influence of TPOK Jazz. Rivalries between bands often included attempts to recruit each other's musicians, sometimes leading to public exchanges, such as Franco's satirical open letter in L'Étoile du Congo. Papa Noël Nedule, who trained notable figures including Pépé Kallé and Madilu System, also faced the loss of musicians to rival bands.[55] Nevertheless, these orchestras served as formative institutions for some of the most influential Congolese artists, including Franco Luambo, Sam Mangwana, Vicky Longomba, Ndombe Opetum, Dizzy Madjeku, and Verckys Kiamuangana Mateta.[40][42][64] Sam Mangwana, in particular, maintained a strong following across various bands, from Vox Africa and Festival des Marquisards to Afrisa, TPOK Jazz, and later his own African All Stars.[65][66][67] Other significant orchestras of the era included Orchestre Conga-Jazz and Orchestre Cobantou, the latter founded by Paul Ebengo Dewayon.[68] Meanwhile, Mose Se Sengo of TPOK Jazz extended the reach of Congolese rumba to East Africa, particularly Kenya, after relocating there in 1974 with his band Somo Somo.[69][70][71][72] Beyond Central Africa, Congolese rumba proliferated through the rest of Africa.[73][74][75]
During the same era, students at Lycée Prince de Liège in Gombe, Kinshasa, developed a fascination with American rock and funk, especially after James Brown visited Kinshasa in 1974. From this environment emerged Los Nickelos and Thu Zahina.[76][77][78][79][80] Los Nickelos later moved to Brussels, while Thu Zahina, though short-lived, achieved legendary status for their throbbing performances characterized by frenetic, funk-infused drumming during the sebene and an often psychedelic edge.[76]
This period coincided with significant political and cultural transformations under President Mobutu Sese Seko, and in 1971, against the backdrop of relative economic stability, growing international recognition, and the suppression of political opposition, he initiated the process of Zaireanisation (also known as authenticité).[90] Although Zaire faced an intensifying economic crisis due to inadequate investment in infrastructure, central Kinshasa was presented as a showcase of prosperity to the international community. These efforts reflected Mobutu's emphasis on projecting an image of modernity through symbolic displays of power.[90] Before Mobutism was codified as the official state ideology, authenticité functioned as a cultural program designed to forge a distinct national identity. Citizens were required to adopt African names, wear attire imbued with "revolutionary" symbolism, and address one another as citoyen rather than monsieur.[90] Popular music played a central role in this project, as Mobutu reorganized the industry to align with authenticité by transferring foreign-owned recording and distribution companies to Zairean nationals, appointing Franco Luambo as his cultural envoy, and financing artists through a state-run recording agency.[90] In return, popular music was harnessed to reinforce the regime's image.[90] By the 1980s, musicians who had emerged from Zaïko Langa Langa dominated Kinshasa's cultural scene, founding influential bands such as Choc Stars and Viva La Musica, the latter under Papa Wemba's leadership.[84][85]
Internationalization of soukous and the rise of ndombolo
During the 1980s, mounting sociopolitical upheaval in Zaire prompted many musicians to relocate abroad. Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda, and Colombia served as temporary refuges, while Paris, Brussels, and London developed into major centers for Congolese music.[91][92][93][94][95] Paris, in particular, became a hub for soukous, where Congolese musicians engaged with European and Caribbean influences, synthesizers, and modern production techniques.[96] Soukous in this period garnered a wide global following, with leading figures such as Papa Wemba, Pépé Kallé, Kanda Bongo Man, and Rigo Star achieving acclaim across Europe, Africa, and the Caribbean.[96][97][98] Papa Wemba also became closely associated with the La Sape movement, a cultural phenomenon defined by flamboyant displays of luxury fashion.[99][100][101][102] Meanwhile, Kinshasa continued to produce notable musicians such as Bimi Ombale and Dindo Yogo.[103][104][105] The diversification of genres included the rise of madiaba and the popularization of Tshala Mwana's mutuashi, rooted in Luba tradition.[106][107][108][109] In 1985, Franco and TPOK Jazz released Mario, an album steeped in Congolese rumba; its title track became an immediate hit, selling over 200,000 copies in Zaire and earning gold certification.[110] Zaïko Langa Langa also cemented its international reputation by appearing on French national television (TF1) in 1987 and securing second place in the Référendum RFI Canal Tropical, behind the Antillean band Kassav'.[111]
From the late 1980s onward, successive generations of musicians continued to redefine Congolese popular music. Among Viva La Musica's protégés, Koffi Olomide emerged as the most influential figure of the early 1990s.[112][113] His main rivals were J.B. Mpiana and Werrason, both veterans of Wenge Musica, a band that played a pivotal role in developing ndombolo.[114] Characterized by rapid guitar lines, synthesizer-driven arrangements, energetic percussion, and the interplay of atalaku chants with melodic vocals,[20][115][116] ndombolo dominated Congolese music throughout the 1990s and 2000s.[117][118][119] Even Koffi's later repertoire increasingly centered on ndombolo compositions.[120][121]
Hip-hop
Kinshasa emerged as a hub for Congolese hip-hop through a complex convergence of cultural shifts, political change, and youthful determination. While the city in the late 1980s and 1990s was largely dominated by "musique typique"—a flourishing tradition led by prominent figures such as Koffi Olomidé, Werrason, and JB Mpiana—a new generation of artists began carving space for hip hop as early as the 1990s.[122] The roots of the Congolese hip-hop movement can be traced to the twilight years of Mobutu Sese Seko's regime when political instability and growing disillusionment among youth created fertile ground for alternative cultural expression. Affluent teenagers in residential neighborhoods, exposed to American and French rap through satellite television and tapes sent from relatives abroad, began emulating this genre, performing at student parties and school dances.[122] The fall of Mobutu in 1997, during the First Congo War, marked a pivotal shift: the liberalization of the media landscape allowed the proliferation of private radio and television stations, making unprecedented exposure for local rap music to be aired alongside dominant Congolese genres.[122]
Alex Dende, known professionally as Lexxus Legal, is a prominent figure in Congolese hip-hop and a co-founder of the group Pensée Brute Noire (PBN), recognized for pioneering a combative and protest-oriented style of rap in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.[123]
Innoss'B, born and raised in Goma, North Kivu Province, is known for blending traditional Congolese rhythms with contemporary hip-hop and R&B. His success has significantly impacted the genre in the DRC by enhancing its visibility, modernizing its sound, and demonstrating the global potential of Congolese youth in popular music.[124]
Between 1997 and 2001, pioneering Congolese rap groups based in Kinshasa, including Bawuta-Kin, PNB (Pensée Nègre Brute), Section Bantoue, and Smoke emerged, self-producing their music with scant financial resources. Operating on modest budgets, they recorded in home studios, pooled money to shoot music videos, and paid television hosts for ephemeral airplay slots.[122] These early artists encountered resistance in a musical culture that had long been rooted in danceability, rhythmic energy, and escapist lyricism. In contrast, hip-hop's proclivity for incisive social commentary rendered its practitioners as iconoclasts (derisively labeled empêcheurs d'ambiancer en rond, or killjoys) within a community that preferred music that encouraged euphoric enjoyment.[122] Despite scarce commercial support, especially after local music producers fled during the looting of the early 1990s, Kinshasa's rap scene persisted. Artists turned to public venues like La Halle de la Gombe to perform in professional conditions.[122] Meanwhile, rap spread from the elite neighborhoods into working-class areas such as Ndjili, the Yolo quartier of Kalamu commune, and Kabambaré Territory in Maniema Province, with youth incorporating Lingala, French, Kikongo, Swahili, and other local languages into their lyrics.[122] Some acts, like Bawuta-Kin and PNB, incorporated samples from Congolese music legends such as Franco Luambo, Koffi Olomidé, and Tshala Muana, creating a distinctive local flavor that helped bridge generational and cultural divides.[122] The scene's growing legitimacy was underscored by a landmark moment in December 2003, when approximately 60,000 people gathered at the Stade des Martyrs for a major hip-hop concert. Although often marginalized and lacking financial backing, Kinshasa's hip-hop artists succeeded in establishing a vibrant subculture.[122] One of the movement's most influential figures is Lexxus Legal, a co-founding member of PNB. Known for his politically engaged lyrics, Lexxus Legal became a symbol of Congolese hip-hop activism.[125][126][127][128] He earned national and international recognition, receiving accolades such as the African Renaissance Hip Hop Award (Senegal, 2010) and the Ndule Award (2009).[125][126][129] He is widely regarded as the "icon of Congolese hip hop" and a prominent voice in African rap.[125][130]
Other artists followed with varying stylistic approaches. Goma-born rapper Innoss'B gained continental recognition with his 2017 hit "Ozo Beta Mabe",[131][132][133][134] and became the first Congolese musician to surpass 100 million YouTube views with his "Yo Pe" remix featuring Tanzanian singer Diamond Platnumz.[135][136][137] Kinshasa native Gaz Fabilouss achieved similar success with his 2018 EP Jeune courageux, which produced popular tracks like "Aye" (featuring Koffi Olomidé), "Salaire", and "Love Story".[138] Rapper Alesh, born in Kisangani, is noted for his sharp political commentary and humorous portrayal of Congolese life. His 2018 single "Biloko ya boye", released in the lead-up to national elections, urged voters to hold corrupt politicians accountable.[139] His lyrics frequently explore themes such as governance failures, poor living conditions, and social inequality.[139]
Similarly, the duo MPR (Musique Populaire de la Révolution), composed of Zozo Machine and Yuma, embraces a nostalgic aesthetic drawn from Mobutu-era symbolism.[139] Their 2019 breakout track "Dollars" catalyzed widespread recognition,[139] followed in 2020 by their inclusion in the rap collective Cité Zaïre, whose freestyle "Éternel Courageux" exhorted Congolese youth toward self-determination and industriousness.[140] MPR's 2021 mixtape Première leçon, featuring tracks such as "Nini to sali té", garnered acclaim for its critique of post-independence governance.[141][142][143] The music video was banned nationwide by the National Commission for the Censorship of Songs and Performances for violating procedural regulations, including failure to seek prior approval—a common tactic used to restrict politically sensitive content.[142][144][145] In the same vein, Kinshasa-based rapper Bob Elvis also rose to fame through politically conscious compositions that confront institutional hypocrisy.[146][147] His track "Lettre à Ya Tshitshi" criticizes the distribution of luxury vehicles to national deputies, juxtaposing this extravagance with ongoing social neglect. The accompanying music video depicts the artist standing before a coffin adorned with the image of Étienne Tshisekedi, symbolically addressing the deceased opposition leader and father of President Félix Tshisekedi.[142][144] Like MPR, Bob Elvis also faced state censorship, with six of his videos—including "Lettre à Ya Tshitshi"—being banned.[142][144]
Despite limited female representation in the Congolese hip-hop scene, Sista Becky has emerged as a trailblazer, debuting with the single "Mr le Rap" in 2017 and followed by tracks like "Flip Flop", "Notorious Spirit", and "Emotions", establishing herself as the leading female voice in a male-dominated space.[139] In 2023, Kolwezi-born RJ Kanierra experienced rapid success with his single "Tia", which amassed over two million YouTube views in just two weeks.[148][149] The track topped charts on various platforms, including Boomplay and Shazam.[149][150] Other noteworthy contributors to the genre include Marshall Dixon, NMB La Panthère, Lyke Mike, Herléo Muntu, K-Melia, Negue Fly Nsau, Celeo Scram, and Spilulu.[151]
The intersection of politics and popular music has been a defining feature of the country's cultural history, particularly since the mid-20th century. Congolese musicians have often acted as both chroniclers and promoters of political developments. The military coup of 24 November 1965, which brought Mobutu Sese Seko to power, occurred at a time when the Congolese political class was still in its formative stage.[152] In the aftermath, the public seeking stability and peace generally welcomed the new regime, which had promised to return power to civilian authorities within five years, a pledge that was never fulfilled. In the first decade of Mobutu's rule, music became a medium through which the regime's political and socio-economic objectives were communicated.[152] Themes in popular songs included nationalism, pan-Africanism, political programs, and notable political events. Early examples include Franco Luambo and TPOK Jazz's "Contentieux Belgo-Congolais enterré" ("Belgian-Congolese Dispute Buried", 1967) and Jean Munsi Kwamy with Orchestre Révolution's "Ndimbala ya Zaïre" ("Explanation of the Zaïre Currency", 1967).[152]Tabu Ley Rochereau contributed several works, including "Cinq ans" ("Five Years", 1965) with African Fiesta, "Objectif 80" (1966) with African Fiesta 66, and "Révolution comparaison" (1968) with Orchestre Afrisa International. Other notable songs from the era include Lasse and Orchestre Los Angel's "Retroussons les manches" ("Let's Roll Up Our Sleeves', 1966) and Jeannot Bombenga's 1967 "Mbula ya sacrifices" ("1967 Year of Sacrifices", 1967).[152]
While this alignment with state narratives afforded musicians increased visibility, it also drew criticism from the public and the national press, who accused certain artists of partisan opportunism. Nevertheless, Congolese popular music established a distinctive political voice, portraying national leaders to the public, celebrating their achievements, and promoting state policies.[152] Notable examples included Joseph Mwena and African Fiesta National's "Lumumba libérateur" (1967), Bikasi Mandeko and Orchestre Saka Saka's "Mobutu médiateur" (1968), Tabu Ley Rochereau and Afrisa International's "Martin Luther King" (1968), and Tabu Ley Rochereau and L'Orchestre African Fiesta National Le Peuple's "Kashama Nkoy" (1969).[152]
Political figures, the cult of personality, political animation, and propaganda
Throughout the 1970s, musical references to political figures became increasingly tied to electoral campaigns or commemorations of state events. Notable examples from this period include Franco and TPOK Jazz's "Mwaku elombe ya Kwango" (1970), "Président Eyadema" (1975), "Votez Litho Moboti au Bureau Politique" (1977), and "Votez Bomboko au Bureau Politique" (1977). By the latter part of the decade, these references largely concentrated on the person of the President.[152]
Following the establishment of the Popular Movement of the Revolution (Mouvement Populaire de la Révolution, MPR) in 1967, music became an instrument for reinforcing the one-party state's ideology and for mythologizing Mobutu. Nationalist ideals gradually ceded to political opportunism and, in some cases, uncritical glorification.[152] Mobutu was extolled through grandiose epithets such as "father", "guide", "messenger of God", "leopard", "sun", and "prophet".[152] Songs emblematic of this period included Bombenga and Orchestre Vox Africa's "C.V.R." ("Corps des Volontaires de la République", 1966), Joseph "Mujos" Mulamba and Orchestre Révolution's "M.P.R." (1967), Paul Ebengo Dewayon and Orchestre Cobantou's "M.P.R." (1967), Jojo and Orchestre Dombes' "M.P.R. ekobenga banso" ("M.P.R. Calls Everyone", 1967), Sam Mangwana and Orchestre Festival des Maquisards' "Congo ya M.P.R." ("Congo Goes with M.P.R.", 1967), Franco and TPOK Jazz's "Votez vert" ("Vote for You", 1970), and Franco and TPOK Jazz's "Candidat na biso Mobutu" ("Mobutu is My Candidate", 1984).[152]
In 1973, the regime institutionalized the concept of "political animation songs", blending popular, folk, and modern dance styles into compositions that celebrated the President and promoted the tenets of Mobutism. The First National Political and Cultural Festival (Premier Festival National Politique et Culturel) brought together political animation groups from all provinces.[152] This initiative led to the creation of the Ministry of Mobilization, Propaganda, and Political Animation (Mobilisation, Propagande et Animation Politique; MOPAP), institutionalizing musical propaganda. Political animation eventually permeated even religious music, exemplified by the work of Father Imana Botumbi.[152] Despite state control, some musicians returned to the traditional role of the artist: to educate, raise moral awareness, and, at times, voice dissent. When criticism was too overt, the state censorship apparatus responded with severity. For example, Franco's alleged "Cravate nationale" ("National Tie"), reportedly inspired by the 1966 execution of the "Pentecost martyrs", was never released and resulted in state security intervention.[152] To evade censorship, musicians often employed allegory, metaphor, and riddles, allowing audiences to decode political messages through "popular rumor".[152] Works exemplifying this approach include Tabu Ley Rochereau and African Fiesta National Le Peuple's "Mokolo Nakokufa" (1966), Roy Innocent and Orchestre Cobantou's "Nyama ya Zamba" (1968), Tabu Ley Rochereau and African Fiesta National Le Peuple's "Kashama Nkoy" (1969), Franco and TPOK Jazz's "Lettre à M. D.G." (1987), and Franco and TPOK Jazz's "Tailleur" (1987).[152]
The democratic transition (24 April 1990–17 May 1997)
The democratic transition in Zaire was formally initiated on 24 April 1990, marking the official end of the one-party state. The shift from a single-party system to what was often described as "excessive multipartyism", combined with a partial relaxation of the state's stringent censorship on free expression, produced a proliferation of political leaders, reminiscent of the First Republic, and a multitude of party founder-presidents.[152] This rapid political diversification, however, generated widespread confusion among the populace, politicians, and musicians. Political developments occurred at a relentless pace, involving a series of round tables, the Sovereign National Conference (Conférence nationale souveraine), and multiple agreements—most of which were violated shortly after their signing.[152] Musicians often struggled to process these events or to respond in a manner with enduring artistic and political impact. Questions emerged over what subjects to address, and for whom the messages should be intended, with the risk of public ridicule looming over overtly political works.[152] An example of this was Simaro Lutumba and TPOK Jazz's "Banque Centrale" (1994), intended to promote public understanding of monetary reform and encourage civic responsibility. Released on 1 January 1994, the song was rendered politically obsolete within days, as the government acknowledged the reform's failure (a fact confirmed by the President himself in a speech on 4 January).[152]
During the Sovereign National Conference, specially commissioned songs were broadcast on television and radio as introductory themes to news segments. However, these works were short-lived, quickly replaced as political circumstances shifted. The song "La réconciliation" (1992) by Madilu System and Deneewade became emblematic of the "catastrophic" conclusion of the conference.[152] The final decade of the Second Republic offered little social relief to Congolese citizens, and musicians, still reeling from two decades of creative repression, often appeared disengaged from political commentary.[152] Many artists had gone into exile and their contribution during the democratization process was "negative across the board". Unlike earlier generations (represented by Adou Elenga, Le Grand Kallé, and Paul Lomami-Tshibamba) whose works had seized political milestones, the democratization period left little in the way of a musical record for posterity.[152] One notable exception was Tabu Ley Rochereau's "Le Glas a sonné" (1993), produced in exile, which addressed the political situation directly. Yet such cases were rare, and many established artists remained silent, whether out of fear of reprisals, disillusionment, or lack of inspiration.[152]
With the dismantling of the one-party propaganda apparatus, political songs disappeared from the airwaves, and the slogans and melodies once imposed on the public were quickly forgotten. In their place, religious choirs flourished. Religious music, which had entered the realm of political animation under Father Imana Botumbi, reclaimed its spiritual mission during the democratic transition.[152] Figures such as Father Makamba Ma Mazinga produced widely circulated works, including "Popopo" (1993), "Non violence", and "Kanda Mopaya" ("Anger is fleeting"), which struck a chord throughout Kinshasa and beyond, aiming to promote moral and social consciousness by commemorating the looting and the martyrs of the Christian marches on 2 and 16 February 1992, events that had largely faded from public memory.[152] Among the most memorable religious compositions of the era was "Ata Ndele" (1993) by the group Bana Mbila, which, in the face of political selfishness and public suffering, expressed a message of hope, saying that there is hope in tomorrow and that one day everything will change and misery will come to an end.[152] The arrival of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (AFDL) and the fall of Mobutu on 17 May 1997 ushered in a new political phase, during which musicians appeared to regain their voice, inaugurating the post-Mobutu period with works such as Tshala Muana's song celebrating liberation and Tabu Ley's piece warning President Laurent-Désiré Kabila of the challenges ahead and advising on how to avoid them. Both compositions were adopted as theme music on radio and television.[152] A significant innovation during this phase was the collaborative approach among musicians, who increasingly focused on patriotic themes under the maxim "unity is strength". This collective nature yielded works such as "Mwana Pwo" (supporting monetary reform) and the jointly composed "Tokufa mpo na ekolo" (1998), intended to revive patriotism and reinforce the sense of national unity.[152]
Religious music embodies an intricate balance of the sacred and the profane, firmly anchored in the cultural, social, and spiritual identity of the country. Historically confined to church settings, it gradually expanded into public life and became a significant force in shaping religious practice and popular culture. Its evolution mirrors the evolution of Congolese society, where spirituality permeates artistic expression and secular traditions borrow freely from the sacred.[153]
The earliest manifestations of Congolese religious music emerged in church choirs and brass bands associated with Catholic, Protestant, Kimbanguist, and Salvation Army congregations, which served as training grounds for successive generations of performers.[153] In its initial phase, sacred music was predominantly restricted to liturgical contexts, with hymns of praise performed during worship services or within mourning households, where they conveyed solemnity and consolation.[153] During the colonial period, significant institutional efforts shaped the early history of Congolese liturgical song. In the 1940s, Benedictine father Dom Anschaire Lamoral founded the choir Petits Chanteurs de la Croix de Cuivre (Little Singers of the Copper Cross) in Katanga, mentoring Joseph Kiwele, who composed the "Missa Katanga", notable for its integration of drums and traditional instruments into Catholic worship.[153] Similarly, Father Joseph Malula (later elevated to Cardinal) championed the incorporation of local musical forms into Catholic liturgy, culminating in the creation of the Zairean Rite in 1973. This liturgical reform codified the integration of local rhythms and instruments into Roman Catholic rituals.[153]
Simon Kimbangu was a Congolese religious leader and prophet who founded the Kimbanguist Church, one of the most influential African-initiated churches.
The Salvation Army likewise contributed significantly, particularly through its orchestra Les Vagabonds du Ciel and choir Les Amis du Ciel, which were instrumental in nurturing Christian musicians in Middle Congo.[153] Across the Congo River in Brazzaville, Father Charles Lacompte founded the Petits Chanteurs de la Croix d'Ébène (Little Singers of the Ebony Cross) in 1949, later renamed the Chorale des Piroguiers (Boatmen's Choir). This ensemble delivered a landmark performance of "La Messe des Piroguiers" by Eliane Barrat Peppert—broadcast live on Radio-Brazzaville—marking a pivotal moment when African percussive instruments, specifically the drum of the Banda boatmen of Ubangi-Shari (today's Central African Republic), were formally introduced into liturgical music.[153] The performance took place during the consecration of the Basilica of Sainte-Anne by Bishop Paul Biéchy, attended by high-ranking ecclesiastical figures and colonial administrators. Additional choirs such as the Chœur Saint François d'Assise du Plateau in Brazzaville's Bacongo arrondissement emerged during the 1940s.[153]
Sacred–secular overlap and the rise of revivalist Christian music
The boundary between religious and secular music in the DRC has historically been porous. Many leading figures in Congolese popular music—such as Le Grand Kallé, Célestin "Célio" Kouka, Vicky Longomba, Sammy Trompette, Verckys Kiamuangana Mateta, José Dilu Dilumona, Jossart N'Yoka Longo, Pépé Kallé, Papa Wemba, D. V. Moanda, among others—began as choristers or cantors in church choirs before transitioning to secular performance.[153] Likewise, secular songs often contained spiritual themes. A notable example is François Bosele's "Liwa Liponi Tata" (released in the early 1950s), which, although secular in intent, gained widespread acceptance in religious settings due to its evocative spiritual imagery.[153][154] Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, this duality persisted. Figures such as Archbishop Barthélemy Batantu ("Nkundi"), Ntesa Dalienst ("Tokosenga Na Nzambe", 1971), and Verckys ("Nakomitunaka", 1972) produced works that invoked divine themes.[153] The 1970s also saw the emergence of groups such as Les Perles (later Palata), who drew inspiration from American gospel traditions, and orchestras like Le Peuple, which performed religiously inspired works in secular styles.[153]
From the 1980s onward, the growth of revivalist churches on both banks of the Congo River led to the widespread adoption of Christian music as a standalone genre. What began as congregational choirs evolved into full-fledged orchestras, structurally modeled on secular bands but dedicated to spiritual themes.[153] This movement produced a generation of musicians who identified themselves as "Christian musicians" or "musician-Christians". Unlike traditional church-based groups, they were affiliated with revivalist congregations rather than traditional denominational affiliations.[153] Rather than rejecting secular aesthetics, these groups retained the danceable rhythms, melodic contours, and harmonic textures characteristic of Congolese popular music, thus eroding clear-cut distinctions between religious and secular domains.[153] The genre spread rapidly and became embedded in Congolese social life, providing spiritual expression and entertainment. Notable figures in Kinshasa include Charles Mombaya, Brother Kabatshi, Brother Mente, Paul Balenza, the Couple Buloba, Dénis Ngonde, Kool Matopé, Runo Mvumbi, Kangumba, Brother Patrice Ngoy Musoko, Alain Moloto, Lifoko du Ciel, Maninga, Matou Samuel, Blaise Sakila, Feza Shamamba, Marie Misamu, the Cœur La Grâce choir, Moise Mbiye, Sandra Mbuyi, Mike Kalambay, NK Divine, Faveur Mukoko, David Ize, Daniel Lubams, Jonathan Gambela, Ruth Kimongoli, Isaac Bukasa, Rosny Kayiba, Van Walesa, Eunice Manyanga, Fiston Mbuyi, among others.[153][155] In Brazzaville, notable names include the Tanga Ni Tanga choir, Batangouna Sébastien, Christian Mahoukou, Moise Baniakina, Loudi Berthe, Tukindisa Nkembo, Sita Philippe, Sainte Odile Choir, Zola Choir, Les Colombes, and more.[153] Their work popularized Congolese Christian music across Central Africa and beyond, aided by the proliferation of cassettes and broadcasts by publishers and producers who recognized the growing market for religious recordings.[153]
Conversion of secular musicians, media spread, and modern challenges
Originally secular artists, Debaba (left) and Jolie Detta (right) later renounced secular music and dedicated themselves to Christian music.
A significant feature of Congolese religious music has been the conversion of secular performers to sacred expression, a trend that gained visibility during the 1990s with artists such as Antoinette Etisomba Lokindji, Mopéro Wa Maloba (formerly of Orchestre Shama Shama), Kiese Diambu (formerly of Les Grands Maquisards, Afrisa International, and TPOK Jazz), Djonita Abanita, X-Or Zobena (formerly of Choc Stars), Debaba (formerly of Viva La Musica and Choc Stars), Carlyto Lassa (formerly of TPOK Jazz and Choc Stars), André Bimi Ombale (formerly of Zaïko Langa Langa, Zaïko Familia Dei, and Basilique Loningisa), Feza Shamamba, Michel Ndouniama (formerly of Bilenge Sakana), Jolie Detta, Charles Tchikou, and others.[153] These musicians released Christian albums and integrated biblical themes into their repertoires, often surprising fans accustomed to their secular hits.[153]
Over time, Congolese Christian music developed its own distribution networks, beginning with the establishment of Radio Sango Malamu as the first thematic station dedicated to religious music, which paved the way for others, including Radio Télé Message de Vie, Radio Télé Kintwadi, Radio Elikya, Radio Télé Puissance, Radio Télévision Armée de l'Éternel (RTAE), Amen TV, Canal le Chemin, La Vérité et la Vie, and many more.[153]
In contemporary times, Congolese Christian music constitutes a genuine cultural phenomenon that rivals secular music in popularity, borrowing many of its stylistic features, including atalaku vocal interjections, intricate guitar solos, and choreographed dance routines.[153] This stylistic convergence, however, has provoked debate, with critics arguing that the heavy reliance on secular aesthetics risks diluting the spiritual depth of Christian music, transforming it into another branch of variety entertainment.[153] Nevertheless, its ability to uplift believers and provide spiritual reassurance preserves its relevance within Congolese society.[153]
Dances
Across the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of the Congo, dance has been an "inescapable" part of the social lifeblood for generations, evolving alongside the country's musical traditions. Before the 20th century, Congolese dance was primarily characterized by indigenous forms such as the Kebo and Nzango.[156] These dances were expressions of community life, often performed in social gatherings and celebrations. However, with the advent of the phonograph and radio broadcasts in the early 20th century, exogenous dance styles began to make their way into Congolese culture.[156] By the 1950s, foreign rhythms like polka, swing, cha-cha-cha, and tango gained popularity in social venues across Kinshasa and Brazzaville. Although these external influences introduced new forms of movement, the Congolese ultimately maintained a strong attachment to their traditional dance forms, particularly Congolese rumba.[156]
A duo performing at a Congolese rumba nightspot in Léopoldville, ca. 1950s–1960s
The Congolese rumba is perhaps the most quintessential of all Congolese dance forms. It is an intimate, slow-paced dance performed by two partners in an embrace.[156] The emotional intensity and sensuality of the Congolese rumba made it a symbol of modern Congolese music. Over time, variations like rumba Odemba and rumba karakara emerged, although the essence of the dance remained largely unchanged.[156]
While Congolese rumba remained popular, the rise of the danse des bouchers ("butcher's dance") in the mid-1960s brought new excitement to Congolese dance floors. Created by Bahonda and Balla, two butcher-dancers, this faster-paced style altered the rhythm of Congolese dance, introducing a more "metronomic" tempo.[156] Songs like "Ba nguembo bo juger" by Les Bantous de la Capitale and "Ngai Marie nzoto ebeba" by Franco Luambo helped popularize the boucher, and it was soon embraced as a national dance.[156] The boucher was particularly popular among the n'guembos, a term used to describe fans who attended live performances from the rooftops of the open-air venues in Brazzaville and Kinshasa.[156]
The emergence of new dance styles
Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Congolese dance continued to evolve with the influence of global music trends such as disco, funk, reggae, and later, the rising prominence of pop and rock. The visit of James Brown to Kinshasa in the early 1970s had a profound effect on local dance and music. His influence is evident in the work of artists such as Matadidi Mário Buana Kitoko, Evoloko Jocker, and Mbuta Mashakado, whose music incorporated elements of funk and soul.[156] Similarly, the eruption of international rhythms inspired a more eclectic blend of local and global influences. Artists like Zaïko Langa Langa, Lita Bembo, and others introduced dance steps that are now considered part of the core Congolese dance repertoire.[156] For example, Zaïko Langa Langa's contribution includes movements like Ngouabin, Levole, Cavacha, Choquez Retardé, Disco Tara, Sonzo Ma, Volant/Guidon, Guidon, Washa Washa, Wondo Stock, Zekete Zekete, Elengi Eye, Maria, Funky, Tukuniema, Vimba, and Siska,[156][157][158] while Lita Bembo's dances, such as Saccadé and Caïmans, remain well-regarded for their inventiveness and unique characteristics.[156]
By the late 1980s, dance in Congo had become increasingly fluid, with new styles emerging almost as quickly as the popularity of their predecessors waned. Among the most recognized is Kwassa Kwassa, a creation of Jeanora, which was performed internationally by artists like Abeti Masikini and Kanda Bongo Man.[156] Other dances that gained widespread popularity include Sundawa by J... Swede, Mayeno by TPOK Jazz, and Madiaba by Zaïko Langa Langa. These dance trends mirrored the shifting preferences of music fans, particularly the younger generations in Kinshasa and Brazzaville, who were constantly seeking innovative rhythms for self-expression.[156] During this period, certain musical groups became known for inventing their own unique dances. The band Viva La Musica was particularly notable for its distinctive dance moves, such as Mukonyono and Kuku dindon. The band set trends by introducing their own dance styles rather than following the mainstream, which led to them developing a strong following at home and abroad.[156]
From Ndombolo (the dominant dance form of the present day) to experimental movements that challenge traditional boundaries, Congolese dances remains in constant flux.[156] At the same time, the emergence of social media and digital platforms also shortened the life cycle of dance trends, with viral moments becoming commonplace in the Congolese music scene.[156]
↑ Salter, Thomas (January 2007). "Rumba from Congo to Cape Town". Edinburgh, Scotland, United Kingdom: University of Edinburgh. pp.1–30. Retrieved 7 May 2024.
↑ Bayo, Herman Bangi (18 August 2020). "Tabu Ley: parrain des orchestres de la 3e génération"[Tabu Ley: Godfather of 3rd Generation Orchestras]. E-Journal Kinshasa (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. Retrieved 17 August 2025.
↑ Francois, Francois (8 September 2020). "Zaïko Langa-Langa: nouvel album "Sève""[Zaïko Langa-Langa: new album "Sève"]. Paris Move (in French). Paris, France. Retrieved 17 August 2025.
1 2 3 "Goma: Amani Festival"(PDF). Amanifestival.com. Goma, North Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo. February 2014. p.6. Retrieved 5 October 2023.
↑ "Lexxus Légal décroche un nouveau diplôme"[Lexxus Legal receives a new diploma]. Mbote (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. 24 October 2021. Retrieved 15 June 2025.
↑ Mpiutu, Miguel Jegou (23 July 2021). "Découvrez l'EP "Jeune courageux" de Gaz Fabilouss"[Discover the EP "Jeune courageux" by Gaz Fabilouss]. Mbote (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. Retrieved 19 September 2024.
1 2 3 4 5 Badibanga, Walter (11 August 2020). "5 rappeurs au top en RDC"[5 top rappers in the DRC]. Music In Africa (in French). Retrieved 15 June 2025.
↑ Mpiutu, Miguel Jegou (6 November 2021). "Découvrez la mixtape "Première leçon" de MPR"[Discover MPR's "Première leçon" mixtape]. Mbote (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. Retrieved 15 June 2025.
↑ Lukau, Onésime (26 November 2023). "RJ Kanierra signe chez Sony Music Africa"[RJ Kanierra signs with Sony Music Africa]. Ouragan.cd (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. Retrieved 16 May 2024.
↑ Malonga, Samuel (29 December 2019). "50 bougies pour Zaïko Langa-Langa"[50 candles for Zaïko Langa-Langa]. Mbokamosika (in French). Retrieved 6 April 2025.
Bibliography
Ewens, Graeme (2000). "Heart of Darkness". In Broughton, Simon; Ellingham, Mark (eds.). World Music. Vol.I: Africa, Europe and the Middle East. Durham: Penguin. pp.458–71. ISBN1-85828-636-0.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
