Telecommunications in the Democratic Republic of the Congo include radio, television, fixed and mobile telephones, and the Internet.
Radio is the dominant medium; a handful of stations, including state-run Radio-Télévision Nationale Congolaise (RTNC), broadcast across the country. The United Nations Mission (MONUSCO) and a Swiss-based NGO, Fondation Hirondelle, operate one of country's leading stations, Radio Okapi. The network employs mostly-Congolese staff and aims to bridge political divisions. Radio France Internationale (RFI), which is widely available on FM, is the most popular news station. The BBC broadcasts on FM in Kinshasa (92.7), Lubumbashi (92.0), Kisangani (92.0), Goma (93.3) and Bukavu (102.2). [2]
Radio Okapi was first established in February 2002 by the United Nations Mission in the Democratic of Republic of Congo (MONUC). Radio Okapi provides news, music, and political information to all corners of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The major purpose behind Radio Okapi is to provide all DRC citizens with radio services regardless of political affiliation.[ citation needed ] The FM waves Radio Okapi provided were aimed to be free of hate speech. Most importantly, Radio Okapi caters to the various different ethnicities within the DRC. This is done through the broadcasting of content in 5 of major languages spoken in the DRC. These five languages are French, Lingala, Swahili, Tshiluba, and Kikongo.
Position | Channel | Share of total viewing (%) |
---|---|---|
1 | RTNC | 20.8 |
2 | RT Mwangaza | 4.5 |
3 | Digital Congo TV | 4.0 |
4 | Malaika TV | 3.3 |
5 | TV5 Monde | 3.0 |
6 | Canal+ | 2.5 |
7 | Tele50 | 2.0 |
8 | RTG@ | 1.6 |
9 | RT Océan Pacifique | 1.4 |
10 | RT Debout Kasai | 1.0 |
Specific media platforms in the Democratic Republic of Congo have used its platforms for the dissemination of hate speech. Media in the DRC has propagated hatred and ethnic divisions by reinforcing nationalistic sentiments. [3] Numerous media outlets are owned by presidential candidates and their supporters. This increases the probability that news will tend to favor the political base of these presidential candidates. These presidential candidates use their media platforms to attack political opponents which include ethnically charged hate speech. [3] The result of such propaganda is evident in recent conflicts between ethnic groups, Hema and Lendu. The conflict was fueled by hate speech on media platforms. As a result, the conflict between these ethnic groups has transformed to one of the bloodiest conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Peacekeeping agencies in the Democratic Republic of Congo observed the dangerous risk hate speech posed to communal welfare in the region. In order to combat such harmful speech, Non-governmental agencies (NGO's) began promoting large scale media campaigns. Campaigns consisted of several different radio programs aimed at reconciliation and peacekeeping. Research concluded that such programs showed measurable positive effects.
After the First Congo War (1996–1997) and Second Congo War (1998–2003), the nation transitioned to a renewed national unity under the rule of President Joseph Kabila and 4 vice presidents, all from former rebel and political opposition groups. The establishment of a democratic model required checks on corruption in public finance and natural resources, executive political parties, and hyperlocal militias and bandits. [10] Peace agreements, in turn, did not end state violence, hence the need for absolute clarity to the public. The right to report on hostile resolutions was adopted in a 2002 resolution as a part of the eventual Inter-Congolese Dialogue. This accord declared that “independent, free, responsible and efficient media are a guarantee for public freedoms, the smooth running of democracy and social cohesion”, giving the voters direct insight into public figures, programs, and overall transparency. Article 27, 28, and Clause 29 established individual freedom of expression, moral press freedom, and the public right to information, respectively. [11] During the time of continuing 2002 conflict, radios served as stages for peace songs and “come-home” messaging. Hosts had conversations with military and government officials, army members, and rebels to discuss the challenges of peace talks and demobilization. Censorship was lenient as long as radio personnel covered both sides. [12]
Major exceptions to the right of free press imminently ensued. In 1996, censorship had begun to target Congo's artistic freedoms. Beyond broadcasts and news, the nation began to censor those who expressed political sentiments through music. The National Censorship Commission banned six songs that mentioned common opposition outcries relating to employment opportunities, civilian killings, corruption, and faltering human rights. [13] If these songs are played on the radio, the artists may be fined up to $500 per song in accordance with a 1996 censorship decree. [14] Freedom of the press was restricted for artists offending political elites or speaking against Congolese leaders and parties. For those using telecommunications as an outlet, interference was backed by such legislation. Open discussion about political corruption or unmentioned events, such as riots or uprisings against the ruling party, are avoided in news media but continuously active on pavement radio. [15]
The Congolese government performed a series of intentional internet shutdowns. The first was conducted in December 2011 and lasted approximately 25 days. During the 25 days, Short Message Service otherwise known as SMS was the only one affected by the shutdown. According to an article by CIPESA, "One of the reasons cited by the government for blocking communication was to prevent the spread of fake results over the internet before the electoral commission announced official results" [16]
Unlike the first shutdown the second intentional shutdown had a broader range of impact.The second intentional shutdown occurred in January 2015. The Congolese government directed telecommunication companies within the country to halt all its services. Not only was SMS affected, but the entire internet itself. This action by the government came on the eve of political protest on a proposed electoral bill.
The most recent government shutdown occurred on December 19, 2016. This was an important date as President Joseph Kabila was supposed to step down as head of state. In order to quell, political upheaval the Congolese government ordered telecom operators to block social media in the country.
In September 2016, the government cut the signals of the Radio France Internationale (RFI) and United Nations Radio Okapi (UNRO). Later, the general and program director of the Radio-Télévision Manika de Kolwezi was arrested after intentionally broadcasting a phone interview with Katumbi, the opposition leader. [17] The censorship of human freedoms of expression to information was condemned by the Congo's United Nations on Human Rights. Kabila was given until December 19, 2016, to step down. If he decided not to, precautionary measures were set to counter organization and public protests. The government ordered a temporary blocking of images, videos, and voiceovers on social networking sites such as Facebook, Twitter, Skype, and WhatsApp right after Kabila was to step down. Digital media was the central counter to government oversight and regulation seen in other telecommunication outlets. Media was used in lieu of radio broadcasting to avoid self-censorship, financial restraints that may affect networks, or news station shutdowns. [18] Removing the intermediary for independent journalism and coverage prevented communication among those who wanted to organize and speak out against Kabila. Black-outs were utilized to prevent anticipated politically motivated violence. Additionally, the then Telecommunications Minister Thomas Luhaka was “not informed” of such interference by the government. [19]
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Mass media in Libya describes the overall environment for the radio, television, telephone, Internet, and newspaper markets in Libya.
Telecommunications in the Republic of the Congo include radio, television, fixed and mobile telephones, and the Internet.
Telecommunications in the Gambia includes radio, television, fixed and mobile telephones, and the Internet.
The Second Congo War, also known as Africa's World War, the Great War of Africa, or the Great African War, began in the Democratic Republic of the Congo on 2 August 1998, little more than a year after the First Congo War, and involved some of the same issues.
The CongoleseRepublican Guard of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly known as the Special Presidential Security Group, is a praetorian guard unit maintained by and tasked to protect the Congolese president Félix Tshisekedi. Congolese military officials state that the Republican Guard (GR) is an independent branch and not the responsibility of FARDC, but the Head of State. Apart from Article 140 of the Law on the Army and Defence, no legal stipulation on the DRC's Armed Forces makes provision for the GR as a distinct unit within the national army. In February 2005, President Joseph Kabila passed a decree which appointed the GR's commanding officer and 'repealed any previous provisions contrary' to that decree. The GR is more than 10,000 strong, and formerly consisted of three brigades, the 10th, at Kinshasa, the 15th, and the 16th, at Lubumbashi. It has better working conditions and is paid regularly, but still commits numerous crimes near their bases, including against United Nations officials.
Mass media in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are nationally and internationally state-owned and operated.
Telecommunications in Taiwan comprise the following communication media, deployed in the Taiwan Area of the Republic of China and regulated by the National Communications Commission of the Executive Yuan.
Belgium–Congo relations refers to relations between the Kingdom of Belgium and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The relationship started with the exploration of the Congo River by Henry Morton Stanley.
Modeste Mutinga Mutuishayi, commonly known as Modeste Mutinga, is a journalist and senator of the Democratic Republic of Congo. He is the publisher of Le Potentiel, which The Committee to Protect Journalists described as "the only independent daily newspaper in the war-torn Democratic Republic of Congo". According to Mutinga, the paper has "an agenda" of promoting economic development and democracy.
The March 23 Movement, often abbreviated as M23 and also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army, is a Congolese rebel military group that is for the most part formed of ethnic Tutsi. Based in eastern areas of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), it operates mainly in the province of North Kivu, which borders both Uganda and Rwanda. The M23 rebellion of 2012 to 2013 against the DRC government led to the displacement of large numbers of people. On 20 November 2012, M23 took control of Goma, a provincial capital with a population of a million people, but it was requested to evacuate it by the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region because the DRC government had finally agreed to negotiate. In late 2012, Congolese troops, along with UN troops, retook control of Goma, and M23 announced a ceasefire and said that it wanted to resume peace talks.
The Union for the Congolese Nation is a political party in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It was founded in 2010 by Vital Kamerhe, who was at the time a close ally of the former president Joseph Kabila. Kamerhe had previously served as the Chief of Staff to Kabila and as the Speaker of the National Assembly.
The following lists events that happened during 2012 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
General elections were held in the Democratic Republic of the Congo on 30 December 2018, to determine a successor to President Joseph Kabila, as well as for the 500 seats of the National Assembly and the 715 elected seats of the 26 provincial assemblies. Félix Tshisekedi (UDPS) won with 38.6% of the vote, defeating another opposition candidate, Martin Fayulu, and Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary, backed by the ruling party PPRD. Fayulu alleged that the vote was rigged against him in a deal made by Tshisekedi and outgoing President Kabila, challenging the result in the DRC's Constitutional Court. Different election observers, including those from the country's Roman Catholic Church, also cast doubt on the official result. Nonetheless on 20 January the Court rejected his appeal and declared Tshisekedi as the winner. Parties supporting President Kabila won the majority of seats in the National Assembly. Félix Tshisekedi was sworn in as the 5th President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on 24 January 2019, making it the first peaceful transition of power in the country since it became independent from Belgium in 1960.
Gubernatorial elections took place in 20 out of the 21 new provinces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo on 26 March 2016. The elections were the first to take place since the 2015 repartitioning which saw the 6 largest provinces of 11 split into 21 new ones to form in total the 26 provinces mandated by the DRC constitution. In most of the provinces, the elected governors are members or affiliates of the Alliance of the Presidential Majority.
Central African Republic–Democratic Republic of the Congo relations refers to the current and historic bilateral relationship between the Central African Republic (CAR) and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). The two countries are neighbours and share a border 1,747 km long. Due to the military conflicts on both sides of the border, many refugees have crossed into the other's territory. There were about 200,000 Congolese nationals in the Central African Republic as of 2014, and there were around 100,000 Central African refugees in the DRC as of 2016.