Structural violence in Haiti

Last updated

Haitians walk by damaged buildings in downtown Port-au-Prince, Haiti, after the earthquake in 2010. Defense.gov photo essay 100118-F-1644L-099.jpg
Haitians walk by damaged buildings in downtown Port-au-Prince, Haiti, after the earthquake in 2010.

Haiti is impacted by structural violence, a form of dysfunction where social structures prevent certain groups of people from having access to basic human rights, like education and healthcare. [1] This has resulted from its colonial history, and from decades of political instability and social unrest. Additionally, Haitians are financially impoverished and within Haiti, there exist social inequalities. In 2012, 58.5% of its population was below its poverty line. [2] Educational standards within the nation are low, where its literacy rate is about 60.7%, below the 84.1% global average. [3] [4] Haiti is also globally ranked lower than most other nations in various measurements of health outcomes. [5] Such health outcomes include life expectancy, mortality rates, and disease levels. While there has been some international assistance, there are insufficient supportive infrastructures in place within the country to provide resources and opportunities for Haitians who are trying to attain a higher quality of life. Causes that have resulted in higher levels of structural violence within Haiti include political instability and corruption, as well as the impact of post-colonialism, which has established a caste-based class system within Haiti. [3] [6] [7]

Contents

Definition of structural violence

As defined by Medical Anthropologist Dr. Paul Farmer, structural violence is the way by which social arrangements are constructed to put specific members of a population in harm's way. [8] According to Dr. Farmer, social inequalities are at the heart of structural violence, where the prevailing societal framework imposes invisible barriers that perpetuate the suffering of certain groups of people. [9] The term structural violence was first coined by Johan Galtung, the founder of peace and conflict studies, in 1969. The term further gained exposure when it was used by Latin American liberation theologians. [9] These social arrangements are termed structural as they are embedded into the cultural, political and economic realms of society. The term violence highlights the fact that these structures cause injury or inequality to certain groups of peoples and constrain individual agency in the society in which they operate. [8] While structural violence exists in other parts of the world, its effects are more readily identified within Haiti. [1]

Compounding factors

While the negative effects of structural violence affects almost everyone in the nation of Haiti, there are a number of social factors that render certain demographics of the population to experience a more severe form of human suffering. These include gender, ethnicity and socioeconomic status. [1]

Gender

Haitian girls Haitian girls.jpg
Haitian girls

While structural violence impacts Haiti as a whole, due to the presence of gender inequality, women within Haiti tend to be more heavily impacted by structural violence than men. [1] In the 2004 United Nations Development Fund for Women report, Haitian women were found to remain as the target of oppression, independent of any political change within the nation. Among the 43% of households which are headed by women, more than 80% are reported to be living in poverty. [10] Moreover, according to the 2000 UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, a report on Haiti noted that structural gender disparities have made Haitian women disproportionately susceptible to physical violence, but also excluded from various forms of protection. [11] For example, spousal rape is not regarded as a crime under Haiti's judicial system. [12] Other forms of legal discrimination against women and girls include differentiated wage levels, as well as unequal penalties for both adultery and divorce. [10]

Race / ethnicity

Racial or ethnic differentiation has been well acknowledged as a means of depriving certain racial or ethnic groups of basic human rights, or from receiving the same quality of resources as others. [1] [13] [14] [15] [16] In Haiti's context, such social discrimination exists predominantly from two areas: Antihaitianismo, which is the racial bias against Haitians and descendants of Haitians by Dominicans, and remnants of the Haitian colonial hierarchy via caste discrimination. [17] While Haitian mulattoes make up 5% of the Haitian population, they are regarded as the upper class and control approximately 44% of the national income. [18]

Socioeconomic status

The Human Suffering Index (HSI), which examines measures of human welfare ranging from life expectancy to political freedom, listed Haiti to be one of the 27 of 141 countries characterized by "extreme human suffering". [19] [20] Coming from a lower socioeconomic background can render individuals and groups to be more vulnerable to "extreme human suffering". [13] This is because economic and political structural barriers tend to have a greater impact on those who are lower down on the social order, or are affected by poverty. [1] [8] This stems from the fact that those who are of lower classes often have limited access to resources or do not share the quality of resources that those of higher socio-economic classes have access to. [1] [19] UNICEF statistics show that while less than 10% of births among the poorest 20% in Haiti had a skilled attendant present, 78.1% of all births had a skilled attendant present for the richest 20%. [21] Underweight prevalence among the poorest 20% is 4.7 times greater than that of the richest 20%. [21] Economically, the poorest 40% make up 8% of the nation's total household income, while the richest 20% make up 63%. [21]

Impacts of structural violence

Poverty

Slums in the area of Bas-Ravine, in the northern part of Cap-Haitien Bas-Ravine.jpg
Slums in the area of Bas-Ravine, in the northern part of Cap-Haïtien

The impacts of structural violence are far reaching. They affect individuals, and overall social outcomes. [1] Poverty is one of the biggest by-products of structural violence, as structural violence inhibits individuals and communities from achieving basic human rights. These basic rights include access to healthcare and education. As identified by the 2012 World Development Report, health and education are two key human capital endowments that can influence an individual's ability to reach his or her full potential in society. [22] Due to the inability to receive proper education and maintain good health, individuals impacted by structural violence often are less well-positioned to attain better socio-economic opportunities or to be upwardly mobile. In 2012, Haiti was the poorest nation in the Western Hemisphere, with approximately 58.5% of its population lived below the nation's poverty line. [2] The Gini coefficient for Haiti was 59.2 in 2001, making it the 7th highest nation in terms of its degree of inequality in the distribution of family income. [23]

Education

Structural violence impacts one's ability to receive education. [1] Haiti's literacy rate is about 60.7%, below the 90% average literacy rate for Latin American and other Caribbean countries. [3] Due to the oppressive political and economic structures that are plaguing the nation, the educational sector in Haiti has limited financial support. The quality of education is low due to the lack of organization, expertise, and resources. There is a shortage of school supplies and qualified teachers. This problem is more prevalent in rural areas. Schools may use either outdated curricula or a partially implemented framework from the 1997 National Plan of Education and Training (NPET) curriculum. [24] Due to the state's lack of institutional strength and capacity to provide basic education to the general Haitian population, the education sector is now predominantly privatized. [25] A 2006 World Bank Study on the private education in Haiti found that 92% of all Haitian schools are privately owned, tuition-based institutions. [26] Due to Haiti's widespread economic hardship, the majority of the nation's population is unable to meet the cost of education. 88% of children aged 6 to 12 are enrolled in school, and less than one-third of those enrolled reach fifth grade. [24] Close to 60% of children drop out of school before receiving their primary education certificate. [27] The 2006 World Bank report notes that "the high dropout rate is generally not reflective of a Haitian disregard for or disinterest in education; rather, it is an unfortunate consequence of limited family resources". [28] In the poorest 20% of households in Haiti, school fees can represent up to 25% of a family's annual household income per child. [26] Of those who were able to progress to secondary education, 75% go to private schools. [29] Students who complete secondary schooling were not automatically eligible to enroll in a university.[ clarification needed ] [27] This is because approximately 90% of the higher education system consists of private universities with high tuition fees, making it unaffordable to the general population. [25] [30] While the average GDP per capita in Haiti is $673, tuition fees can exceed more than $2000 a year for Haitian private universities. There is also a lack of enrollment space among public Haitian universities, which comprise 5% of all institutions of higher learning. [27]

Access to healthcare

Medical personnel prepare a Haitian woman for surgery at the Milot hospital in Haiti US Navy 100206-N-6214F-016 Medical personnel prepare a Haitian woman for surgery at the Milot hospital in cap-Haitian, Haiti.jpg
Medical personnel prepare a Haitian woman for surgery at the Milot hospital in Haiti

Serviced by a mixture of the public sector, the private sector, the non-profit sector, and religious institutions, the health system in Haiti faces the challenge of establishing efficient health coordination. [31] This is further compounded by the presence of more than 250 additional implementing partners within the health sector. [31] Coupled with a continuing series of political upheavals that have led to an unending social instability, Haiti's inefficient healthcare framework has crippled the nation's ability to provide good healthcare access to its people. [32] The government has limited ability to provide services, where about 55% of health care is provided by missionaries or other non-governmental organizations. [33] While there are a small number of physicians who operate for-profit clinics, most are found in the larger cities. Additionally, medical services, whether public or private are disproportionately located in the metropolitan Port-au-Prince area. [34] Obstetric facilities also follow a similar trend. Hospitals outside the Port-au-Prince area provide limited obstetric services. In rural areas, prenatal care services are often delivered either by outreach teams or by small clinics that do not have formal maternity wards or delivery capabilities. [34] This physical separation of adequate medical facilitates from parts of rural Haiti makes access to healthcare by those living away from the city difficult. While most medical infrastructures are concentrated within Port-au-Prince, these hospitals and clinical facilities are often in a dilapidated state as they are compromised by infrastructural deficiencies and electrical blackouts. This lack of medical infrastructure was further exacerbated by the 2010 Haiti earthquake. [31] In 2007, 47% of the population lacked access to basic health care, with a majority of the population turning to traditional healers for various forms of treatment. [31] [35] A study on Haiti's prosthetic situation also revealed that less than 25% of all amputees obtain a prosthetic limb. [36]

Access to healthcare also includes issues like perceived quality of care. [37] While well-known national maternity hospitals located in Port-au-Prince are either at full capacity or overcapacity, rural maternity beds outside of Port-au-Prince, are under utilized, with utilization rates of about 30 to 35%. [38] However, evidence suggests that pregnant women want competent care. This under-utilization of existing rural services is directly tied to the perceived and actual quality of the facilities. [39] [40] A widespread tendency to avoid government-run public facilities is frequently credited to those institutions' low quality of care, such as a lack of equipment and services, and unfriendly attitude of the medical staff. [41] [42]

Health outcomes

Structural violence impacts health outcomes at both an individual and communal level. Individually, structural violence creates barriers that prevent one from properly receiving and utilizing health care systems. Some of these barriers include high user fees, which lower health facility utilization levels, as well as social stigma around certain diseases that reduce utilization and thus negatively impact health outcomes for certain individuals. [43] An example of how the pre-existing healthcare system reinforces social stigma is the way that facility-based health care is delivered to women. In most of Haiti's public health facilities, waiting lines for family planning services and HIV/AIDS testing are designed to be separate from those of routine care. This public separation thus makes visible the social stigma of sexually transmitted diseases, which can deter women from utilizing certain sex-related health services. [44] Aside from individual impact, structural violence also impacts the society as a whole as it facilitates inequity in terms of the distribution of a society's resources and hence the overall quality of life of a society. This uneven distribution of resources across Haiti's society has created numerous social and economic disparities, all of which have led the country to perform below other countries in a series of health outcomes. [45] [46]

Life expectancy

According to the 2011 World Health Organization data on health indicators, the average life expectancy in Haiti at birth is 61 years for males and 64 years for females, lower than the global average of 70 years. [47] [48] In 2014, Haiti was ranked 186 out of the 223 countries studied for life expectancy at birth. [49] In terms of healthy life expectancy, a 2013 study funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation, found Haiti's health life expectancy for males and females to be 27.8 and 37.1 years respectively, both of which are ranked as the lowest out of the 187 countries studied. [5] Haiti's overall low ranking for life expectancy stems from a multitude of factors that includes high HIV/AIDS prevalence, lack of access to basic healthcare services, malnutrition, and poor sanitation. [50]

Mortality rates

Haitian Cemetery Haitian Cemetery (7810880050).jpg
Haitian Cemetery

Mortality rates in Haiti are higher than world averages across all demographics. Today, Haiti has the highest rates of infant, under-five, and maternal mortality in the Western hemisphere. [51] High infection rates for diseases such as respiratory infections, malaria, tuberculosis, as well as sexually transmitted diseases like HIV/AIDS are the leading causes of death for Haitians. [51] This largely comes from persisting inequalities in access to health services, especially between the rich and the rural poor. It is estimated that some 60% of Haitians, primarily those living in rural areas, lack access to basic health-care services. [51] [52] In terms of infant mortality, the UN Inter-agency Group for Child Mortality Estimation and World Health Organization report that 57 infants per every 1,000 live births die each year before reaching one year of age. The probability of infants dying under the age of five is 76 per 1,000 live births. [53] [54] With regards to maternal mortality, a maternal mortality study of 181 countries in 2008 found that Haiti's maternal mortality rate was approximately 582 deaths per 100,000 live births, which is one of the highest rates of maternal mortality in both the Caribbean and around the world. [34] [55] While the high maternal mortality rate in Haiti can be attributed to the fact that women in developing countries tend to have on average more pregnancies than those in developed countries, factors that play a much larger role include poverty, distance, and inadequate services, all of which are negative impacts of structural violence. [52] As a result, women often experience long delays in seeking medical help for obstetric emergency, difficulty reaching an obstetric facility, or not receiving adequate care at the obstetric facility, all of which can be life-threatening for pregnant women living in resource-poor settings. [34] [56] In terms of the overall population, the mortality rates for Haitians between 15 and 60 years old is 258 and 223 per 1000 individuals for males and females respectively. [54]

Burden of disease

The lack of development and spending on healthcare resources and services makes Haitians, particularly those living in rural areas, susceptible to diseases that are otherwise manageable. [1] [13] For example, the WHO confirmed that a typhoid fever outbreak that occurred in 2003 was due to a lack of access to doctors and clean water infrastructure. [3] Across the nation, it is estimated that there are about 25 physicians and 11 nurses for every 100,000 Haitians. [21] WHO also estimates that 43% of the population receives all the recommended immunizations. For communicable diseases, this means loss of herd immunity [3] This lack of healthcare resources and a disease-friendly environment puts Haiti’s burden of disease to be much higher than that of most nations. In the 2010 World Malaria Report, confirmed cases of malaria in Haiti tripled from 16,897 to 49,535 between 2000 and 2009. [57] As of 2012, less than 20% of all households in Haiti have Insecticide-treated bed nets to protect themselves against mosquitoes. [21] In 2010, Haiti also experienced a cholera outbreak that spread quickly throughout the nation due to difficulties in healthcare access and the lack of experience of the healthcare system. By the end of 2010, a total of 179,379 cases, including 3,990 deaths were reported in Haiti. This represents 61% of all cases reported and 80% of all deaths globally. [58] In 2006, prevalence of HIV/AIDS among adults was 2.2%. [59] [60] In 2012, the total estimated number of people of ALL ages living with HIV was approximately 150,000. [21]

Causes

40th President of Haiti, Francois Duvalier Francois Duvalier (cropped).jpg
40th President of Haiti, François Duvalier

Political issues

One cause that has resulted in significant levels of structural violence within Haiti is political instability and corruption. [1] [9] Over the past 200 years, Haitian politics have gone through periods of social unrest and turmoil. The nation has experienced more than 30 Coup d'états. There has been a long[ clarification needed ] history of oppression by dictators. [58] Political instability and corruption have left the country with a number of social problems, such as a lack of access to basic human rights, including education and healthcare; and an economy with a lower than average domestic product. [61] According to the World Bank, Haiti ranks 162 out of 183 economies in the world and 31 out of 32 economies within Latin America and the Caribbean. [62] This low economic ranking limits the level of job creation and availability. This lack of job creation contributes to Haiti's unemployment rate of 40.6%, with more than two-thirds of the labor force not holding formal jobs. [63]

Impacts of post-colonialism

Another cause of structural violence is the impact of post-colonialism. During the 19th century, European expansion into the New World created social arrangements such as slavery and institutionalized racism. The remnants of these social structures exist today in the form of caste-based racial discrimination, which contributes to the social inequality and economic disparities present within Haiti. [6] [64] [65] Comprising 5% of the nation's population, Haitian mulattoes and Haitians of European ancestry have retained positions of power. This is evident in the political, economic, social, and cultural hierarchy in present-day Haiti, where they control about 44% of the nation's income and Gross Domestic Product and hold the country's important positions.[ clarification needed ] For instance, prominent Haitians and political leaders throughout Haiti's history have been either mulattoes or of European-descent. [7] [66] Within Haiti, light skin, straight hair, and European surnames continue to be important and defining characteristics that separate the traditional elites and upper class citizens from the rest of the population. [3]

See also

Related Research Articles

Maternal death Aspect of human reproduction and medicine

Maternal death or maternal mortality is defined in slightly different ways by several different health organizations. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines maternal death as the death of a pregnant woman due to complications related to pregnancy, underlying conditions worsened by the pregnancy or management of these conditions. This can occur either while she is pregnant or within six weeks of resolution of the pregnancy. The CDC definition of pregnancy-related deaths extends the period of consideration to include one year from the resolution of the pregnancy. Pregnancy associated death, as defined by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), are all deaths occurring within one year of a pregnancy resolution. Identification of pregnancy associated deaths is important for deciding whether or not the pregnancy was a direct or indirect contributing cause of the death.

Women's health differs from that of men in many unique ways. Women's health is an example of population health, where health is defined by the World Health Organization as "a state of complete physical, mental and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity". Often treated as simply women's reproductive health, many groups argue for a broader definition pertaining to the overall health of women, better expressed as "The health of women". These differences are further exacerbated in developing countries where women, whose health includes both their risks and experiences, are further disadvantaged.

Kerala model Developmental model adopted in Kerala

The Kerala model of development refers to the economic practices adopted by the Indian state of Kerala. It is characterised by results showing strong social indicators when compared to the rest of the country such as high literacy and life expectancy rates, highly improved access to healthcare, and low infant mortality and birth rates. Despite having a lower per capita income, the state is sometimes compared, to developed countries. These achievements along with the factors responsible for such achievements have been considered characteristic results of the Kerala model. Academic literature discusses the primary factors underlying the success of the Kerala model as its decentralization efforts, the political mobilization of the poor, and the active involvement of civil society organizations in the planning and implementation of development policies.

Health equity arises from access to the social determinants of health, specifically from wealth, power and prestige. Individuals who have consistently been deprived of these three determinants are significantly disadvantaged from health inequities, and face worse health outcomes than those who are able to access certain resources. It is not equity to simply provide every individual with the same resources; that would be equality. In order to achieve health equity, resources must be allocated based on an individual need-based principle.

Sexual and reproductive health State of the reproductive system without evidence of disease, disorders, or deficiencies

Sexual and reproductive health (SRH) is a field of research, healthcare, and social activism that explores the health of an individual's reproductive system and sexual wellbeing during all stages of their life.

Social determinants of health Economic and social conditions that influence differences in health status

The social determinants of health (SDOH) are the economic and social conditions that influence individual and group differences in health status. They are the health promoting factors found in one's living and working conditions, rather than individual risk factors that influence the risk for a disease, or vulnerability to disease or injury. The distributions of social determinants are often shaped by public policies that reflect prevailing political ideologies of the area. The World Health Organization says, "This unequal distribution of health-damaging experiences is not in any sense a 'natural' phenomenon but is the result of a toxic combination of poor social policies, unfair economic arrangements [where the already well-off and healthy become even richer and the poor who are already more likely to be ill become even poorer], and bad politics."

Health in Haiti

Deficient sanitation systems, poor nutrition, and inadequate health services have pushed Haiti to the bottom of the World Bank’s rankings of health indicators. According to the United Nations World Food Programme, 80 percent of Haiti’s population lives below the poverty line. In fact, 75% of the Haitian population lives off of $2.50 per day. Consequently, malnutrition is a significant problem. Half the population can be categorized as "food insecure," and half of all Haitian children are undersized as a result of malnutrition. Less than half the population has access to clean drinking water, a rate that compares poorly even with other less-developed nations. Haiti's healthy life expectancy at birth is 63 years. The World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that only 43 percent of the target population receives the recommended immunizations.

Health in Kenya

Tropical diseases, especially malaria and tuberculosis, have long been a public health problem in Kenya. In recent years, infection with the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), which causes acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), also has become a severe problem. Estimates of the incidence of infection differ widely.

Health in Niger

Niger is a landlocked country located in West Africa and has Libya, Chad, Nigeria, Benin, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Algeria as its neighboring countries. Niger was French territory that its independence in 1960 and its official language is French. Niger has an area of 1.267 million square kilometres, nevertheless, 80% of its land area spreads through the Sahara Desert.

Health in Cambodia

The quality of health in Cambodia is rising along with its growing economy. The public health care system has a high priority from the Cambodian government and with international help and assistance, Cambodia has seen some major and continuous improvements in the health profile of its population since the 1980s, with a steadily rising life expectancy.

Maternal health in Uganda

Like many developing countries, Uganda has high maternal mortality ratio at 343 per 100,000 live births. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), a maternal death is the death of a woman while pregnant or within 42 days of termination of pregnancy, irrespective of the duration and site of the pregnancy, from any cause related to or aggravated by the pregnancy or its management but not from accidental or incidental causes. In situations where attribution of the cause of death is inadequate, another definition, pregnancy-related death was coined by the US Centers for Disease Control (CDC), defined as the death of a woman while pregnant or within 42 days of termination of pregnancy, irrespective of the cause of death.

The social determinants of health in poverty describe the factors that affect impoverished populations' health and health inequality. Inequalities in health stem from the conditions of people's lives, including living conditions, work environment, age, and other social factors, and how these affect people's ability to respond to illness. These conditions are also shaped by political, social, and economic structures. The majority of people around the globe do not meet their potential best health because of a "toxic combination of bad policies, economics, and politics". Daily living conditions work together with these structural drivers to result in the social determinants of health.

Health in Lesotho

Lesotho's Human development index value for 2018 was 0.518 — which put the country in the low human development category — positioning it at 164 out of 189 countries and territories. Health care services in Lesotho are delivered primarily by the government and the Christian Health Association of Lesotho. Access to health services is difficult for many people, especially in rural areas. The country’s health system is challenged by the relentless increase of the burden of disease brought about by AIDS, and a lack of expertise and human resources. Serious emergencies are often referred to neighbouring South Africa. The largest contribution to mortality in Lesotho are communicable diseases, maternal, perinatal and nutritional conditions.

The World Health Organization (WHO) has defined health as "a state of complete physical, mental, and social well-being and not merely the absence of disease or infirmity." Identified by the 2012 World Development Report as one of two key human capital endowments, health can influence an individual's ability to reach his or her full potential in society. Yet while gender equality has made the most progress in areas such as education and labor force participation, health inequality between men and women continues to harm many societies to this day.

Womens health in India Demographic health topic

Women's health in India can be examined in terms of multiple indicators, which vary by geography, socioeconomic standing and culture. To adequately improve the health of women in India multiple dimensions of wellbeing must be analysed in relation to global health averages and also in comparison to men in India. Health is an important factor that contributes to human wellbeing and economic growth.

Health in Norway Overview of health in Norway

Health in Norway, with its early history of poverty and infectious diseases along with famines and epidemics, was poor for most of the population at least into the 1800s. The country eventually changed from a peasant society to an industrial one and established a public health system in 1860. Due to the high life expectancy at birth, the low under five mortality rate and the fertility rate in Norway, it is fair to say that the overall health status in the country is generally good.

Gender inequality in Sri Lanka

Gender inequality in Sri Lanka is centered on the inequalities that arise between men and women in Sri Lanka. Specifically, these inequalities affect many aspects of women's lives, starting with sex-selective abortions and male preferences, then education and schooling in childhood, which influence job opportunities, property rights, access to health and political participation in adulthood. While Sri Lanka is ranked well on several gender equality indices in comparison to other countries in the region, there are also some sources that question the verity of these indices. However, globally, Sri Lanka ranks relatively lower on gender equality indices. Overall, this pattern of social history that disempowers females produces a cycle of undervaluing females, providing only secondary access to health care and schooling and thus fewer opportunities to take on high level jobs or training, which then exacerbates the issue of low political participation and lowered social rights, a cycle studied and noted on by Dr. Elaine Enarson, a disaster sociologist studying the connection between disaster and the role of women.

Maternal mortality in the United States Overview of maternal mortality in the United States

Maternal mortality refers to the death of a person during their pregnancy or up to a year after their pregnancy has terminated; this metric only includes causes related to their pregnancy, and does not include accidental causes. Some sources will define maternal mortality as the death of a person up to 42 days after their pregnancy has ended, instead of one year. In 1986, the CDC began tracking pregnancy related deaths to gather information and determine what was causing these deaths by creating the Pregnancy-Related Mortality Surveillance System. Although the United States was spending more on healthcare than any other country in the world, more than two women died during childbirth every day, making maternal mortality in the United States the highest when compared to 49 other countries in the developed world. The CDC reported an increase in the maternal mortality ratio in the United States from 18.8 deaths per 100,000 births to 23.8 deaths per 100,000 births between 2000 and 2014, a 26.6% increase. As of 2018, the US had an estimated 17.4 deaths per 100,000 live births. It is estimated that 20-50% of these deaths are due to preventable causes, such as: hemorrhage, severe high blood pressure, and infection.

Maternal mortality in India Overview of maternal mortality in India

Maternal mortality in India is the maternal death of a woman in India during pregnancy or after pregnancy, including post-abortion or post-birth periods. Different countries and cultures have different rates and causes for maternal death. Within India, there is a marked variation in healthcare access between regions and in socioeconomic factors, accordingly, there is also variation in maternal deaths for various states, regions, and demographics of women.

Women in Zambia Overview of the status of women in Zambia

The status of women in Zambia has improved in recent years. Among other things, the maternal mortality rate has dropped and the National Assembly of Zambia has enacted multiple policies aimed at decreasing violence against women. However, progress is still needed. Most women have limited access to reproductive healthcare, and the total number of women infected with HIV in the country continues to rise. Moreover, violence against women in Zambia remains common. Child marriage rates in Zambia are some of the highest in the world, and women continue to experience high levels of physical and sexual violence.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Sen, Paul Farmer ; foreword by Amartya (2004). Pathologies of power: health, human rights, and the new war on the poor: with a new preface by the author (2° édition. ed.). Berkeley: University of California Press. p. 42. ISBN   978-0-520-24326-2.
  2. 1 2 The World Bank. "World Development Indicators: Haiti". The World Bank. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Library of Congress - Federal Research Division (May 2015). Country Profile: Haiti (PDF) (Report). Library of Congress. Retrieved 19 June 2015.
  4. ↑ United Nations Educational; Scientific & Cultural Organization. "UIS FACT SHEET: ADULT AND YOUTH LITERACY" (PDF). UNESCO Institute for Statistics. Retrieved 31 March 2014.
  5. 1 2 Salomon, Joshua A; Wang, Haidong; Freeman, Michael K; Vos, Theo; Flaxman, Abraham D; Lopez, Alan D; Murray, Christopher JL (December 2012). "Healthy life expectancy for 187 countries, 1990–2010: a systematic analysis for the Global Burden Disease Study 2010". The Lancet. 380 (9859): 2144–2162. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(12)61690-0. PMID   23245606. S2CID   27086666.
  6. 1 2 Wingfield, R.; Parenton, V. J. (1 March 1965). "Class Structure and Class Conflict in Haitian Society". Social Forces. 43 (3): 338–347. doi:10.2307/2574763. JSTOR   2574763.
  7. 1 2 Johnson, Tekla Ali (March 2004). "The enduring function of caste: colonial and modern Haiti, Jamaica, and Brazil The economy of race, the social organization of caste, and the formulation of racial societies". Comparative American Studies. 2 (1): 61–73. doi:10.1177/1477570004041288. S2CID   144102293.
  8. 1 2 3 Farmer, Paul E.; Nizeye, Bruce; Stulac, Sara; Keshavjee, Salmaan (2006). "Structural Violence and Clinical Medicine". PLOS Medicine. 3 (10): e449. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.0030449. PMC   1621099 . PMID   17076568.
  9. 1 2 3 Farmer, Paul (June 2004). "An Anthropology of Structural Violence". Current Anthropology. 45 (3): 305–325. doi:10.1086/382250. S2CID   224798880.
  10. 1 2 UNIFEM (July 2004). UNIFEM in Haiti: Supporting Gender Justice, Development and Peace (PDF) (Report). UNIFEM Caribbean Office. Retrieved 15 March 2014.
  11. ↑ Radhika Coomaraswamy (27 January 2000). Report of the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, Its Causes and Consequences, Radhika Coomaraswamy, submitted in accordance with Commission on Human Rights resolution 1997/44. Addendum: Report on the mission to Haiti (Report). UN Commission on Human Rights. Retrieved 15 March 2014.
  12. ↑ Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (11 March 2009). 2009 Human Rights Report: Haiti (Report). U.S. Department of State. Retrieved 15 March 2014.{{cite report}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  13. 1 2 3 Farmer, Paul (2001). Infections and inequalities : the modern plagues (1. paperback print. ed.). Berkeley [u.a.]: Univ. of California Press. ISBN   9780520229136.
  14. ↑ Sen, Amartya (July 2005). "Human Rights and Capabilities". Journal of Human Development. 6 (2): 151–166. doi:10.1080/14649880500120491. S2CID   15868216.
  15. ↑ Grusky, David B.; Sen, Amartya (2006). Poverty and inequality (Orig. print. ed.). Stanford, Calif.: Stanford Univ. Press. ISBN   9780804748421.
  16. ↑ Robeyns, Ingrid (January 2003). "Sen's capability approach and gender inequality: selecting relevant capabilities". Feminist Economics. 9 (2–3): 61–92. doi:10.1080/1354570022000078024. S2CID   15946768.
  17. ↑ Sagás, Ernesto. "A Case of Mistaken Identity: Antihaitianismo in Dominican Culture". Webster University. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  18. ↑ Library of Congress. "A Country Study: Haiti". Library of Congress. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  19. 1 2 Farmer, Paul (2009). "On Suffering and Structural Violence: A View from Below". Race/Ethnicity: Multidisciplinary Global Contexts. 3 (1): 11–28. JSTOR   25595022.
  20. ↑ Anderson, Ronald E. (2014). Human suffering and quality of life : conceptualizing stories and statistics. Dordrecht: Springer. ISBN   9789400776685.
  21. 1 2 3 4 5 6 UNICEF. "At a glance: Haiti". UNICEF. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  22. ↑ Revenga, [this report was prepared by a team led by Ana; Shetty, Sudhir (2011). Gender equality and development: world development report 2012. Washington, DC: The World Bank. ISBN   978-0-8213-8825-9.
  23. ↑ Central Intelligence Agency. "Country Comparison :: Distribution of Family Income - Gini Index". CIA. Archived from the original on 4 June 2011. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  24. 1 2 Ketty Luzincourt; Jennifer Gulbrandson (August 2010). Education and Conflict in Haiti: Rebuilding the Education Sector after the 2010 Earthquake (PDF) (Report). United States Institute of Peace (USIP). Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  25. 1 2 Salmi, J. (June 2000). "Equity and Quality in Private Education: The Haitian paradox". Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education. 30 (2): 163–178. doi:10.1080/03057920050034101. S2CID   143925004.
  26. 1 2 World Bank: Caribbean Country Management Unit (27 April 2006). Social Resilience and State Fragility in Haiti: A Country Social Analysis (PDF) (Report). The World Bank. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  27. 1 2 3 Ministry of Planning & External Cooperation (November 2007). Growth and Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper: "Making a Qualitative Leap Forward" (PDF) (Report). International Monetary Fund, Washington, D.C. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  28. ↑ World Bank: Poverty Reduction and Economic Management Unit (1 June 2006). Haiti - Options and opportunities for inclusive growth : country economic memorandum (PDF) (Report). The World Bank. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  29. ↑ Suzuta, Eriko (28 September 2011). Education in Haiti: An Overview of Trends, Issues, and Plans (PDF) (Report). Port-au-Prince: WISE. Archived from the original (PDF) on 14 September 2012.
  30. ↑ INURED, Interuniversity Institute for Research and Development (March 2010). The Challenge for Haitian Higher Education: A post‐earthquake assessment of higher education institutions in the Port‐au‐Prince metropolitan area (PDF) (Report). Port-au-Prince, Haiti: INURED. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 September 2010.
  31. 1 2 3 4 World Health Organization (January 2010). Public health risk assessment and interventions. Earthquake: Haiti (PDF) (Report). World Health Organization. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  32. ↑ World Bank (1993). World Development Report 1993. International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (Report). The World Bank, Washington, DC.
  33. ↑ Harvard Center for Population & Development Studies (1993). Sanctions in Haiti: Crisis in Humanitarian Action. Harvard School of Public Health, Program on Human Security Working Paper Series, Cambridge, MA (Report). Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies.
  34. 1 2 3 4 Barnes-Josiah, Debora; Myntti, Cynthia; Augustin, Antoine (April 1998). "The "three delays" as a framework for examining maternal mortality in Haiti". Social Science & Medicine. 46 (8): 981–993. doi:10.1016/S0277-9536(97)10018-1. PMID   9579750.
  35. ↑ Coreil, Jeannine (June 1983). "Parallel structures in professional and folk health care: A model applied to rural Hati". Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry. 7 (2): 131–151. doi:10.1007/BF00051846. PMID   6641270. S2CID   26049491.
  36. ↑ Bigelow, J; Korth, M; Jacobs, J; Anger, N; Riddle, M; Gifford, J (18 February 2004). "A picture of amputees and the prosthetic situation in Haiti". Disability and Rehabilitation. 26 (4): 246–52. doi:10.1080/09638280310001644915. PMID   15164958. S2CID   22087011.
  37. ↑ World Health Organization; Erica Royston; Sue Armstrong (1989). Preventing maternal deaths (PDF) (Report). Geneva : World Health Organization. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  38. ↑ Ministère de la SantéPublique et de la Population (1985). Recherche Operationelle sur les Etablissements de Santéavec Lits (Report). Ministère de la SantéPublique et de la Population. Port-au-Prince, Haiti.
  39. ↑ Gerald F Murray & Maria D Alvarez; Haiti Département de la santé publiqaue et de la population. Childbearing, Sickness and Healing in a Haitian Village.
  40. ↑ Koblinsky, Marje; Timyan, Judith; Gay, Jill, eds. (1993). The health of women : a global perspective (Pbk. ed.). Boulder, San Francisco: Westview Press. ISBN   978-0813316086.
  41. ↑ Sundari, T. K. (1 January 1992). "The Untold Story: How the Health Care Systems in Developing Countries Contribute to Maternal Mortality". International Journal of Health Services. 22 (3): 513–528. doi:10.2190/91YH-A52T-AFBB-1LEA. PMID   1644513. S2CID   37005006.
  42. ↑ Thaddeus, S; Maine, D (April 1994). "Too far to walk: maternal mortality in context". Social Science & Medicine. 38 (8): 1091–110. doi:10.1016/0277-9536(94)90226-7. PMID   8042057.
  43. ↑ Ponsar, Frederique; Tayler-Smith, Katie; Philips, Mit; Gerard, Seco; Van Herp, Michel; Reid, Tony; Zachariah, Rony (June 2011). "No cash, no care: how user fees endanger health—lessons learnt regarding financial barriers to healthcare services in Burundi, Sierra Leone, Democratic Republic of Congo, Chad, Haiti and Mali". International Health. 3 (2): 91–100. doi:10.1016/j.inhe.2011.01.002. hdl: 10144/203642 . PMID   24038181.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  44. ↑ Mukherjee, Joia S.; Barry, Donna J.; Satti, Hind; Raymonville, Maxi; Marsh, Sarah; Smith-Fawzi, Mary Kay (April 2011). "Structural Violence: A Barrier to Achieving the Millennium Development Goals for Women". Journal of Women's Health . 20 (4): 593–597. doi:10.1089/jwh.2010.2375. PMID   21438698.
  45. ↑ Hoivik, T. (1 January 1977). "The Demography of Structural Violence". Journal of Peace Research. 14 (1): 59–73. doi:10.1177/002234337701400104. S2CID   71362625.
  46. ↑ [director; Malik, lead author: Khalid (2013). Human development report 2013 – the rise of the South: human progress in a diverse world (2013 ed.). New York: United Nations Development Programme. ISBN   978-92-1-126340-4.{{cite book}}: |author2= has generic name (help)
  47. ↑ World Health Organization (2011). Haiti: Health Profile (PDF) (Report). World Health Organization. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  48. ↑ World Health Organization. "Life Expectancy at Birth". World Health Organization. Retrieved 17 March 2014.
  49. ↑ Central Intelligence Agency. "The World Factbook: Life Expectancy at Birth". Central Intelligence Agency. Archived from the original on 2 January 2018. Retrieved 16 March 2014.
  50. ↑ McMichael, Anthony J; McKee, Martin; Shkolnikov, Vladimir; Valkonen, Tapani (April 2004). "Mortality trends and setbacks: global convergence or divergence?". The Lancet. 363 (9415): 1155–1159. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(04)15902-3. PMID   15064037. S2CID   4810138.
  51. 1 2 3 UNICEF. "At a glance: Haiti". UNICEF. Retrieved 31 March 2014.
  52. 1 2 World Health Organization. "Maternal mortality". World Health Organization. Retrieved 31 March 2014.
  53. ↑ The World Bank. "Mortality rate, infant (per 1,000 live births)". The World Bank. Retrieved 31 March 2014.
  54. 1 2 World Health Organization. "Haiti". World Health Organization. Retrieved 31 March 2014.
  55. ↑ Hogan, Margaret C; Foreman, Kyle J; Naghavi, Mohsen; Ahn, Stephanie Y; Wang, Mengru; Makela, Susanna M; Lopez, Alan D; Lozano, Rafael; Murray, Christopher JL (May 2010). "Maternal mortality for 181 countries, 1980–2008: a systematic analysis of progress towards Millennium Development Goal 5". The Lancet. 375 (9726): 1609–1623. doi:10.1016/S0140-6736(10)60518-1. PMID   20382417. S2CID   22820420.
  56. ↑ Berggren, Warren L.; Ewbank, Douglas C.; Berggren, Gretchen G. (28 May 1981). "Reduction of Mortality in Rural Haiti through a Primary-Health-Care Program". New England Journal of Medicine. 304 (22): 1324–1330. doi:10.1056/NEJM198105283042203. PMID   7219486.
  57. ↑ Programme, WHO Global Malaria (2010). World malaria report 2010 (PDF). Geneva: World Health Organization. ISBN   9789241564106.
  58. 1 2 Programme, WHO Global Malaria (18 May 2011). CHOLERA COUNTRY PROFILE: HAITI (PDF) (Report). Geneva: World Health Organization.
  59. ↑ "The HIV epidemic in the Caribbean: meeting the challenges of achieving universal access to prevention, treatment and care", West Indian Medical Journal, J. P. Figueroa, 57(3), 2008
  60. ↑ Deschamps, MM; Pape, JW; Desvarieux, M; Williams-Russo, P; Madhavan, S; Ho, JL; Johnson WD Jr (May 1993). "A prospective study of HIV-seropositive asymptomatic women of childbearing age in a developing country". Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes. 6 (5): 446–51. doi:10.1097/00126334-199305000-00003. PMID   8483108.
  61. ↑ Medical Peace Work (2012). "4" (PDF). In Salvage J, Rowson M, Melf K, Sandøy I (eds.). Course e-book 4: Structural violence and the underlying causes of violent conflict (2nd ed.). London: Medact. ISBN   978-0-9571478-7-4 . Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  62. ↑ World Economic Forum (2011). Private Sector Development in Haiti: Opportunities for Investment, Job Creation and Growth (PDF) (Report). Geneva: World Economic Forum.
  63. ↑ Central Intelligence Agency. "The World Factbook: Haiti - Economy: Overview". Central Intelligence Agency. Retrieved 24 April 2014.
  64. ↑ Lobb, John (July 1940). "Caste and Class in Haiti". American Journal of Sociology. 46 (1): 23–34. doi:10.1086/218523. S2CID   144100302.
  65. ↑ Haggerty, Richard A. (1989). Haiti: A Country Study. Washington: Library of Congress.
  66. ↑ Nicholls, David (1996). From Dessalines to Duvalier : race colour, and national independence in Haiti (Rev. ed.). New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. ISBN   9780813522401.
A world map of the 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International Transparency international 2014.png
A world map of the 2014 Corruption Perceptions Index by Transparency International
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.