East Ambae | |
---|---|
Native to | Vanuatu |
Region | Ambae |
Native speakers | 5,000 (2001) [1] |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | omb |
Glottolog | east2443 |
East Ambae is not endangered according to the classification system of the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger |
East Ambae (also known as Omba, Oba, Aoba, Walurigi, Lolovoli, Northeast Aoba, and Northeast Ambae) is an Oceanic language spoken on Ambae, Vanuatu. The data in this article will concern itself with the Lolovoli dialect of the North-East Ambae language.
North-East Ambae distinguishes 5 vowels and 16 consonants, shown in the tables below.
Labial- velar | Bilabial | Alveolar | Velar | Glottal | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nasal | mʷ | m | n | ŋ | ||
Stop | voiceless | t | k | |||
prenasalized | ᵑɡʷ | ᵐb | ⁿd | ᵑɡ | ||
Fricative | β | s | h | |||
Tap/Trill | r | |||||
Approximant | w | l |
Front | Central | Back | |
---|---|---|---|
High | i | u | |
Mid | e | o | |
Low | a |
In Ambae there are four different pronominal forms, one set of free forms, independent pronouns and three sets of bound forms, subject proclitics, object enclitics and possessive suffixes. All sets of pronominals distinguish between singular, dual and plural and between inclusive and exclusive in the first person. Independent pronouns are preceded by the personal article when the head of a noun phrase.
Singular | Dual | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
1st person | exclusive | neu | gamaru | gamai |
inclusive | gideru | gide | ||
2nd person | niko | gimiru | gimiu | |
3rd person | ngie | garue | ngire |
The subject proclitic is the first part of a verb phrase and can attach to an aspect, mood, negative particle or verb head. [3] Dual forms cliticise to the marker ru. In Lolovoli, no= is applied when cliticised in 1st person exclusive singular.
Singular | Dual | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
1st person | exclusive | na=, no= | ga=ru | ga= |
inclusive | da=ru | da= | ||
2nd person | go= | ne=ru | ne= | |
3rd person | Ø, na=, vi= | ra=ru | ra= |
Go=ni
2SG.S=IRR
inu
drink
rongo
feel
na
ACC
malogu
kava
"You will taste the Kava"
Da=hivo
1NSG.IN.S=go.down
da=si~siu
1NSG.IN.S=REDUP~fish
"Let's go down and fish."
Object enclitics occur when attached to the predicate head or last adverb in a verb phrase. These only occur in singular forms and all 3rd person forms. [4]
Singular | Dual | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
1st person | exclusive | =eu | gamaru | gamai |
inclusive | gideru | gide | ||
2nd person | =go | gimiru | gimiu | |
3rd person | =a =e | =ra, =re | =ra, =re |
Ra=u
3NSG.S=TEL
hui
ask
i
PERS
gide
1NSG.IN
"They asked us."
Go=mese
2SG.S=DEHOR
wehe
hit
i
PERS
netu-ku
child-1SG.POS
"Don't hit my children."
Possessive suffixes are attached to the head noun in a direct possessive construction, or a relational classifier in an indirect possessive construction. [4]
Singular | Dual | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|---|
1st person | exclusive | -ku | -ma=ru | -mai |
inclusive | -da=ru | -da, -de | ||
2nd person | -mu | -me=ru | -miu | |
3rd person | -na, -ne | =ra, =re | =ra, =re |
Nago-mu
face-2SG.POS
u
TEL
memea
red
"Your face is red."
no-ku
CL.GEN-1SG.POS
bue
knife
"my knife"
In East Ambae, demonstratives are a part of the subclass of nominals. They can function pronominally as an independent pronoun at the head of a noun phrase, or they can modify the head noun in a noun phrase.
There are two forms which distinguish a proximal location from a distal location. The form ngaha ‘this’ refers to a proximal location, while ngihie ‘that’ refers to a distal location. While generally considered a conservative Oceanic language, in this way, East Ambae differs from many Oceanic languages, and the reconstructed Proto-Oceanic in that it only has two forms to represent locations. Most Oceanic languages, for example, Futuna-Aniwa, [5] the Oceanic language also spoken on Vanuatu, have three forms, representing a near distance, a medium distance, and a far distance. [6] East Ambae also differs from Proto-Oceanic by not only using demonstratives at the end of the noun phrase. [6]
Ngihie also has a plural form, ngire, which is homophonous with the third person plural independent pronoun.
Tangaloi
person
ngire
3NSG
ra=u
3NSG.S=TEL
haro.
not.know
Those people don't know.
The form ngaha can also have a temporal meaning of ‘now’. This is shown in the example below.
The form ngihie can also function as an emphatic demonstrative, acting to modify an entire proposition.
Whether being used as the head of the noun phrase, or to modify the noun, the demonstratives take on the same form(s), ngaha and ngihie. This is typologically similar to other Oceanic languages, who often do not have different forms, either in the stem or in the inflection based on whether the demonstrative is acting as a noun or a modifier. [9]
Demonstratives, either in the form of the basic demonstratives ngaha ‘this’ (3) or ngihie ‘that’, or by a demonstrative derived from one of the members of the class of directionals prefixed with the demonstrative formative gi- or ngi- (5), can act as the head noun in a noun phrase, as shown in the examples given below.
Demonstratives, either in the form of the basic demonstratives ngaha ‘this’ (6) or ngihie ‘that’ (7), or by a demonstrative derived from one of the members of the class of directionals prefixed with the demonstrative formative gi- or ngi- (8), can act to modify the head noun of a noun phrase.
When being used to modify the head noun, the order of noun and demonstratives in East Ambae is noun-demonstrative, which also occurs in all other languages in Vanuatu. This feature is common in almost all Oceanic languages. [12]
Similarly to the reconstructed Proto-Oceanic, common nouns and independent pronouns can be modified by a demonstrative, while proper nouns and temporals cannot. [13]
Additionally, the form ge can be used to indicate the location of an object. This form is generally used when someone has asked for the location of an object, and is accompanied by either pointing to the object in question, indication with the eyes, or tilting the head. [14]
The presentative ia is used when presenting an object to the addressee. Ia is a borrowing from Bislama, an official language of Vanuatu, from the English ‘here’. *Ia is the reconstructed form for ‘here’ in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian. Ia can still be found in many Malayo-Polynesian languages, such as Lamaholot, Tongan, Samoan, Maori and Hawaiian. An example of this presentative ia is given below. [14]
Apart from the two forms ngaha and ngihie, all members of the subclass of absolute location nouns, as in directionals (vano ‘go along, over there’, hage ‘go up, up there’, and hivo ‘go down, down there’) and the small set of absolute location nouns, aulu 'up high, on top' vine 'down low' atagu 'behind, at the back' amue 'in front, at the front' aute 'up in the bush' alau 'down by the sea' varea 'outside' and vagahao 'far away', can form demonstratives to be used for spatial reference. When prefixed with the demonstrative formative prefix (DEM), gi-/ngi-, absolute location nouns, but not place names, can form demonstratives. There is no difference between these two forms, gi- and ngi-, and the choice between the two is arbitrary. Demonstratives formed from directional and absolute location nouns can have either a referential or modifying function. [14]
Additionally, the suffixes -mai and -atu can be added to directionals. The suffix -mai is used to denote the object being closer to the speaker, while the suffix -atu is used to denote the object being closer to the addressee. Only the suffix -mai can be added to directionals that have formed demonstratives. [15]
In example 10, where the prefix ngi- has been added to form a demonstrative, and the suffix -mai has been added, the demonstrative indicates that the object is closer to the speaker, while in example 11, where the demonstrative is unmarked and thus has no suffix, the meaning is that the object is farther away.
Na=ni
1SG.S=IRR
bubu-sl
shoot-APPL
ngi-vanai.
DEM-across:to.sp.
I'll shoot that one closer towards me.
The suffix -atu cannot be added to demonstratives, thus example 12 is not grammatical.
Go=ni
2SG.S=IRR
well
take
na
ACC
gineu
thing
ngi-vanatu.
DEM-across:DIR
If you come, bring that thing there near you.
Reduplication is a common process in East Ambae, and demonstratives are able to be reduplicated. When directionals that have formed demonstratives are reduplicated, the purpose is to either indicate a greater distance away (as in the case of forms without the -mai suffix), shown in example 13, or a considerably closer distance to the speaker (in the case of forms with the -mai suffix), shown in example 14. [15]
Go=bitu
2SG.S=pick.fruit
ngi-him-himei.
DEM-REDUP-down:to.sp
Pick that one down here closer to me.
In North-East Ambae negative construction formation differs depending on firstly, whether the unit is verbal or nonverbal, and then based on what clause structure is being employed. Instances of verbal negation are obligatorily a double negative construction, using preverbal and postverbal particles. Nonverbal structures are formed with a different particle, the placement of which varies depending on the other components in the structure.
Constructions of verbal negation in East Ambae are formed through a bipartite process, as there must be two specific negative particles present. The preverbal particle is ‘hi’, and the postverbal particle is ‘tea’. This is demonstrated in the example below. In these clauses, the subject marker is attached to the preverbal particle as a clitic. The subject proclitic attaches to the preverbal negative particles ‘hi’ (1) or to the irrealis particle ‘ni’ (2). Irrealis mood is how a speaker marks something as not known to have happened to them, as they are forming the utterance. [17]
The word order of a negative verbal phrase is Verb Phrase → Subject = ni (hi) HEAD tea. [17]
Neither the realis mood or telic aspect particles can be used within a negative verbal clause. [17]
Verbal negative clauses in the past tense are formed by using an unmarked subject marker. Clauses with an unmarked subject marker express present or past reference to time, or instead, are indicative of the habitual aspect. [17] Example 3 shows how the pronoun ‘ga’ combined with the negative preverbal particle ‘hi’ forms the past tense negative displayed in the sentence.
Ga=hi
1NSG.EX.S=NEG
vei
make
rarai
ready
na
ACC
no-mai
CL.GEN-1NSG.EX.POS
avi
firewood
tea.
NEG
We hadn't prepared our firewood.
In nonverbal clauses, negative mood is expressed by the negative particle ‘hate’. ‘Hate’ can doubly function as a negative predicate that can only take a complement clause as its argument. [19] There is no grammatical means to mark TAM (Tense, Aspect, Mood) in nonverbal clauses, therefore, tense may only be understood from the semantic context of the clause. [20] Below is an example of a nonverbal negative clause.
To form a negative existential clause, the negative particle ‘hate’ is placed after the Noun Phrase. In order to investigate negative clause structure, it is important to contrast the formation process of affirmative clause structure. Minimally, a positive existential clause, contains a single constituent of the Noun Phrase, and this is a predicate. When this single Noun Phrase form is formed, the predication that follows is that referent in that Noun Phrase exists. In the corresponding negative existential clauses, what is predicated is that that referent of the subject Noun Phrase does not exist. It is worth noting that there are no existential verbs in East Ambae, and that all existential clauses are subsequently nonverbal. [22]
Formation of the negative existential clause involves the Noun Phrase becoming the subject and the negative particle becoming the predicate. [22] This is shown in the example below.
Tuei
before
bana
because
[bongi
day
maraga]NP
get up
[hate,] PRED
NEG
ngie
but
[bongi
day
gai-lime,] NP
NUM-five
[bongi
ten
sangavulu']NP
day
Because before there was no Ascension Day, but there was a (special feast on the) fifth day, and there was a (special feast on the) tenth day.
In positive existential clauses, modification of the head noun or a fronted topic must be present to construct these clauses. In contrast, for negative existential clauses, there is no clause initial topic slot and the subject Noun Phrase can be solely constituted by the head noun. [23] This construction is demonstrated in the below example.
Formation of a negative possessive clause necessitates that the negative particle ‘hate’ is after the relevant noun phrase. This form is very similar to that of the negative existential clause. Modification of the head noun has no bearing on the positioning of the topic clause, which remains in the initial position. [20]
(Ngire)
3NSG
luqa
clothes-3NSG.POS
-ra hate.
NEG
They have no clothes./They don't have any clothes.
Formation of all negative equational clauses necessitates that the negative particle be placed between the subject and predicate noun phrases. [24] This is demonstrated here:
Ngie
3SG
hate
NEG
a
NOM
tangaloi-ni
person-CONST
ga-garu
REDUP-swim
garea.
good
S/he is not a good swimmer.
In these examples, the negative particle 'hate' occurs before the subject noun phrases 'he/she is' and 'that child' respectively. There are two subtypes of equational clauses: classificatory and identificational. Classificatory clauses depict the class membership of an entity, [25] example 7 is a negative classificatory equational clause as it posits the subject 's/he' in the class of bad swimmers. Identificational clauses are similar to classificatory ones but they also assert the identity of the object. [26] Example 8 is an identificational negative equational clause, as it asserts the object's (my friend) identity (that child).
Negative equational clauses can have a subject noun phrase that is ellipsed within the clause. [21] For example.
Hate
NEG
takure
sago.palm
viro-viro,
sew-REDUP
ngie
but
takure
sago.palm
vatu-vetu.
weave-REDUP
It wasn't (a house) sewn with sago palm, but (a house) woven with sago palm. (Lit. It was not sewn sago palm, but woven sago palm.)
In the example, the subject noun phrase ‘a house’ is omitted in the clause.
If a speaker needs to indicate that an entity is pointedly not a member of a certain class, then the negative particle ‘hate’ can be used as a predicate and takes a complement clause headed by ‘vo’ (say). The English literal translation of ‘vo’ is “it is not that..” This alternate negative structure can also be used in some verbal clauses to express the same emphasis again. [21] Below is an example of this alternative formation.
Hate
NEG
vo
say
gineu
thing
lague,
big
gineu
thing
biti.
small
It's not that it's a big thing, it's just a small thing.
In the negative prepositional clause formation, the negative marker is placed before the prepositional phrase predicate and occurs after the subject noun phrase. [27] For example:
Negative prepositional clauses are capable of a degree of ambiguity. This is due to negative prepositional clauses commonly having the same structure as existential clauses with prepositional phrase adjuncts. [27] In the below example, it can be seen that the unmodified noun (tangaloi) can be placed as the subject noun phrase in an existential clause.
Tangaloi
person
hate
NEG
lolo
in
vale.
house
a) The person is not in the house.
b) There is no-one in the house.
A construction employed to signal that the event predicated in the complement clause does/did/will not happen is formed with the negative particle ‘hate’ preceding the particle ‘vo’. With ‘vo’ “introducing” [28] the ‘hate’ particle.
This form alters the semantic layer of the negative clause form, conveying an additional pragmatic layer. It has an implication that the speaker would have expected the predication of the complement clause to be truthful, when it is not. The pragmatic layer in this construction is not found in other simple negative forms. ‘Hate’ then functions as a predicate that can take a complement of verbal or nonverbal clause, take a complement clause as its argument or act as the predicate to express that something does not exist through the noun phrase in a nonverbal existential clause. ‘Hate’ cannot be employed in a verb phrase that has been imbued with subject or aspect/mood, despite functioning as a predicate. [28]
Hate
NEG
[vo
say
na=ni
1SG.S=IRR
bete=a
give=3SG.O
lawe=go.]
DAT=2SG.O
I'm not going to give it to you. (Lit. It's not that I'm going to give you. )
...hate
NEG
[vo
say
neu
1SG
tamte-gi,]
spirit-AL
neu
1SG
tangaloi
person
vurugegi
proper
taligu.
again
I'm not a spirit, I'm a real person again. (Lit. It's not that I'm a spirit ... )
Example 13 is a verbal clause representing a predicate which will not happen, for instance: the speaker is not going to give the subject 'it' to the object/addressee 'you'. Example 14 is a nonverbal clause, also representing a predicate that does/did/will not happen.
Across the world's languages it is generally rare for there to be a negative predicate that can take a complement clause as its argument, but this is not uncommon amongst the Oceanic language family. [28]
East Ambae has four different possessive constructions, these are the distinctions between direct and indirect possession, and simplex and complex possession (Hyslop, 2001, p. 165). [30]
If the possessor is marked on the possessed noun, this is a direct possessive construction, whereas if the possessor is marked on a relational classifier rather than the possessee, this is an indirect possessive construction. Additionally, a simplex construction, where the possessor is pronominal, a possessive suffix occurs on the possessee or the relevant classifier, while a complex construction is one in which the possessor is represented by a nominal (Hyslop, 2001, p. 166). [30]
The table below illustrates the four different possessive constructions.
Direct | Indirect | |
---|---|---|
Simplex | possessee-poss.suffix netu-ku child-1SG.POS my child | classifier-poss.suffix possessee me-mu CL:DRINK-2SG.POS malogu kava your kava |
Complex | possessee-i possessor netu-i child-CONST Margaret Margaret Margaret's child | possessee classifier-i possessor malogu kava me-i CL:DRINK-CONST retahigi chief the chief's kava |
According to Hyslop (2001, p. 167), while it is a morphosyntactic difference between direct and indirect possessive constructions, it is a semantically motivated distinction. In a direct possessive construction, nouns that function as the possessee can be said to be inalienably possessed, which refers to a permanent and inherent connection between the possessor and possessee that is indissoluble. Indirect possessive construction refers to alienable possession, a relationship between two referents of a less permanent and inherent type than inalienable possession, of an item that is to be 'possessed' in the conventional sense (Hyslop, 2001, p. 176). [30]
There are two distinct categories in East Ambae that nominals taking part in inalienable possession can belong to, these being those reflecting an intimate relationship to the possessor, and part-whole and positional relation expressions (Hyslop, 2001, p. 168). [30] Those that reflect an intimate relationship to the possessor, the 'self' can be divided into four sub-categories: kin relations, body parts and associated body products, natural behaviour and personal attributes, and intimate personal property (Hyslop, 2001, p. 169). [30] These sub categories are explored below.
A direct possessive construction is used in all expressions of relationships between kin (Hyslop, 2001, p. 169).
hava-da
family-1NSG.IN.POS
dolegi
all
all of our family
tama-i
father-CONST
netu-i
child-CONST
Roselyn
Roselyn
Roselyn's husband
tue-i
same.sex.sib-CONST
re
PL
maresu
child
"the (female) children's sister(s)" or
"the (male) children's brother(s)" or
"the children's brother(s) and sister(s)"
Any body part of a person or animal is referred to using the direct possessive construction (Hyslop, 2001, p. 170). [30]
vulu-ku
hair-1SG.POS
'my hair'
vulu-i
hair-CONST
Kenneth
Kenneth
'Kenneth's hair'
vulu-i
feather-CONST
toa
chicken
'(all/the) chicken's feathers'
In addition, any bodily features or fluids/secretions (such as tattoos and a person or animal's odour) that could be considered part of, or an extension of the body are inalienably possessed (Hyslop, 2001, p. 170). [30]
Go=ni
2SG.S=IRR
leo
see
huri
PURP
na
ACC
bona-i
smell-CONST
bigi
meat
mate
dead
You must look out for the smell of rotting meat
Tatai-ne
tattoo-3SG.POS
ra=u
3NSG.S=TEL
garea
good
Her tattoos are nice
Gutu-mu
louse-2SG.POS
lu-mu?
on-2SG.POS
Do you have lice?
Natural behaviours, physical attributes, emotions, and mental processes (such as sleep, age, anger, and thought) enter into a direct possessive construction as personal attributes such as these are seen as an inalienable aspect of the concept of the self (Hyslop, 2001, p. 171). [30]
Maturu-ku
sleep-1SG.POS
mo
REAL
vanai
come
I am sleepy (lit. My sleep is coming)
Higao-mu
year-2SG.POS
gai-vihe?
NUM-how.many
How old are you? (lit. Your years are how many?)
Mero-na
anger-3SG.POS
u
TEL
lague
big
She is very angry (lit. Her anger is big)
Domi-mu
thought-2SG.POS
ra=u
3NSG.S=TEL
hesi
bad
You have wicked thoughts! (lit. Your thoughts are bad!)
This class of objects can be possessed or 'owned' in the traditional sense, however, in the East Ambae culture, these objects are so closely associated with a person's existence that they are considered inalienable objects, and when referred to, it is using the direct possessive construction. These objects that are considered 'intimate' include things such as a person's pillow, as well as a person's clothes, which are seen as an extension of the body. This can also be said for an animal's cave or bird's nest (Hyslop, 2001, p. 172 & 173). [30]
lumwe-ku
pillow-1SG.POS
my pillow
Go=ni
2SG.S=IRR
gevu-gi
clothes-APPL
na
ACC
bari-mu
skirt-2SG.POS
You will dress in your skirt
mwagoni-re
nest-3NSG.POS
their nest
Part-whole relationships are expressed in a direct possessive construction as it is used to describe parts of objects and plants that are divisible into recognised parts in the same way as body part relations are expressed. The part is the 'possessed' head noun and the whole is the 'possessor' (Hyslop, 2001, p. 174). [30]
rau-i
leaf-CONST
gai
tree
leaf (leaves) of a tree
qetu-qetu-i
wall-REDUP-CONST
vale-na
house-3SG.POS
the walls of his house
This relationship is also used to refer to pieces of a whole. This is done by using the anticausativeised form of a verb, describing the way the object was divided, such as vise 'split', or kore 'break' (as seen in the examples below), and by taking the construct suffix, the form is marked as being a nominal (Hyslop, 2001, p. 175). [30]
ma-vise-i
ANTIC-split-CONST
qeta
taro
a piece of taro
ma-kore-i
ANTIC-break-CONST
avi
firewood
a piece of firewood
Positional relations are a small subclass of bound relational location nouns and function as the possessee noun in a direct possessive construct, used to define the position of one object in relation to another, such as ulu- 'above' and mawiri- 'left, as shown below (Hyslop, 2001, p. 175). [30]
Dodo
cloud
maeto
black
lo
LOC
ulu-de
above-1NSG.IN.POS
There were black clouds above us
Danuta
Danuta
mo
REAL
toga
sit
lo
LOC
mawiri-ku
left-1SG.POS
Danuta was sitting on my left
Four different relational classifiers are used to express indirect possession, the use of a particular relational classifier is dependent on the possessive relationship between the possessed object and the possessor, rather than any characteristic of the possessee (Hyslop, 2001, p. 176). [30]
The four relational classifiers are:
This classifier indicates that the referent of the possessee noun is a food item. This can be used for any edible item including food that has already been eaten, food that has been prepared and ready to eat, unprepared or uncooked food, and so on. Usually, the ga- relational classifier is used only to refer to food that is ready to be eaten, so an animal yet to be slaughtered or plant yet to be harvested would be referred to using the bula- classifier (Hyslop, 2001, p. 177). [30]
Kenneth
Kenneth
u
TEL
geni
eat
na
ACC
ga-na
CL.FOOD-3SG.POS
loli
lolly
beno
already
Kenneth has already eaten her lollies
Ga-da
CL.FOOD-1NSG.IN.POS
hinaga
food
u
TEL
manoga
cooked
Our food is cooked
Only one relation expressed by ga- does not relate to food possession, and that is illness, despite perhaps expecting it to be categorised inalienably as a body part or product one can never describe one's illness using a direct possessive construct (Hyslop, 2001, p. 177). [30]
ga-ra
CL.FOOD-3NSG.POS
sege-ana
sick-NMLZ
their illness(es)
This classifier indicates that the referent of the possessee noun is something for the possessor to drink, this can be the possession drinkable items such as ti 'tea' or wai 'water', as well as some plants classified as drinkable rather than edible, such as tovu 'sugarcane' and lamani 'lemon' and medicine, whether it is in liquid or tablet form as even then you swallow it with water (Hyslop, 2001, p. 178). [30]
me-ku
CL.DRINK-1SG.POS
tovu
sugarcane
my sugarcane
Go=bitu
2SG.S=pick
na
ACC
lamani
lemon
me-i
CL.DRINK-CONST
Lulu
Lulu
Pick some lemons for Lulu to drink
Go=dono
2SG.S=swallow
na
ACC
me-mu
CL.DRINK-2SG.POS
panadol
panadol
Swallow your panadol
The bula- classifier mainly refers to the relationship between 'natural entities' and their possessor, such as the ownership of crops and animals (Hyslop, 2001, p. 178). [30]
Bula-na
CL.NAT-3SG.POS
boe
pig
mo
REAL
gani
eat
na
ACC
bula-da
CL.NAT-1NSG.IN.POS
toa
chicken
tamwere
always
His pig is always eating our chickens
Nu
1SG.S:TEL
rivu
plant
na
ACC
bule-ku
CL.NAT-1SG.POS
qeta
taro
I planted my taro
Ngie
3SG
u
TEL
voli
buy
na
ACC
bule-ku
CL.NAT-1SG.POS
toli-gi
seed-AL
She bought me some seeds (to plant)
This category has been broadened to include some items introduced by Europeans that could be said to have some lifelike characteristics (Hyslop, 2001, p. 179). [30] An example of these items are listed below.
Another category includes items of adornment as they are not inalienably possessed as clothing is (Hyslop, 2001, p. 179). [30] Examples include:
The no- classifier is considered a general classifier, or the default category, for a range of possessive relationships that are not related to any of the other categories of possessive relationships previously mentioned (Hyslop, 2001, p. 180) [30] Possessive relationships included in this category are: traditional ownership of objects, activities such as work, the possessor's relationship with people who are not kin, and natural behaviours and mental processes that are not part of a direct possessive construction (Hyslop, 2001, p. 180). [30]
Ngire
3NSG
no-ra
CL.GEN-3NSG.POS
bubusi
gun
hate
NEG
They didn't have guns
No-da
CL.GEN-1NSG.IN.POS
hala
visitor
mo
REAL
dadari
arrive
Our visitor has arrived
Gai-siwo
NUM-nine
ra=u
3NSG.S=TEL
vei
do
no-na
CL.GEN-3SG.POS
tabana-gi
work-NMLZ
Nine (of them) did his work
...mo
REAL
bulu-tegi
join-APPL
na
ACC
no-ra
CL.GEN-3NSG.POS
domi-ana...
think-NMLZ
...they joined together their thoughts...
- | Separates morphemes |
. | Separates clitics |
= | Separates words in multi-word gloss or meanings in a semantically complex morpheme |
1 | 1st person |
2 | 2nd person |
3 | 3rd person |
ACC | Accusative case article |
AL | Alienable suffix |
APPL | Applicative suffix |
CL.GEN | General possession classifier |
CONST | Construct suffix |
DAT | Dative preposition |
DEHOR | Dehortative mood particle |
DEM | Demonstrative formative prefix |
DIR | Deictic specifying direction towards addressee/past-future deictic centre |
EX | Exclusive |
IN | Inclusive |
INST | Instrumental preposition |
INT | Intensifier |
IRR | Irrealis mood particle |
NEG | Negative particle |
NOM | Nominative case article |
NP | Noun Phrase |
NSG | Non-singular |
NUM | Numeral marker |
O | Object enclitic |
PL | Plural human article |
POS | Possessive suffix |
PP | Prepositional phrase |
REAL | Realis mood particle |
REDUP | Reduplication |
S | Subject proclitic |
SG | Singular |
TEL | Telic aspect particle |
VP | Verb Phrase |
Source: [31]
Rapa Nui or Rapanui, also known as Pascuan or Pascuense, is an Eastern Polynesian language of the Austronesian language family. It is spoken on Easter Island, also known as Rapa Nui.
Vaeakau-Taumako is a Polynesian language spoken in some of the Reef Islands as well as in the Taumako Islands in the Temotu province of Solomon Islands.
Taba is a Malayo-Polynesian language of the South Halmahera–West New Guinea group. It is spoken mostly on the islands of Makian, Kayoa and southern Halmahera in North Maluku province of Indonesia by about 20,000 people.
The Nafsan language, also known as South Efate or Erakor, is a Southern Oceanic language spoken on the island of Efate in central Vanuatu. As of 2005, there are approximately 6,000 speakers who live in coastal villages from Pango to Eton. The language's grammar has been studied by Nick Thieberger, who has produced a book of stories and a dictionary of the language.
Kambera, also known as East Sumbanese, is a Malayo-Polynesian language spoken in the Lesser Sunda Islands, Indonesia. Kambera is a member of Bima-Sumba subgrouping within Central Malayo-Polynesian inside Malayo-Polynesian. The island of Sumba, located in Eastern Indonesia, has an area of 11,005.62 km2. The name Kambera comes from a traditional region which is close to a town in Waingapu. Because of export trades which concentrated in Waingapu in the 19th century, the language of the Kambera region has become the bridging language in eastern Sumba.
Manam is a Kairiru–Manam language spoken mainly on the volcanic Manam Island, northeast of New Guinea.
Tamambo, or Malo, is an Oceanic language spoken by 4,000 people on Malo and nearby islands in Vanuatu. It is one of the most conservative Southern Oceanic languages.
Ughele is an Oceanic language spoken by about 1200 people on Rendova Island, located in the Western Province of the Solomon Islands.
Biak, also known as Biak-Numfor, Noefoor, Mafoor, Mefoor, Nufoor, Mafoorsch, Myfoorsch and Noefoorsch, is an Austronesian language of the South Halmahera-West New Guinea subgroup of the Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages.
Buru or Buruese is a Malayo-Polynesian language of the Central Maluku branch. In 1991 it was spoken by approximately 45,000 Buru people who live on the Indonesian island of Buru. It is also preserved in the Buru communities on Ambon and some other Maluku Islands, as well as in the Indonesian capital Jakarta and in the Netherlands.
Iatmul is the language of the Iatmul people, spoken around the Sepik River in the East Sepik Province, northern Papua New Guinea. The Iatmul, however, do not refer to their language by the term Iatmul, but call it gepmakudi.
Mav̋ea is an Oceanic language spoken on Mavea Island in Vanuatu, off the eastern coast of Espiritu Santo. It belongs to the North–Central Vanuatu linkage of Southern Oceanic. The total population of the island is approximately 172, with only 34 fluent speakers of the Mav̋ea language reported in 2008.
Tawala is an Oceanic language of the Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. It is spoken by 20,000 people who live in hamlets and small villages on the East Cape peninsula, on the shores of Milne Bay and on areas of the islands of Sideia and Basilaki. There are approximately 40 main centres of population each speaking the same dialect, although through the process of colonisation some centres have gained more prominence than others.
Dom is a Trans–New Guinea language of the Eastern Group of the Chimbu family, spoken in the Gumine and Sinasina Districts of Chimbu Province and in some other isolated settlements in the western highlands of Papua New Guinea.
Toʼabaita, also known as Toqabaqita, Toʼambaita, Malu and Maluʼu, is a language spoken by the people living at the north-western tip of Malaita Island, of South Eastern Solomon Islands. Toʼabaita is an Austronesian language.
Merei or Malmariv is an Oceanic language spoken in north central Espiritu Santo Island in Vanuatu.
Neveʻei, also known as Vinmavis, is an Oceanic language of central Malekula, Vanuatu. There are around 500 primary speakers of Neveʻei and about 750 speakers in total.
Lengo or informally known as doku is a Southeast Solomonic language of Guadalcanal and is closely related to Gela language.
Longgu (Logu) is a Southeast Solomonic language of Guadalcanal, but originally from Malaita.
Neverver (Nevwervwer), also known as Lingarak, is an Oceanic language. Neverver is spoken in Malampa Province, in central Malekula, Vanuatu. The names of the villages on Malekula Island where Neverver is spoken are Lingarakh and Limap.