Worker organizations in Brazil are known to have existed since the 19th century. The first known strike by salaried employees happened in 1858, though slave revolts related to working conditions had been happening prior – slavery was only abolished in Brazil in 1888. Though information is lacking due to the societal treatment of slaves at the time, it is known that many such revolts ended with police repression.[8]
Front page of the first issue of Jornal dos Typographos, from 10 January 1858. The leftmost column contains the typographers' reasoning for the strike and their motivation for starting this new bulletin.
On 8 January 1858, a total of 80 typographers from 3 daily publications (Jornal do Commercio, Correio Mercantil[pt] and Diário do Rio de Janeiro[pt]) refused to work simultaneously.[9] The workers published a bulletin, titled Jornal dos Typographos, stating their demands for better pay in light of increasing food prices. They further explained that the strike was a last resort after being denied a raise on multiple occasions, as they had not seen an increase in pay since 1855.[9] The result of the typographers' strike is not known; it lasted until at least 12 March 1858, the date of the last issue of Jornal dos Typographos before it was sold.[9]
In 1890, the first self-declared socialist political party of Brazil was established in Rio Grande do Sul, namely the Partido Operário do Rio Grande do Sul.[10] It called for, among other things, women's rights and the end of inheritance rights.[10]
The early 1900s were rife with strikes, usually in the interest of better pay and shorter work days.[11] For example, the 8-hour work day was among the proposals of the First Brazilian Workers' Congress held in April 1906. Inspired by that proposal, in October, workers participating in the 21-day strike in Porto Alegre achieved a partial success, reducing their work day from 11 to 9 hours. However, strikes were more commonly met with police repression and, even when successfully leading to new agreements, company owners could simply decide not to honor them or revert any of the changes after some time.[11][12][13]
Facing the abolition of slavery in Brazil a few years prior, in 1888, coffee farmers saw immigration as a source of cheap labor to meet production demands.[14][15] However, immigrants brought with them ideals of anarchism and socialism, which were undesirable to landowners. In 1907, federal deputy Adolfo Gordo[pt] authored Decree N.1,641, which became known as the Adolfo Gordo Law or the first "Foreigner Expulsion Law", allowing for the immigrants' expulsion from the country for vagrancy or simply "compromising public tranquility".[11][14][16] This and other laws authored by Gordo became yet another tool for capitalists to suppress strikes and workers' movements.[14]
Ideologically, not every revolutionary worker self-identified as a communist or a socialist; many were deemed anarchists, who rejected the idea of political parties, and instead preferred direct action or organization though unions.[11] Political theory and literature was not always accessible in Brazil, either because it was not translated into Portuguese, or because the Portuguese text was not accommodating to workers with little to no formal education.[11] As such, many at the time were simply anti-capitalists, supporting a revolution without fully considering what would come after any revolutionary action.[11]
World War I and the Russian Revolution
Workers carrying red flags at a demonstration in São Paulo during the 1917 general strike
In July 1914, World War I began. While Brazil did not see direct conflict, the effects of the war were quickly felt by its citizens. Brazil's economy was, and had been for decades, reliant on exporting coffee; by 1914, Brazil controlled around 80% of the world's coffee exports.[17] With the advent of the war, demand for coffee fell drastically. Additionally, Britain's blockade, aimed at preventing aid to the Central Powers by neutral countries such as Brazil, successfully hindered trade with a big part of Europe, worsening Brazil's coffee exports.[17]
In contrast, in certain industries such as textiles, profits skyrocketed: with the war, products that would previously be imported now had to be produced in Brazil, and were even exported in some cases.[12] But workers did not see those profits; on the contrary, higher demand meant longer workdays of up to 16 hours, without increase in pay.[12] Moreover, with growing demand for food in belligerent countries, Brazil began heavily exporting crops and meat which, in turn, caused shortages and a massive price increase locally.[18] Between 1914 and 1919, prices almost tripled, growing by 185%.[18]
Workers awaiting meeting with Secretary of Justice during the strike
Striking workers at rally with the Comitê de Defesa Proletária (16 July 1917)
In this context, with worse working conditions, a higher cost of living and diminishing purchasing power, workers were at a historical low point.[17][19][13] This culminated in the general strike of 1917, starting in the Mooca district of São Paulo, in early June, and spreading throughout Brazil in the following days.[13] At its peak, it saw almost 44 thousand workers striking simultaneously.[13]Demonstrations occurred almost daily, protesting low wages, child labor, high rent and food prices, among other issues.[a][b] They were organized by workers themselves, with support from union, anarchist and socialist leaderships.[13] Additionally, women played a significant role in organizing the strikes: beyond being workers themselves, they were also usually in charge of home finances – and thus saw firsthand the ever-growing prices of goods.[12][13]
Brazilian workers, including anarchists, looked to the recent Russian Revolution with enthusiasm. In the Alagoas newspaper A Semana Social, in March 1917, Antônio Canellas[pt] writes: "if the evil temper of the bourgeoisie doesn't prevent it", then Brazil would also see "the branching of the generous tree that just emerged in Russia – the tree of liberty".[13] In November 1918, this inspiration was put to action, in a failed anarchist insurrection.[18]
It is also in this context that anti-communism sentiment was birthed, developed from a fear by the elites of revolutionary action by the proletariat; in Brazil, newspapers at the time denounced Vladimir Lenin as an outlaw or a crook.[13]Astrojildo Pereira, one of the bigger enthusiasts of the Russian Revolution in Brazil, would write to newspapers under pseudonyms to combat the hostile framing of the event.[13]
First communist parties
In 2 March 1919, the Communist International was founded, and 21 conditions were given for admission to it. Among them, that "any party seeking affiliation must call itself the Communist Party of the country in question".[20]
A few days later, news broke of the foundation of Brazil's first self-declared Communist Party (Partido Comunista do Brasil, PCdoB) in 9 March 1919, open to "anarchists, socialists and all of those who accepted social communism".[18][21] Founded by anarchist José Oiticica and delegates from Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo and Alagoas, the party had major libertarian influences; anarchists at the time may not have fully realized their ideological differences to the Bolsheviks, and the Russian Revolution itself may have been seen as an anarchist movement.[13][18] This first party was short-lived, marking the start of the split between communists and anarchists.[18]
Many strikes had continued to be planned, executed, and severely repressed since 1917, led by anarchists and anarcho-syndicalists.[18] By 1921, workers were wholly defeated, and anarchism, which had been against political parties and was seen to lack discipline, received the blame.[15][18] Additionally, due to WWI, the recent push for industrialization had made Brazil a worker-dense country, so therefore, the conditions were fertile for the growth of communism in Brazil.[18]
In 1918, Abílio de Nequete, Francisco Merino and Otávio Hengist had founded the União Maximalista de Porto Alegre (Maximalist Union of Porto Alegre), renamed Grupo Comunista de Porto Alegre (Communist Group of Porto Alegre) in 1921.[18] In the aftermath of the general strikes, the country saw the formation of multiple self-proclaimed communist groups; in 1919, the Grupo Comunista Brasileiro Zumbi, and Núcleo Comunista de Pelotas; in 1921, the Grupo Clarté, inspired by the French group of the same name organized by Henri Barbusse, Raymond Lefebvre, Paul Vaillant-Couturier and others;[15] and in the same year, the Grupo Comunista do Rio de Janeiro.[18]
Grupo Clarté was founded by Everardo Dias, Afonso Schmidt, Lima Barreto, Pontes de Miranda, Cristiano Cordeiro , Joaquim Pimenta[pt], Evaristo de Morais[pt], Agripino Nazareth, Antônio Figueiredo, Leônidas Resende, Maurício Paiva de Lacerda[pt] and his brother, Paulo de Lacerda.[18] Though some called themselves socialists, the group tended towards moderate reformism, in the context of a weakened, post-repression Left. Pimenta described his own politics as the "pragmatic method – to wrest from situation and events whatever they can provide on behalf of the working class".[15] The group was largely sympathetic to the Russian Revolution, frequently reprinting documents on events in the Soviet Union, though not organizing any meaningful action towards any revolutionary goal in Brazil.[15]
Foundation of the Communist Party of Brazil
The 9 delegates present at the foundation of the PCB, in March 1922. Standing, from left to right: Manoel Cendón, Joaquim Barbosa, Astrojildo Pereira, João da Costa Pimenta[pt], Luís Perez and José Elias da Silva; sitting, from left to right: Hermogênio da Silva Fernandes, Abílio de Nequete and Cristiano Cordeiro[pt].
Diário Oficial da União publication instituting the party as a civil society, on 7 April 1922
The Grupo Comunista do Rio de Janeiro was founded by Astrojildo Pereira and 11 others. Immediately after formation, the group started contacting other workers' groups throughout the country to share the 21 conditions and recommend for their implementation. In response, several other communist groups started to form, in Recife, Juiz de Fora, Santos and Cruzeiro.[18] In January 1922, the group launched the Movimento Comunista magazine to spread the agenda of the Communist International.[18]
Between 25 and 27 March 1922, the various communist groups made the decision to start the Partido Comunista do Brasil (Communist Party of Brazil; dubbed the "Partido Communista - Secção Brasileira da Internacional Communista", or "Communist Party -Brazilian Section of the Communist International"), the first "truly" communist party of Brazil.[18] Soon after its inception, the party would adopt the abbreviation of PCB.[18] The party, created through the meeting of 9 delegates representing 73 affiliates throughout the country, was hurried in light of the soon-approaching 4th World Congress of the Communist International, for which Brazil had been lacking representation.[18] Due to the lack of political party-specific legislation at the time, the party was registered as a civil society.[18]
Knowledge of Marxism, at the time, was still in its infancy in Brazil. As such, PCB was still "lacking" in Marxist theory in its inception.[18]
Parallel to the PCB's foundation, on 1 March 1922, Brazil held a presidential election. It was won by Artur Bernardes of the Mineiro Republican Party, who was up against Nilo Peçanha. Bernardes' candidacy was part of the milk coffee politics of the time, a scheme which ensured only candidates from the two wealthiest states, Minas Gerais and São Paulo, would occupy the presidency. The opposition contested the election results and, over the following months, a military conspiracy emerged across the country to remove the still-in-office Epitácio Pessoa and prevent Bernardes' inauguration. This culminated in the Copacabana Fort revolt, which began on 4 July 1922.
In response to the revolt, on 5 July 1922, Epitácio Pessoa declared a state of emergency,[22] which would end up lasting for years and multiple presidencies. Among other repercussions, the PCB's operation would soon be declared illegal, a mere three months after its foundation.[18]
The 3rd Infantry Regiment barracks in Rio de Janeiro on fire after the communist insurrection
In 1935, a communist uprising (Portuguese: Intentona Comunista) was carried out by the ANL (National Liberation Alliance) with the support of the PCB as well as the Communist International.[23] Under the leadership of Luis Carlos Prestes, a prominent communist figure, the Comintern provided funding, propaganda, and youth programs, which helped the movement grow rapidly.[24] Revolts broke out in Natal and Recife where citizens were provided weapons to fight alongside the revolutionaries.[25] In Natal, the revolt broke out on the 23rd of November due to a fake telegram by the counter-intelligence services which claimed that the date of the revolt was pushed forward from the 27th, and was contained within 4 days. In Recife on the 24th, the revolt begun and was dominated within 2 days. In Rio de Janeiro on the 27th, unaware of the status of the revolts in the north, the revolt begun and by 1:30, the rebels surrendered.[26] After November 1935, the National Congress of Brazil approved a series of laws that restricted its own power, while the executive gained almost unlimited powers of repression. This process culminated in the coup of 10 November 1937, which closed the National Congress of Brazil, canceled the upcoming 1938 presidential elections, and installed Getúlio Vargas as a dictator. The PCB faced significant repression during Getúlio Vargas's government[27] following the failure of the insurgency.
The PCB was banned once again during Eurico Gaspar Dutra's government in 1947, as it maintained a significant presence in both rural and urban syndicalism and administration, and also due to Dutra's close ties to the American government.[32] During Jânio Quadros's government in 1961, the party became legal once again, as it preferred not use violence to achieve its political goals.[33] In 1962, the PCB split due to the emergence of a Maoist faction,[34] which later adopted Marxist-Leninist principles.[4] This faction opposed the PCB's strategy of prioritizing an urban-bourgeois revolution,[35][36] a directive initially criticized by figures like Jacob Gorender.
During João Goulart's administration in Brazil, the PCB adopted distinct strategies across three phases. During the parliamentary phase, the PCB distanced itself from Goulart; in the early presidential phase, the communists continued to oppose him for supporting the PSD and proposed a "Single Front" of the left composing the PCB, the Popular Mobilization Front (FMP), the General Workers' Command (CGT) and Miguel Arraes' faction. In late 1963, Goulart accepted the proposal and gained the PCB's support.[37]
Coup of 1964 and onwards
Uprisings in the Brazilian military dictatorship, 1968-1972
During the Brazilian military dictatorship, following the enactment of Institutional Act No. 5 (AI-5), the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), aligned with the Soviet Union, belatedly and without proper preparation,[38] organized a congress in 1967. At this congress, the PCB resolved to support the coordination of demonstrations against martial law, while the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB) pursued armed guerrilla warfare.
Thus, an armed struggle occurred against the Brazilian military dictatorship by different left-wing groups between 1968 and 1972, the most severe phase of the regime. Despite its resistance aspect, the majority of the groups that participated in the armed struggle aimed to achieve a socialist revolution in Brazil, inspired by the Chinese and Cuban revolutions. The confrontation deepened after the enactment of Institutional Act Number Five (AI-5) in 1968.[39]
Revolutionary organizations initially aimed to incite rural guerrilla warfare but became more notable for urban operations, which included fundraising activities and actions designed to support rural guerrilla campaigns and sustain clandestine infrastructure.[40] Despite some initial successes, these groups became socially isolated as the regime's repression intensified, accompanied by a disinformation campaign designed to undermine public support for the rebels. Paramilitary groups linked to the government carried out false flag operations to justify further crackdowns and deepen authoritarianism. The armed actions in the cities were short-lived. Among all the organizations involved in the armed struggle, only PCdoB managed to effectively promote rural guerrilla warfare.
The dismantling of the Araguaia guerrillas, supported by the PCdoB, in 1974 marked the collapse of the armed struggle. The conflict resulted in numerous casualties, as well as many cases of exile, imprisonment, and enforced disappearances during the dictatorship.[40]
After 1972
Luis Carlos Prestes, the leader of the PCB from 1943 to 1980
Between 1974 and 1976, during the height of the military government's repression, nearly 700 infiltrated militants were arrested, and more than 20 high-ranking communist leaders were killed. This wave of arrests forced the PCB into deeper clandestinity and exile. Consequently, Luís Carlos Prestes stepped down from the party's leadership,[41] transferring it to Giocondo Dias. Despite President João Figueiredo's political liberalization, communist activists traveling to the Soviet Union continued to face arrests upon their return.[33]
Brazilian cultural production—particularly in dramaturgy, soap operas, and cinema—was notably influenced by communist militant authors.[42] However, their efforts were hampered by inexperience, police surveillance during periods of persecution, and the detachment of exiles from the country's evolving social and political landscape.[43][44] Despite severe repression, communist influence remained strong in labor movements, notably within the Volkswagen union, which represented workers in the country's largest company at the time.[45]
During the Diretas Já campaign for direct elections in the early 1980s,[46] the PCB actively supported the movement.[47] However, during the 1978–1980 ABC Paulista strikes, the Workers' Party (PT) rapidly gained prominence, taking advantage of the PCB's inability to adapt to new political realities.[48] The PCB's decline was compounded by inexperienced leadership and a lack of deep political and methodological reflection on Brazil's changing context.[49][50]
As the PT rose to power in state and municipal governments throughout the 1990s, it ceded itself to the tools of traditional politics and disillusioned its former remaining communist members who broke away from it[51] thus creating a new social-democratic tradition aimed at countries dependent on the First World.[52][53] In the late 1990s, an attempt was made by some PCB leaders to dissolve the party through a vote by non-affiliated members, but the effort ultimately failed.[1]
Modern day
In March 2021, protests calling for former president Jair Bolsonaro's impeachment for mishandling the pandemic break out in over 200 Brazilian cities as COVID-19 deaths surpass 460 thousand.
Communist parties such as the PCB and the PCdoB were part of Lula's coalition governments in 2002 and 2006.[55] In 2006, Aldo Rebelo, a PCdoB member and President of the Chamber of Deputies, served briefly as acting President of Brazil when both the President and Vice President underwent medical procedures. During the 2006 elections, PCdoB secured its first executive office in a state capital by winning the mayoral race in Aracaju, the capital of Sergipe.[56]Manuela d'Ávila was the running mate for Fernando Haddad[57] for the 2018 Brazilian general election against Jair Bolsonaro. Currently, PCdoB remains a member of Lula's coalition, Brazil of Hope.
The PCB underwent a major crisis in 2023, after controversial expulsions of prominent party figures, and the opposition of its youth wing, the Union of Communist Youth (UJC). The party's leadership thus faced internal divisions and accusations of undemocratic practices.[58] In July 2023 Ivan Pinheiro was one of those who were expelled from the PCB.[59] He subsequently founded his own party, the PCB-RR.[60]
The PCdoB is currently the second-largest non-ruling communist party in the world.[56]
Communist political parties active in Brazil
There are, currently, seven self-declared communist and left-wing socialist political parties in Brazil registered with the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), shown in the table below. These seven are the only ones who, in surveys in 2019 and 2024, declared themselves as "left-wing";[c] other progressive-leaning parties only claimed being "center-left".[61][62] Additionally, the Revolutionary Communist Party is not legally registered with the TSE.[63]
Of these, PCB, PCdoB, PCO, PSTU, and PCR profess Communism, Marxism–Leninism, Trotskyism, Hoxhaism, Maoism or some other form of Communism, while the other left-wing parties claim only to be ''socialist" or "left-wing".
Communist (or adjacent) political parties in Brazil
Prior to the 2022 and 2024 elections, Folha de S.Paulo did studies aiming to pinpoint Brazilian parties' political alignment. Deemed "far left" were the following:[74][75]
That same motto's popularity was later revitalized during Jair Bolsonaro's presidency.[78][79] Bolsonaro, a staunch anti-communist, had previously stated that Brazil "could become like North Korea if the Workers' Party was not stopped".[80] His presidential campaign in 2018 was filled with fake news aiming at a red scare, such as alleging his opponent, Fernando Haddad, was a Marxist.[80]
In a survey in 2023, after Lula's win over Bolsonaro in the 2022 election, around 70% of Bolsonaro voters believed the country was at risk of becoming communist.[81] This is in stark contrast with Lula's actual political positioning, which is closer to center-left.[82]
The abolition of work for children under the age of 14;
The abolition of night shifts for women and children under the age of 18;
A 35% pay increase for salaries up to 5$000 Réis, and of 25% for salaries above that limit;
The punctual payment of salaries every 2 weeks;
A guarantee of permanent work;
An 8-hour work day;
A 5½-day work week and a 50% pay increase during overtime;
The immediate cheapening of necessity goods, blocking the action of hoarders;
The request, when necessary, of foodstuff for feeding the public;
Measures to prevent adulteration and falsification of food products;
The decrease of rent prices.
↑ This revolutionary sentiment wasn't unique to Brazil; in part due to the effects of WWI, and in part due to news of the success of the Russian Revolution, worker revolts had been happening all across the world – see Revolutions of 1917–1923.
↑ Both PCB and PCO did not respond to the 2024 survey.
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↑ MAZZEO, A. C. (2004). As tarefas históricas da esquerda brasileira e o Partido dos Trabalhadores. Sao Paulo.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ PRESTES, Luiz Carlos, "Declarations" (unrevised transcription) in "Political Resolutions of the 3rd State Meeting of the Gaucho Communists Who Are Guided by the Letter to the Communists of Comrade Luiz Carlos Prestes" (January/1984), typewritten document (xerox copy), 28 pgs.
↑ ANTUNES, R (1992). A Rebelião no Trabalho (in Portuguese). Sao Paulo: Editora Unicamp.
↑ O Sindicalismo Brasileiro nos anos 80 (in Portuguese). Sao Paulo: Paz e Terra. 1991.
↑ Resoluções de Encontro e Congressos: 1979-1998 (in Portuguese). Sao Paulo: Fundação Perseu Abramo. 2000.
↑ DOS SANTOS, T. (2000). Teoria da Dependência, Balanço e Perspectiva (in Portuguese). Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira.
↑ MARINI, R. M. (1982). Dialética de la Mercancia e Teoria del Valor (in Portuguese). Mexico: Editorial Universitária Centroamericana.
↑ "O que é o Partido Comunista?". PCB (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. Nós, comunistas, lutamos [...] visando a substituição do sistema capitalista pelo socialismo, na perspectiva da construção da sociedade comunista. [We, communists, fight [...] aiming for the substitution of the capitalist system for socialism, with goal of constructing a communist society.]
↑ "Programa". PCdoB (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
↑ "Uma Breve História do PCO". PCO (in Brazilian Portuguese). August 2022. Retrieved 12 November 2024. O PCO chama todos os explorados a assumirem a estratégia e o programa da transformação socialista da sociedade. [The PCO calls on the oppressed to take on the strategy and the agenda of the socialist transformation of the society.]
↑ "Programa". PSOL (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
↑ "Conheça o PSTU". PSTU (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. O socialismo que o defendemos é o oposto do socialismo defendido por Stálin e seus seguidores, que burocratizou e degenerou as revoluções socialistas do século 20. [The socialism we defend is the opposite of the socialism defended by Stalin and his followers, that bureaucratized and deteriorated socialist revolutions of the 20th century.]
↑ "Carta de Princípios do Partido dos Trabalhadores". PT (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024. Um partido que almeja uma sociedade socialista e democrática tem de ser, ele próprio, democrático nas relações que se estabelecem em seu interior. [A party that aspires to a socialist and democratic society has to be, itself, democratic in the relations that are found in its interior.]
↑ "Apresentação". UP (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved 12 November 2024.
Lecture series by Escola Latino-Americana de História e Política (ELAHP): "100 anos de comunismo no Brasil" [100 years of communism in Brazil] (in Brazilian Portuguese), 2021.
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