Jingulu language

Last updated

Jingulu
Djingili
Native to Australia
Region Barkly Tableland, Northern Territory
Ethnicity Jingili
Native speakers
23 (2016 census) [1]
Mirndi
  • Jingulu
Djingili Sign Language
Language codes
ISO 639-3 jig
Glottolog djin1251
AIATSIS [2] C22
ELP Jingulu
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

Jingulu, also spelt Djingili, is an Australian language spoken by the Jingili people in the Northern Territory of Australia, historically around the township of Elliot. The language is an isolate branch of the Mirndi languages. [3]

Contents

The Jingulu have (or had) a well-developed signed form of their language.

Background and location

Other languages spoken in the West Barkly family include Wambaya, Gudanji, Binbinka, and Ngarnka. When the Mudburra people arrived to the region where the Jingili live, a cultural fusion group arose named Kuwarrangu, while the Jingilu and Mudburra cultures still remained separate. Based on geographical proximity, the Jingili and other ethnic groups have related languages with common vocabulary. [4]

Jingulu was historically spoken around the township of Elliot. [4]

Speakers and status

Jingulu has an Ethnologue classification of moribund, meaning that it is an endangered language, with only between 10 and 15 speakers in 1997, [4] the youngest being in the fifties. [5] An additional 20 people had some command of it. However, it was not used in daily communication which instead was conducted in either English or Kriol. [6] In 2019 approximately five people still spoke the language, including Stuart Joel Nuggett, who has recorded music in Jingulu. [7] The remaining speakers are elderly. [8]

Sign language

The Jingulu have (or had) a well-developed signed form of their language. [9]

Phonology

Vowels

Jingulu has three basic vowel phoneme qualities, given in IPA in the following table. There are two high vowels, /i/ and /u/, and one low vowel /a/. /i/, /a/ and /u/ are front, central, and back, respectively. /u/ is rounded while /a/ and /i/ are unrounded. [10]

Vowel Chart [11]
Front Central Back
Close i u
Open a

While there are only three phonemically distinct vowel phoneme qualities in Jingulu, the variations in vowel sounds are greater than in grammars with larger vowel phoneme inventories. These three phonemes have a variety of phonetic outputs depending on the word. The close vowel /i/ may be realized as [ i ], [ ɨ ] or [ e ]; the close vowel /u/ most commonly as [ u ], but also [ o ] and [ ɔ ]; and the open vowel /a/ as [ a ], [ ʌ ], [ æ ] and [ ə ]. [11]

Jingulu has contrastive vowel length. The orthographic convention of long high vowels is as two apparent syllable nuclei with a homorganic glide in between. [12] In orthography, /aː/ appears as ⟨aa⟩. The other two are written (and optionally pronounced) with a homorganic consonant, /iː/~/i.ji/ ⟨iyi⟩ and /uː/~/u.wu/ ⟨uwu⟩, respectively. [11] Diphthongs of non-identical vowels in Jingulu are realized as separate syllable nuclei, i.e., ayi, awu, iya, iyu, uwauwi. [12]

Vowel to long high vowel example:

vowel

jurdini

'louse'

vs

vs

vs

long high vowel

jurdiyini

'tawny frogmouth/owl'

 

 

[12]

vowel vs {long high vowel}

{jurdini} vs {jurdiyini}

{'louse'} vs {'tawny frogmouth/owl'}

Vowel to long low vowel example:

vowel

baj

'track, follow'

vs

vs

vs

long low vowel

baaj

'arrive, get in'

 

 

[12]

vowel vs {long low vowel}

{baj} vs {baaj}

{'track, follow'} vs {'arrive, get in'}

Diphthong example:

diphthong example

jangayi

'yawn'

 

 

[12]

{diphthong example}

{jangayi}

'yawn'

Vowel harmony

An important feature of Jingulu's phonology is vowel harmony. Jingulu exhibits a regressive vowel harmony, which means that the vowels of nominal or verbal roots may be subject to change triggered by suffixes that contain a close vowel and that are directly adjacent to the root. The vowel harmony affects open vowels in the roots, which become close. Due to Jingulu's small inventory of vowels, it will always be the open vowel /a/ that is subject to change, always becoming /i/. [10] However, if vowel harmony is triggered and the root contains a close vowel, none of the open vowels to the left of the close vowel will be subject to change.

Consonants

Jingulu has eighteen consonant phonemes, distributed across five places of articulation and five manners of articulation.

Consonant Chart [13]
Bilabial Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar
Plosive b d ɖ rd ɟ j k
Nasal m n ɳ rn ɲ ny ŋ ng
Rhotic r rr
Approximant w ɻ r j y w
Lateral l ɭ rl ʎ ly

Note: rr represents a flapped or trilled rhotic

Noticeably, all places of articulation have a stop phoneme. The consonant inventory is typical of Australian languages, with a lack of phonologically distinct fricatives and affricates as well as absence of phonemic consonant germinates. One noteworthy aspect of Jingulu that is unusual for Australian grammars is that it does not have series of interdentals.

There is no concrete evidence that voicing is contrastive. [13] There is only little evidence showing that the retroflex consonants are contrastive. Most speakers of Jingulu do not make a distinction between the retroflex consonants and their alveolar equivalents. Often they merely serve as allophones. However, there are a number of minimal pairs where there indeed is a distinction, for instance dirnd-'shoot' and dind-'grind'; mininmi' Acacia victoriae ' and mirnirnmi'fire drill'; and walu'forehead' and warlu'burn scar'.

The glides, [w] and [j], may be dropped word-initially, which is also true for [ŋ]. The latter may also be replaced by a glide. [14]

widij-'to tie' may be realized as /widij-/ or /idij-/
yidaangka'in a few days' may be realized as /jidaːŋka/ or /idaːŋka/
ngirrm-'to make' may be realized as /ŋirm-/, /irm-/, or /jirm-/
nguny-'to give' may be realized as /ŋuɲ-/, /uɲ-/, or /wuɲ-/

Syllable structure

According to the grammar:

'C' = Consonant
'V' = Vowel
'L' = Highly sonorous consonant (i.e. liquids and glides)

The basic syllable structure in Jingulu is CV. CVC and CVLC are also permissible structures. The basic phonological unit is the open (CV) syllable when V is a long vowel, while the basic phonological unit is the closed (CVC) syllable when V is a short vowel. A phonotactic restriction of Jingulu is that rr and ly cannot be word-initial. The word-final phoneme is nearly always a vowel. [15]

Consonant clusters are evidenced in the Jingulu syllable structure. Clusters may be word-final only if they consist of a sonorant and a [-nasal] plosive, in that order. The largest possible clusters are triconsonantal, consisting of a liquid, nasal, and stop, strictly in this order. Furthermore, they must be placed word-internally. [16]

Syllabic Template [17]
TemplateInstantiationTranslation
CV/jinj.ku/'wood-chip'
CVC/minj.kuj.ku/'egg yolk'
CVLC/mulk.bul.ku/'small swamp'
CVLC/CV
(triconsonantal cluster)
/lirb.ju/'egg yolk'
CVLC
(word-final cluster)
/walk/'open'

Stress

In Jingulu, only vowels can be stress bearing units (SBUs). For single morphemes, stress is predictable, landing on the penultimate SBU of a word. The final SBU is never stressed. This does not hold true for Jingulu words that come from the Pama-Nyungan languages of countries neighboring the Jingili. In general, however, Jingulu follows the following pattern: [18]

Long vowels and diphthongs have two SBUs, signifying that they do not exist as their own phoneme. [19]

Morphology

Jingulu has both prefixes and suffixes. Morphemes can sometimes stand alone as a word, such as with pronouns and certain cases of demonstratives and adverbials, but the majority of roots must have affixes. Both derivational and inflectional affixes can be found in the grammar. [20]

Parts of speech

Jingulu vocabulary can be split into three broad categories of parts of speech: nominal, verbal, and adverbial.

Nominal

Nominals are modified/affixed with case marking and morphological discourse markings. [21]

Note: Square brackets signify the case-marked argument.

winiyiki-rni

foreign-F

[nayurni

woman

ngarrirnini]

1SG.GEN.F

winiyiki-rni [nayurni ngarrirnini]

foreign-F woman 1SG.GEN.F

'My wife is a foreigner' [21]

Verbal

The minimum words required to form an acceptable sentence in Jingulu is a light verb and either a subject or a coverbal root. [22]

ngurru-wa.

1PL.INCL-will.go

ngurru-wa.

1PL.INCL-will.go

'Let's go.' [21]

nguka-ju.

cry-do

nguka-ju.

cry-do

'It's crying' (coverbal root) [22]

Adverbial

Aside from discourse markers, adverbs do not have affixation. In some cases, adverbs must exist immediately before coverbal roots. [23]

kardarrukuji

all.night

biba-marri.

storm-DIST

kardarrukuji biba-marri.

all.night storm-DIST

'There was a storm all night.' [24]

Derivation

Jingulu has derivational affixes of the type nominalisation and adverbialisation. [25]

Nominalisation

Jingulu has three nominalising affixes: -ajka, -ajkal, and -jbunji, the latter being very rare. [26]

-ajka derives nouns from verbs, specifically a verb to the person who is undergoing the action denoted by the verb. [27]

Bulungkurri-mbili

Bluebush-LOC

duwa-ardi

rise-HAB

buliki-rna

cow-FOC

ngarnu

3SG.ACC.M

darr-akja.

eat.NOM(P)

Bulungkurri-mbili duwa-ardi buliki-rna ngarnu darr-akja.

Bluebush-LOC rise-HAB cow-FOC 3SG.ACC.M eat.NOM(P)

'Where the bluebush grows is grazing country for cattle.'

the action of eating → that which is eaten [27]

-ajkal derives nouns from verbs, specifically verbs to represent someone or something that performs the verb. [27]

Ngany-ajkal-irni

sing-NOM(A)-F

nyamirna-rni

that(F)-ERG

nayu-wurli-rni.

woman-PL-ERG

Ngany-ajkal-irni nyamirna-rni nayu-wurli-rni.

sing-NOM(A)-F that(F)-ERG woman-PL-ERG

'Those women are singers.'

the action of singing that which is singing [27]

-jbunji changes a root meaning to something that has the property associated with that root. This is a less used nominalising affix compared to the other two. [28]

Kula-jbunji

speared-ADJ

jami-rna

that(M)-FOC

abulda

accidentally

kurlukurla-ka.

small(M)-PST.HAB

Kula-jbunji jami-rna abulda kurlukurla-ka.

speared-ADJ that(M)-FOC accidentally small(M)-PST.HAB

'That little chap there was accidentally speared.'

the action of spearing that which has been speared [28]

Adverbialisation

Jingulu has two adverbialising affixes: -kaji and -nama. [29]

-kaji is similar to 'really', 'right', or 'completely', indicating that the thing it is describing is done to its greatest extent. [29]

Kurrubardu

boomerang

ngirrma-nga-yi

make-1SG-FUT

mujiya-kaji

forget-through

nga-ka.

1SG-PST.HAB

Kurrubardu ngirrma-nga-yi mujiya-kaji nga-ka.

boomerang make-1SG-FUT forget-through 1SG-PST.HAB

'I want to make a boomerang but I've completely forgotten how.'

forget completely forget [29]

-nama can mean 'still', 'already', 'this time', 'in the time of...', and more. It is typically used to emphasize that the root it is affixing is happening over time. [30]

Jaburra-nama

before-time

nga-rruku.

1SG-went

Jaburra-nama nga-rruku.

before-time 1SG-went

'I already went'

went already went [30]

Nominals

The major uses of affixation in Jingulu are found in the expression of demonstratives, as well as the nominal features pronouns, case, number, and (in)definiteness discussed in the next section. [31]

Demonstratives

Jingulu has three kinds of demonstratives: referential, anaphoric and cataphoric. In Jingulu, the referential demonstratives, of which there are about five sets, refer to objects that may be distal or proximal, and may be translated as "this" or "that." The anaphoric demonstratives, of which there is one set, refer to something that is already known by the speaker and listener at the time of speaking, and may be translated as "this (you know)" or "that (you know)." Finally, the cataphoric demonstrative, of which there is only one, refers to something that is not yet known by both the speaker and listener and is to be introduced, and may be translated as "this (which you are to know about)" or "that (which you are to know about)."

As the demonstratives are considered nominals, most of them belong to one of the four nominal classes. [20]

Referential

There are five sets of referential demonstratives: jama and jimi; nyam-; ngin- and nyin-; ngunu; and ngunungku. The first three sets are all by default distal, but may be made proximal by the use of the suffix -(r)niki. None of the last two sets may take the proximal marker, as ngunu is always considered distal, and ngunungku is generally considered proximal, normally translated as "this way." [32]

These demonstratives vary based on gender and animacy. [31] The demonstrative jama belongs to the masculine class, and jimi to the neuter class. However, jama may refer to nominals of all classes, and jimi may also refer to nominals of the vegetable class. [33] The demonstrative nyam- takes either the suffix -a, -arni- or -bala depending on whether it refers to a nominal of the masculine, feminine, or neuter or vegetable class, respectively. Likewise, the demonstratives ngin- and nyin- take the suffix -da, -a or -i depending on whether it refers to a nominal of the masculine, feminine or neuter class, respectively, and become ngima and nyima when referring to a nominal of the vegetable class, respectively. While a nyam- demonstrative takes the proximal marker, it becomes nyamarniki no matter class. [34] The demonstrative ngunu belongs to the neuter class, but may also refer to nominals of the vegetable class. Ngunungku may refer to nominals of all classes.

Jimi-rni

that(N)-FOC

jurruma-mi

wipe.out-IRR

burrbaji-kaji.

finish-through

Jimi-rni jurruma-mi burrbaji-kaji.

that(N)-FOC wipe.out-IRR finish-through

'Get rid of all that.' [35]

(jimi is neuter)

Jimi-niki-ni

DEM(N)-PROX-FOC

karriyaku

different

imbiy-urru-ju

speak-3PL-PRES

marrinju.

language

Jimi-niki-ni karriyaku imbiy-urru-ju marrinju.

DEM(N)-PROX-FOC different speak-3PL-PRES language

'This is a different language they speak (here).' [36]

(jimi is neuter + -niki modifier)

Jama-baji-ni

DEM(M)-PL-FOC

buyu-wurru-ju.

smoke-3PL-PRES

Jama-baji-ni buyu-wurru-ju.

DEM(M)-PL-FOC smoke-3PL-PRES

'Those people are smoking.' [35]

(jama is masculine)

Bulajbunji

speared(M)

jamaniki-rni.

this(M)-FOC

Bulajbunji jamaniki-rni.

speared(M) this(M)-FOC

'This guy has been speared.' [35]

(jamaniki is masculine + -niki modifier)

Nyama

that(M)

ngaba-ju

have-do

wangkurra-ngkujku

honey

ngima-rni-rni

that(V)-ERG-FOC

yurrku-nu

flower-did

bukumarra.

corkwood

Nyama ngaba-ju wangkurra-ngkujku ngima-rni-rni yurrku-nu bukumarra.

that(M) have-do honey that(V)-ERG-FOC flower-did corkwood

'The corkwood has honey-laden flowers.' [34]

(nyama is masculine)

Nyama

2SG-NOM

nginda

that(M)

ngajanyaju

see-2SG-do

nyarruku.

2SG-went

Nyama nginda ngajanyaju nyarruku.

2SG-NOM that(M) see-2SG-do 2SG-went

'You can see yourself and him.' [37]

(nginda is masculine)

Irriminjulu

kindling

ngini-rniki

DEM(N)-PROX

buba

fire

ngirrma-nga-yi

make-1SG-FUT

bardakurra.

good(M)

Irriminjulu ngini-rniki buba ngirrma-nga-yi bardakurra.

kindling DEM(N)-PROX fire make-1SG-FUT good(M)

'This kindling will make a good fire.' [35]

(ngini is neuter + -niki modifier)

Wanyik-urlu

girl-DU

nyina-bulu

DEM(F)-DU

ladaji-wunyu-ju

dry-3.DU-PRES

arduku.

slow

Wanyik-urlu nyina-bulu ladaji-wunyu-ju arduku.

girl-DU DEM(F)-DU dry-3.DU-PRES slow

'The two girls are slowly drying out.' [38]

(nyina is feminine)

Ngunudij

DEM(N)

bila-mi

break-IRR

nyanyalu!

branch

Ngunudij bila-mi nyanyalu!

DEM(N) break-IRR branch

'Break that branch!' [38]

(ngunu is neuter)

Jangkuwardka-ngarri-yi

climb_up-1SG-FUT

ngunungku

DEM

kalirrungu-ngka.

hill-AL

Jangkuwardka-ngarri-yi ngunungku kalirrungu-ngka.

climb_up-1SG-FUT DEM hill-AL

'I will climb the mountain this way.' [39]

(ngunungku is "this way")

Anaphoric

Anaphoric/discourse demonstratives refer to the aforementioned. There is one set of anaphoric demonstratives: kuna and kuya. These are only used rarely, and are often replaced by referential demonstratives. The former refers to nominals of the masculine class, and the latter to nominals of the neuter class. However, the former may also refer to nominals of other classes, and the latter to nominals of the vegetable class as well. [40]

Kuyu-ngka-nama

ANAPH(N)-ALL-time

ya-rruku

3SG-went

lurrbu.

return

Kuyu-ngka-nama ya-rruku lurrbu.

ANAPH(N)-ALL-time 3SG-went return

'He went back there.' [41]

(kuyu is neuter)

Nginda

dem(M)

wurru-ku

3PL-went

kuna-ngka

DEM(ANAPH)-all

biningkurru-ngka.

lake-all

Nginda wurru-ku kuna-ngka biningkurru-ngka.

dem(M) 3PL-went DEM(ANAPH)-all lake-all

'They went to that lake (you know the one).' [41]

(kuna is neuter)

Kuyu-mbili-rni

DEM(ANAPH)-LOC-FOC

mankiya-nga-yi.

sit-1SG-FUT

Kuyu-mbili-rni mankiya-nga-yi.

DEM(ANAPH)-LOC-FOC sit-1SG-FUT

'I'll go sit in that place (that you know).' [42]

Cataphoric

The only cataphoric demonstrative is jiyi and refers to nominals of all classes. [41]

Nominal features

Gender

All nominals in Jingulu belong to a certain gender or class of which there are four: masculine, feminine, neuter and vegetable. The vegetable class is the smallest of the classes with fewest nominals. Next comes the feminine class, and then the neuter and the masculine classes.

The characteristic endings of nominals belonging to the vegetable class are -imi and -ibi. Most nominals of this class are long, thin, pointed or sharp objects. For instance, a lot of vegetables, body parts, instruments and weather phenomena. Examples include wardbardbumi"bush passionfruit,"mankijbi"back of neck" and kingmi"rainbow."

The characteristic endings for feminine nominals are -ini, -irni, -idi and -irdi. Most nominals of this class are female animates, different kinds of axes, the sun, as well as for most smaller songbirds, and many unusual animals. Examples include nambiliju"female body,"dardawurni"axe" and lirrikbirni"cockatoo."

The characteristic ending for masculine nominals is -a, although a lot of masculine nominals also end in a consonant. Most nominals of this class are animates, although it also contains a number of flat or rounded inanimates. Examples include jambilija"male body,"kiyinarra"vagina" and yarrulan"youth."

Finally, the characteristic ending for neuter nominals is -u. This class contains nominals that do not fall into any of the previous classes, and especially words for abstract concepts and entities. Examples include yurrku"nectar,"ngabarangkurru"blood" and karala"ground." [43]

Number

Jingulu utilizes number morphology based on three numbers: singular, dual, and plural. The dual number is represented by the suffix /-bila/, and the plural number is represented by the suffix /-bala/, but they have different phonetic realizations depending on the allomorph used in context. [44]

Ngarri-ni-bila

1SG.GEN-M-DU.ANIM

bardarda-yila

younger.brother-DU.ANIM

manyan

sleep

wunyu-ju.

3DU-do

Ngarri-ni-bila bardarda-yila manyan wunyu-ju.

1SG.GEN-M-DU.ANIM younger.brother-DU.ANIM sleep 3DU-do

'My two younger brothers are asleep.' [45]

(bila refers to the number of brothers, dual)

Ngaja-nga-ju

that(m)-PL

murrkunbala

three(M)

bayin-bala

people-PL.ANIM

wijinki-wurri-ju

stand-3PL-do

nyambala

DEM(N)

lurrju-mbili

sandy.ridge-LOC

wijinki-wurru-ju.

upright-3PL-do

Ngaja-nga-ju murrkunbala bayin-bala wijinki-wurri-ju nyambala lurrju-mbili wijinki-wurru-ju.

that(m)-PL three(M) people-PL.ANIM stand-3PL-do DEM(N) sandy.ridge-LOC upright-3PL-do

'I see three men standing on a sandy ridge.' [46]

(bala refers to the number of people, plural)

Case

Case is realized in core and semantic case markings. [47] Core case marking includes the ergative case ([-ka]/ [-nga] for feminine kin terms/feminine nominals and [-rni] for other nominals) and the dative case (/-rna/). [48] Semantic/adpositional case markings include the instrumental case to mark inanimate subjects of transitive clauses (/-(w)arndi/, with the rare exception [-marndi]). Semantic/adpositional case markings function differently from core markings; it adds more information to the word it is affixing by actually referencing a location, direction, or some other aspect. [49]

Ergative case:

Arrkuja-narna-nu

scratch-3MS-did

ngaya

1SG-NOM

kardayi-rni.

cat-ERG

Arrkuja-narna-nu ngaya kardayi-rni.

scratch-3MS-did 1SG-NOM cat-ERG

'The cat scratched me.' [48]

Dative case:

Ngangi-rna

meat-DAT

ya-ardu

3SG-go

ngirrik-ardu

hunt-go

walanja-rna.

goanna-DAT

Ngangi-rna ya-ardu ngirrik-ardu walanja-rna.

meat-DAT 3SG-go hunt-go goanna-DAT

'He's going hunting for goanna meat.' [50]

Semantic/adpositional case:

Ngaba-ardimi

have-DIST

jimi-rna

that(N)-FOC

ngarnu

3SG.ACC.M

larnku-rdarra

stuff-PL

ukurdu-nga-mbili

bag-DAT.F-LOC

nyami-nga-mbili-rni.

DEM(F)-DAT.F-LOC-FOC

Ngaba-ardimi jimi-rna ngarnu larnku-rdarra ukurdu-nga-mbilinyami-nga-mbili-rni.

have-DIST that(N)-FOC 3SG.ACC.M stuff-PL bag-DAT.F-LOC DEM(F)-DAT.F-LOC-FOC

'He brought all his equipment out of a bag.' [49]

Instrumental case:

Makirdi-warndi

gun-INS

dirnda-nu.

shoot-did.

Makirdi-warndi dirnda-nu.

gun-INS shoot-did.

'He fired (with) a gun.' [51]

Reduplication

In addition to affixation, reduplication is another morphophonological process of Jingulu. The reduplication pattern in Jingulu is internal reduplication, typically of the first VC(C) syllable structure in the root, which is then infixed. [52]

mardilyi

lame

 

mardardilyi

lame folks

 

[52]

mardilyi → mardardilyi

lame {} {lame folks}

imikirni

old woman

 

imimikirni

old women

 

[52]

imikirni → imimikirni

{old woman} {} {old women}

Syntax

Jingulu has free word order, therefore no basic word order can be established. Jingulu is syntactically classified as a Non-configurational language. The predicate (both argument and verb) of a clause will lack encyclopedic information. [53]

The following simple Jingulu sentences are all acceptable versions of the same phrase to native speakers: [53]

Simple sentences

SVO

Uliyijanga

Sun

ngunjaju

burning

karalu.

ground

Uliyijanga ngunjaju karalu.

Sun burning ground

'The sun is burning the ground.' [53]

SOV

Uliyijanga

Sun

karalu

ground

ngunjaju.

burning

Uliyijanga karalu ngunjaju.

Sun ground burning

'The sun is burning the ground.' [53]

VSO

Ngunjaju

Burning

uliyijanga

sun

karalu.

ground

Ngunjaju uliyijanga karalu.

Burning sun ground

'The sun is burning the ground.' [53]

VOS

Ngunjaju

Burning

karalu

ground

uliyijanga.

sun

Ngunjaju karalu uliyijanga.

Burning ground sun

'The sun is burning the ground.' [54]

OSV

Karalu

Ground

uliyijanga

sun

ngunjaju.

burning

Karalu uliyijanga ngunjaju.

Ground sun burning

'The sun is burning the ground.' [54]

OVS

Karalu

Ground

ngunjaju

burning

uliyijanga.

sun

Karalu ngunjaju uliyijanga.

Ground burning sun

'The sun is burning the ground.' [54]

Verbless clauses

Verbless clauses lack an overt verb, normally compensating for this with two nominal elements that act as clausal predicates in its place. In syntax, verbless clauses are typically realized so that one nominal refers to the subject, while the referent of that nominal serves as the predicate, usually realized in subject-predicate order. Predicates in verbless clauses can be adjectives or nouns, possessors, adpositionals, or adverbs. [55]

Verbless clause example:

Miringmi

gum

bardakurrumi.

good(V)

Miringmi bardakurrumi.

gum good(V)

'Gum is good.' [56]

Adverb placement

Adverbs are one of the few word types that hold a strong preference for certain sentence positions with respect to the verb or to clause boundaries, depending on the type of adverb. Adverbs of time are typically sentence-initial, adverbs of place are typically at either the beginning or end of the sentence, and manner adverbs are placed before the verb most often. [57]

Adposition + noun phrase example:

jayili

under

urdurru

inside

ka-rdu

3SG-go

marru-ngka.

house-ALL

jayili urdurru ka-rdu marru-ngka.

under inside 3SG-go house-ALL

'Underneath the house.' [57]

Complex sentences

Word order is also free for complex sentences. Complex sentences in Jingulu can be split into two categories: coordinate and subordinate structures. [58]

Coordinate structures

Coordinate structures are found in complex sentences in which the tense of the two clauses is absolutive; i.e. the event associated with each refer to time of utterance. The two clauses may or may not occur at the same time, but they should not be reliant on one another in their occurrence. [59]

Coordinate structure example:

Mankiya-nu

sit-did

dibij-kaji

outside-through

ya-rruku.

3SG-went

Mankiya-nu dibij-kaji ya-rruku.

sit-did outside-through 3SG-went

'She sat here and he went outside.' [59]

Subordinate structures

Subordinate structures are found in complex sentences in which the two clauses are reliant on one another, the first being the tense-determining main clause and the second being the dependent subordinate clause. The structure of these sentences can be implemented in two ways: the tense may be indicated by eliminating the core verb, or the core verb may remain but with tense features determined based on the event time of the main clause rather than the utterance time. [60]

Subordinate structures example (purpose clause):

Jinjku

woodchip

maja-mi

get-IRR

jiminiki

this(N)

buba

fire

ngirrmi-mindi-yi

make-1DU.INCL-FUT

jalurruka

tea

umbumi-mindi-yi.

cook-1DU.INCL-FUT

Jinjku maja-mi jiminiki buba ngirrmi-mindi-yi jalurruka umbumi-mindi-yi.

woodchip get-IRR this(N) fire make-1DU.INCL-FUT tea cook-1DU.INCL-FUT

'Get some woodchips so we can build this fire and make some tea.' [61]

Text example

Related Research Articles

An interrogative word or question word is a function word used to ask a question, such as what, which, when, where, who, whom, whose, why, whether and how. They are sometimes called wh-words, because in English most of them start with wh-. They may be used in both direct questions and in indirect questions. In English and various other languages the same forms are also used as relative pronouns in certain relative clauses and certain adverb clauses. It can also be used as a modal, since question words are more likely to appear in modal sentences, like

Mbula is an Austronesian language spoken by around 2,500 people on Umboi Island and Sakar Island in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea. Its basic word order is subject–verb–object; it has a nominative–accusative case-marking strategy.

Vaeakau-Taumako is a Polynesian language spoken in some of the Reef Islands as well as in the Taumako Islands in the Temotu province of Solomon Islands.

Taba is a Malayo-Polynesian language of the South Halmahera–West New Guinea group. It is spoken mostly on the islands of Makian, Kayoa and southern Halmahera in North Maluku province of Indonesia by about 20,000 people.

Manam is a Kairiru–Manam language spoken mainly on the volcanic Manam Island, northeast of New Guinea.

Cavineña is an indigenous language spoken on the Amazonian plains of northern Bolivia by over 1,000 Cavineño people. Although Cavineña is still spoken, it is an endangered language. Guillaume (2004) states that about 1200 people speak the language, out of a population of around 1700. Nearly all Cavineña are bilingual in Spanish.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Wagiman language</span> Indigenous Australian language

Wagiman, also spelt Wageman, Wakiman, Wogeman, and other variants, is a near-extinct Aboriginal Australian language spoken by a small number of Wagiman people in and around Pine Creek, in the Katherine Region of the Northern Territory.

Bauré is an endangered Arawakan language spoken by only 40 of the thousand Baure people of the Beni Department of northwest of Magdalena, Bolivia. Some Bible portions have been translated into Bauré. Most speakers have been shifting to Spanish.

Hoava is an Oceanic language spoken by 1000–1500 people on New Georgia Island, Solomon Islands. Speakers of Hoava are multilingual and usually also speak Roviana, Marovo, Solomon Islands Pijin, English.

Roviana is a member of the North West Solomonic branch of Oceanic languages. It is spoken around Roviana and Vonavona lagoons at the north central New Georgia in the Solomon Islands. It has 10,000 first-language speakers and an additional 16,000 people mostly over 30 years old speak it as a second language. In the past, Roviana was widely used as a trade language and further used as a lingua franca, especially for church purposes in the Western Province, but now it is being replaced by the Solomon Islands Pijin. Published studies on Roviana include: Ray (1926), Waterhouse (1949) and Todd (1978) contain the syntax of Roviana. Corston-Oliver discuss ergativity in Roviana. Todd (2000) and Ross (1988) discuss the clause structure in Roviana. Schuelke (2020) discusses grammatical relations and syntactic ergativity in Roviana.

Ughele is an Oceanic language spoken by about 1200 people on Rendova Island, located in the Western Province of the Solomon Islands.

Kâte is a Papuan language spoken by about 6,000 people in the Finschhafen District of Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea. It is part of the Finisterre–Huon branch of the Trans–New Guinea language family. It was adopted for teaching and mission work among speakers of Papuan languages by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Papua New Guinea in the early 1900s and at one time had as many as 80,000 second-language speakers.

Farefare or Frafra, also known by the regional name of Gurenne (Gurene), is a Niger–Congo language spoken by the Frafra people of northern Ghana, particularly the Upper East Region, and southern Burkina Faso. It is a national language of Ghana, and is closely related to Dagbani and other languages of Northern Ghana, and also related to Mossi, also known as Mooré, the national language of Burkina Faso.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Iatmul language</span> Ndu language spoken in Papua New Guinea

Iatmul is the language of the Iatmul people, spoken around the Sepik River in the East Sepik Province, northern Papua New Guinea. The Iatmul, however, do not refer to their language by the term Iatmul, but call it gepmakudi.

The Ngarnji (Ngarndji) or Ngarnka language was traditionally spoken by the Ngarnka people of the Barkly Tablelands in the Northern Territory of Australia. The last fluent speaker of the language died between 1997 and 1998. Ngarnka belongs to the Mirndi language family, in the Ngurlun branch. It is closely related to its eastern neighbours Binbinka, Gudanji and Wambaya. It is more distantly related to its western neighbour Jingulu, and three languages of the Victoria River District, Jaminjung, Ngaliwurru and Nungali. There is very little documentation and description of Ngarnka, however there have been several graduate and undergraduate dissertations written on various aspects of Ngarnka morphology, and a sketch grammar and lexicon of Ngarnka is currently in preparation.

Ramarama, also known as Karo, is a Tupian language of Brazil.

Buli, or Kanjaga, is a Gur language of Ghana primarily spoken in the Builsa District, located in the Upper East Region of the country. It is an SVO language and has 200 000 speakers.

Mavea is an Oceanic language spoken on Mavea Island in Vanuatu, off the eastern coast of Espiritu Santo. It belongs to the North–Central Vanuatu linkage of Southern Oceanic. The total population of the island is approximately 172, with only 34 fluent speakers of the Mavea language reported in 2008.

Tawala is an Oceanic language of the Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. It is spoken by 20,000 people who live in hamlets and small villages on the East Cape peninsula, on the shores of Milne Bay and on areas of the islands of Sideia and Basilaki. There are approximately 40 main centres of population each speaking the same dialect, although through the process of colonisation some centres have gained more prominence than others.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Toʼabaita language</span> Malaita language of the Solomon Islands

Toʼabaita, also known as Toqabaqita, Toʼambaita, Malu and Maluʼu, is a language spoken by the people living at the north-western tip of Malaita Island, of South Eastern Solomon Islands. Toʼabaita is an Austronesian language.

References

Notes

  1. "Census 2016, Language spoken at home by Sex (SA2+)". stat.data.abs.gov.au. ABS. Retrieved 30 October 2017.
  2. C22 Jingulu at the Australian Indigenous Languages Database, Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies
  3. Harvey, Mark David (2008). Proto Mirndi: A Discontinuous Language Family in Northern Australia. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. p. 3. ISBN   978-0-85883-588-7.
  4. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, pp. 1–4.
  5. Eberhard, David M. "Language Status". Ethnologue: Languages of the World.
  6. Pensalfini 2003, p. 10.
  7. Browning, Daniel (23 August 2019). "Can music revive endangered languages?". ABC Radio National. Retrieved 21 March 2022.
  8. Perera, Alicia (2 August 2022). "Australian researchers develop new communication system inspired by rare NT Aboriginal language Jingulu". ABC News. Australian Broadcasting Corporation . Retrieved 3 August 2022.
  9. Kendon, A. (1988) Sign Languages of Aboriginal Australia: Cultural, Semiotic and Communicative Perspectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  10. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 20.
  11. 1 2 3 Pensalfini 2003, p. 21.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 Pensalfini 2003, p. 22.
  13. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 23.
  14. Pensalfini 2003, pp. 30–31.
  15. Pensalfini 2003, pp. 31–32.
  16. Pensalfini 2003, p. 32.
  17. Pensalfini 2003, pp. 32–33.
  18. Pensalfini 2003, pp. 36–38.
  19. Pensalfini 2003, p. 36.
  20. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 56.
  21. 1 2 3 Pensalfini 2003, p. 57.
  22. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 58.
  23. Pensalfini 2003, p. 66.
  24. Pensalfini 2003, p. 65.
  25. Pensalfini 2003, p. 70.
  26. Pensalfini 2003, pp. 70–72.
  27. 1 2 3 4 Pensalfini 2003, p. 71.
  28. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 72.
  29. 1 2 3 Pensalfini 2003, p. 73.
  30. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 75.
  31. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 130.
  32. Pensalfini 2003, p. 136.
  33. Pensalfini 2003, p. 132.
  34. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 133.
  35. 1 2 3 4 Pensalfini 2003, p. 131.
  36. Pensalfini 2003, p. 15.
  37. Pensalfini 2003, p. 134.
  38. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 17.
  39. Pensalfini 2003, p. 18.
  40. Pensalfini 2003, p. 137.
  41. 1 2 3 Pensalfini 2003, p. 138.
  42. Pensalfini 2003, p. 19.
  43. Pensalfini 2003, pp. 161–162.
  44. Pensalfini 2003, p. 171.
  45. Pensalfini 2003, p. 169.
  46. Pensalfini 2003, p. 170.
  47. Pensalfini 2003, p. 175.
  48. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 178.
  49. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 184.
  50. Pensalfini 2003, p. 180.
  51. Pensalfini 2003, p. 188.
  52. 1 2 3 Pensalfini 2003, p. 53.
  53. 1 2 3 4 5 Pensalfini 2003, p. 77.
  54. 1 2 3 Pensalfini 2003, p. 78.
  55. Pensalfini 2003, p. 86.
  56. Pensalfini 2003, p. 87.
  57. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 96.
  58. Pensalfini 2003, p. 111.
  59. 1 2 Pensalfini 2003, p. 112.
  60. Pensalfini 2003, p. 115.
  61. Pensalfini 2003, p. 117.
  62. Pensalfini 1997, p. 399.

General

Bibliography