The election took place about 10 months into the premiership of Shigeru Ishiba, who has governed Japan as Prime Minister since he won the leadership of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in September 2024. Shortly after he became Prime Minister, Ishiba announced snap elections to the House of Representatives for 27 October, which saw the LDP lose its majority for the first time since 2009. Since November 2024, Ishiba has governed as the leader of a minority government, struggling to pass legislation and budget agreements without the support of opposition parties. Growing dissatisfaction with the LDP and a scandal involving gift vouchers given to MPs by Ishiba have hurt his approval ratings. Simultaneously, opposition parties have attempted to unite in an effort to deny the LDP a majority in the election; the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) and Ishin no Kai Party in particular formulated plans to hold "opposition primaries" in several prefectures.[7] The 17-day campaign began on 3 July, with 518 total candidates running. Measures to combat the rising cost of living and immigration were the key issues of the election.[8]
Similar to the outcome of the 2024 general election, the ruling coalition of the LDP and Komeito lost its majority in the House of Councillors. The LDP’s national vote share fell to 21.6%, the lowest result in the party’s history. The coalition’s decline was driven by growing support for smaller opposition parties. Parties making major gains included the center-right Democratic Party for the People, which displaced Komeito to become the third-largest party in the chamber and fourth-largest in the Diet overall, and the right-wing populist Sanseitō, whose anti-immigrant rhetoric drew significant media attention during the campaign period. In addition, a record number of women won seats in the Diet. Following the election, Ishiba faced calls to resign from some members within his party.[9][10] He announced his intention to resign as party president in September 2025.
Electoral system
Elections to the House of Councillors are held every three years. Councillors serve six-year terms and half of the house is elected in each election. The councillors up for election in 2025 were last elected in 2019.
Similar to the House of Representatives, elections for the House of Councillors are contested via mixed-member majoritarian representation. In this parallel voting 74 of the 124 councillors up in this election are elected in single-member or multi-member districts corresponding to the prefectures of Japan using first-past-the-post (FPTP) voting in the single-member districts and the single non-transferable vote (SNTV) system in the multi-member prefectural districts. The remaining 50 councillors are elected in a single nationwide district using open-listparty proportional representation via the D'Hondt method. Each prefectural district elects at least one councillor each election, meaning each district has at least two councillors in total. The number of councillors allotted to each prefectural district is based on population; for example, Tokyo has a total of twelve councillors, with six being elected each election. It should also be noted that certain prefectures are "combined" into one to correct the disparity in the value of one vote. Since 2016, Tottori and Shimane Prefectures and Tokushima and Kochi Prefectures, respectively, have been combined into single electoral districts. Although voters may cast preference votes for specific candidates in the proportional election, since 2018, parties may prioritize certain candidates to receive allocated seats ahead of their most-voted candidates.[11] There is no electoral threshold that parties must meet to be allocated seats in the proportional component.
According to Jiji Press, if five opposition parties, including the main opposition Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP), make deals in the 32 single-seat constituencies, the ruling LDP-Komeito coalition is projected to win 10 seats against the opposition camp's 22, and only three if the Nippon Ishin no Kai, also known as the Japan Innovation Party, joins the opposition alliance.[14]
In January 2025 Ishin introduced a plan to the CDP that would seek to "unify" the opposition in single-member districts against the LDP; their proposal involves the use of online polls and holding primary elections. Reiwa, the Social Democratic Party, and the Democratic Party For the People (DPP) cast doubt on the plan while the Communists declined to participate entirely.[15]
Later in February, Ishin announced that a decision on whether or not to hold opposition primaries would be made within the month; party Secretary General Ryohei Iwatani commented that every party except the Communist Party had been "quite positive" about the plan. He also said the party was open to reforms to their plan by the CDP.[16]
In early March, Ishin co-leader Seiji Maehara proposed running a primary system with the CDP in the prefectures of Shiga, Nara and Wakayama (1 seat each) for election; all of them are in the area of influence of Osaka, Ishin's stronghold.[17]
Speaking on the prospect of uniting the opposition CDP leader Yoshihiko Noda stated "I generally support the plan, but I have told Maehara that we need the participation of all opposition parties, so we should make an appeal for them to participate, and that if the only opposition candidates in a constituency are from the Constitutional Democratic Party and the Japan Innovation Party [Ishin], then we should settle it through a primary election."[18]
On 6 March, the DPP began working on a policy agreement with the CDP.[21] In March, the Mainichi Shimbun reported that the CDP and DPP were expected to sign a basic policy agreement ahead of the election that would likely cover the Constitution, foreign policy and security, economy, energy, and diversity.[22]
Sankei Shimbun reported in early April that cooperation between the CDP and DPP cooperation was in doubt ahead of the election, with the former viewing the latter as an insincere "cocky upstart," while the DPP viewed CDP members as not garnering support because it "only cares about elections."[23] The two parties continued to struggle with election cooperation.[24]
CDP leader Noda said on 10 May that there is a "great possibility" that a general election could be held either on the same day or around the same time of the upper house election.[25]
LDP-Komeito alliance
The ruling LDP signed an agreement with the Komeito (their coalition partner since 2012) in February regarding cooperation in the election, which stated that the LDP would support Komeito candidates in five districts and set conditions for Komeito support of those implicated in the slush fund scandal.[26]
At the LDP’s party convention on 9 March, Ishiba said the party should aim to unify and return to its roots of “people-friendly politics.”[27] The day earlier Ishiba stated he wanted to “win at all costs.”[28]
Ishiba’s former leadership rival Takayuki Kobayashi criticized Ishiba’s speech, claiming he did not get a sense of a string message from the Prime Minister; others believed the part’s minority status in the Diet hurt the LDP, and Ishiba's efforts to shape the country’s national agenda.[29][30]Sanae Takaichi, also a former LDP leadership rival, was critical of Ishiba's speech as well.[31]
Kobayashi would later advise the party to assess Ishiba's presidential election manifesto & the party's previous general election manifesto ahead of the summer upper house election, arguing that the party should check on progress.[32]
On the same day as Ishiba's speech, Mio Sugita was revealed as an endorsed candidate for proportional representation in the election.[33] In 2022 and 2023, Sugita had been found guilty of human rights violations by the Sapporo Legal Affairs Bureau for posting discriminatory statements against ethnic Koreans, LGBT people and others on her blog.[34] Sugita's remarks, for which she apologized, were largely considered to be racist.[35]
The Asahi Shimbun reported that the LDP's decision to endorse the controversial former lawmaker was likely due to requests from the conservative wing of the faction close to the late Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, whom Sugita was said to be close to.[36]
On 11 April 2025, LDP Chief Advisor Tarō Asō described the election situation as an "emergency" for the LDP, and stated that the ruling parties had to maintain their majority in the upper house.[37]
The Komeito published a draft manifesto centered around lowering gas prices and getting rid of provisional gas taxes.[38] Regarding tariffs imposed by the United States, Chief Representative Tetsuo Saito argued that "the most effective [economic response] would be a tax cut," and said that a cash handout should be distributed in the meantime until tax cut are implemented so as to provide relief to citizens.[39]
Mainichi reported that the coalition could only afford to lose 16 seats to avoid losing their majority in the upper house.[40]
Government reactions and low approval ratings
Prime Minister Ishiba's cabinet has faced consistently low approval ratings since taking office in October 2024, succeeding former Prime Minister Fumio Kishida who had also suffered from sub-20% approval ratings in July 2025, saw the rise of LDP rebels and Sanseito known as the "Summer of Discontent".[41][42]
Meanwhile, the low approval ratings and the government's situation in the election put immense pressure on the ruling coalition (LDP and Komeito). Having already lost their majority in the lower house election in October 2024, the July 20 upper house election was a crucial test for Ishiba's leadership.[43] Failing to secure the necessary 50 seats to maintain a majority in the House of Councillors could intensify calls for his resignation.[44]
The party reportedly gained support from those who had supported the LDP during Shinzo Abe's incumbency, but were strongly dissatisfied with the succeeding prime ministers.[45][46] The sudden growth of the party was dubbed the "Eye of the storm".[47]
Other developments
The “partial coalition” between the LDP-Komeito coalition and the opposition Ishin party reached an agreement in February that ensued the passage of the fiscal year 2025 budget.[48][49] The budget included provisions that called free high school education and social insurance premium fee cuts.[50] The budget was finalized in March 2025 after several revisions.[51]
The ruling LDP-Komeito coalition and the opposition DPP later agreed to maintain political donations to party branches under certain conditions and to strengthen information disclosures.[52]
In March, reinstated DPP leader Yuichiro Tamaki stated that the party's goal was to win 21 or more seats in the Upper House.[53] Tamaki later clarified that the party would "field as many candidates as possible..." on 25 March.[54][55]
That same month, the DPP nominated university professor and conservative commentator Yamada Yoshihiko as a candidate in the proportional representation block.[56]
Yasushi Adachi, a former member of Ishin who left the party in 2024, announced he would run as a candidate of the DPP in Osaka Prefecture, Ishin's regional stronghold.[57] If he wins he might be the first non-Ishin non-government member since 2013.
Sanseito announced they would aim for six seats.[58]
The Social Democratic Party said they would attempt to win more than three seats in the chamber.[59]
Ishiba gift certificate scandal
On 13 March 2025, The Asahi Shimbun revealed that several LDP members of parliament who were elected for the first time in the 2024 general election received gift certificates from the office of Ishiba in early March.[60] Ishiba’s office later confirmed that he had distributed gift certificates worth approximately ¥100,000 ($676) each to about a dozen lawmakers as "souvenirs” intended to be used to purchase new suits.[citation needed]
Ishiba claimed the certificates were paid from his personal funds and were not intended for political activities but as a supplement for living expenses.[61]
According to the Yomiuri Shimbun, most of the lawmakers decided to return the gift certificates instead of using them. The incident took place while discussions were underway in the Diet on the transparency of political funds, particularly regarding corporate and organizational donations.[62]
Ishiba had met with Komeito Chief Representative Tetsuo Saito the day before, who pledged his party's support for him; earlier in the week upper house LDP lawmaker Shoji Nishida publicly stated that Ishiba should be replaced by a new party President.[63][64]
Ishiba, who was elected as LDP President on a reformist platform, was widely criticized by opposition lawmakers. CDP leader Yoshihiko Noda promised to pursue inquiries over the incident in the Diet.[65]Osaka Governor and co-leader of the Ishin party Hirofumi Yoshimura criticized Ishiba’s actions.[66]
The Political Funds Control Act prohibits donations of cash or securities to individual politicians; the 100,000 yen in gift certificates in this case could have been considered a 'donation’ in this case.[61][67]
Leader of the Opposition and CDP leader Yoshihiko Noda stated during a press conference on 21 March that his party would "comprehensively determine" whether to submit a no-confidence motion, suggesting that the scandal alone could not lead to submission. Earlier that month, The Asahi Shimbun reported that the CDP had shifted towards a "wait and see" tactic instead of pressuring Ishiba to step down immediately, likely to avoid a simple change in leaders that could play to the LDP's advantage ahead of the election.[68]
DPP leader Yuichiro Tamaki said on 17 that his party would "consider a range of options" including a no-confidence motion in dealing with the scandal; he encouraged Ishiba should testify in front of the Ethics Committee.[69]
Ishin's co-leader Seiji Maehara later told the Sankei Shimbun in an exclusive interview that the party could vote in favor of a no-confidence motion, stating that "everything is on the table" despite the party's cooperation with the LDP on the annual budget.[70]
Tamaki later encouraged the CDP to seriously consider proposing a no-confidence motion against the government if its policies did not align with "national interests."[71]
After tariffs were announced by the Trump administration in the United States, the CDP said they would temporarily cease pursuing political scandals during Diet deliberation to instead work with the government on responding to tariffs, with Noda saying he would use the leaders' debate in April for such discussions.[72]
In June, Yukio Edano of the CDP said he was opposed to submitting a no-confidence motion, as there had yet to be discussions on an alternative to the LDP-Komeito government.[73]
Election date
According to the Public Offices Election Act, the House of Councillors election is to be held within 30 days after the Diet is closed, starting from 24 June. On the same day, the government decided that the election would be held on 20 July, a Sunday. Official campaigning began on 3 July.[74]
Campaign issues
The election centered on pressing economic and social issues amid rising inflation and international trade tensions. The ruling LDP and its coalition partner Komeito emphasized fiscal responsibility, opposing broad consumption tax cuts to preserve funding for social security and welfare, instead promoting targeted cash handouts and wage increases. Opposition parties, including the CDP, DPP, and the JCP, advocated various forms of consumption tax reduction or abolition to ease the financial burden on households.[75]
Trade tensions with the United States escalated following the re-election of Donald Trump, who imposed high tariffs on Japanese imports, including a 24% "reciprocal" tariff on many goods. Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba faced domestic pressure to negotiate favorable terms while public trust in the US declined, with concerns growing over the potential impact of tariffs on wages and the broader economy.[76][77]
Social issues also played a significant role in the campaign. The surge in rice prices highlighted food security concerns and prompted calls for increased rice production and government support to stabilize prices. Immigration remained a divisive topic, with debates over balancing stricter controls against addressing Japan's demographic challenges. Other concerns included nuclear energy policy, gender equality, and welfare reforms.
The re-election of Donald Trump in the 2024 United States presidential election brought a sharp renewed focus on trade imbalances and the aggressive use of tariffs as a tool of economic policy. The Trump administration implemented a baseline 10% tariff on nearly all imports, alongside a potential 24% "reciprocal" tariff specifically targeting most Japanese goods. This followed existing higher tariffs on key Japanese exports such as vehicles, auto parts, steel, and aluminum.[78][79]
Shigeru Ishiba's government faced increasing pressure to negotiate a favorable trade deal with the United States amid rising tariff tensions. However, public opinion polls indicated a decline in trust toward the US administration, complicating Japan's diplomatic stance. While politicians attempted to frame tariffs as a critical electoral issue, many Japanese voters remained more concerned with immediate economic difficulties such as inflation and stagnant wages, rather than the abstract impact of trade tariffs. Nonetheless, economists and policymakers warned that worsening tariff conditions could trigger further economic slowdown in Japan, potentially leading to falling wages—a major socioeconomic concern.[80]
As of mid-2025, the ruling LDP-Komeito coalition had not reached a definitive agreement with the Trump administration regarding the tariffs imposed on Japanese imports. The lack of resolution remained a significant point of criticism from opposition parties, who highlighted the limited progress made despite repeated diplomatic visits to Washington by Japan's chief negotiator, Ryosei Akazawa. Prime Minister Ishiba, meanwhile, maintained a public stance of optimism, assuring voters that the trade negotiations would ultimately succeed and produce a fair outcome for Japan.[81][82][83]
The renewed tariff tensions and uncertainty over trade relations contributed to increased public discourse around Japan's economic resilience and the future of its export-driven economy. Analysts noted that the ongoing situation underscored the complexities of Japan–US economic ties in the era of shifting geopolitical priorities and rising protectionism.[84]
Rice crisis
Starting around the summer of 2024, Japan experienced significant spikes in rice prices, an event that has been referred to in the media as "The raging rice riots[ja] of Reiwa".[a] This phrase draws a historical parallel to the original 米騒動 ("rice riots") that occurred in the Taisho period, emphasizing the widespread social and economic impact of the price surges.[85][86]
The surge in rice prices sparked political debate and prompted the LDP to advocate for increased rice production as a means to stabilize prices and ensure food security. Agriculture Minister Koizumi emphasized the need for agricultural cooperatives (農協) to take on more risk and expand their rice purchasing efforts, signaling government intent to intervene in the rice market to protect both producers and consumers.[87]
This rice crisis highlighted broader concerns about food security in Japan, particularly as inflation and the cost-of-living crisis disproportionately impacted vulnerable populations, including the elderly and low-income households. Public discourse stressed the need for stronger political leadership and comprehensive policy responses to address the rising costs of basic necessities, with rice—a staple food—becoming a symbol of economic hardship.[88]
Media coverage extensively analyzed the balancing act between sustaining domestic agricultural production and ensuring affordable prices for consumers, with debates on whether direct payments to farmers, price guarantees, or productivity improvements would be most effective. The issue became a significant election topic, influencing party platforms and voter concerns during the 2025 Upper House elections.[89]
Taxes
The LDP adopted a cautious approach toward tax cuts during the election. The party stressed fiscal responsibility, warning that cutting the consumption tax could jeopardize funding for crucial social security and welfare programs. Instead of reducing the tax rate, the LDP proposed direct cash handouts and wage increases to help households cope with rising living expenses. A survey conducted ahead of the election showed that 26% of LDP candidates supported a consumption tax cut despite the party leadership's official opposition, revealing some internal division on the issue.[90]
The CDP called for a temporary reduction of the consumption tax rate on food and other essentials to 0% for one year, with the option to extend the measure for up to two years. They proposed financing this policy through accumulated fiscal reserves and special tax measures rather than increasing government debt via deficit bonds. Additionally, the CDP pledged to distribute ¥20,000 per person to support livelihoods and sought to protect the agriculture, forestry, and fisheries sectors by maintaining and increasing subsidies.[91]
The DPP pushed for a permanent cut of the consumption tax rate from 10% to 5%. It also sought to raise the minimum taxable income threshold from ¥1.03 million to ¥1.78 million and proposed abolishing the provisional gasoline tax surcharge, measures intended to boost disposable income and ease financial pressures on households.[92]
Ishin proposed eliminating the consumption tax on food items temporarily until March 2027, balancing immediate relief for middle-class households with longer-term fiscal sustainability. The party emphasized the importance of reducing the financial burden on consumers while maintaining a disciplined approach to government spending.[93]
Komeito, the LDP's junior coalition partner, proposed raising the minimum taxable income threshold from ¥1.03 million to ¥1.6 million, aiming to grant tax relief to 99% of taxpayers with cuts ranging from ¥20,000 to ¥40,000. Their platform combined targeted tax cuts with direct cash payments, such as "living support benefits" and "living support tax cuts," to ease the financial pressures on households.[94]
The SDP called for the complete abolition of the consumption tax, particularly on food products. It also promised wage increases for care workers, the suspension of all nuclear power plants, legislation allowing married couples to choose separate surnames, and ratification of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons. These proposals aimed to address broader social welfare concerns alongside tax reform.[95][96]
The JCP also advocated for the abolition of the consumption tax, emphasizing comprehensive tax reforms to redistribute wealth and relieve financial burdens on low-income households.[95][97]
The NHK Party focused on cutting what it called wasteful government spending, supporting broad tax reductions including a consumption tax cut. It emphasized fiscal conservatism and the need for efficient government expenditure to foster economic stability.[95]
During the election, several social issues dominated public discourse, reflecting widespread concern over the country's shifting demographics and social fabric. The most urgent among these was the challenge posed by Japan's rapidly aging population and declining birth rate. Voters widely supported calls for expanding social welfare programs, particularly in healthcare and pension systems, to better serve the growing elderly demographic. There was also significant public backing for policies designed to encourage family growth, such as more accessible and affordable child care, extended parental leave, and financial incentives for child-rearing. These measures were seen as critical to counteracting the demographic crisis threatening Japan's economic stability and social services.[98]
In tandem with demographic concerns, gender equality and LGBTQ+ rights gained unprecedented attention during the campaign. There was a growing public demand for comprehensive legislation to address workplace discrimination, close persistent gender pay gaps, and provide legal recognition and protections for LGBTQ+ communities. Activists and younger voters especially pushed for reforms such as anti-harassment laws, diversity training in workplaces, and inclusive education policies. This shift in societal attitudes was viewed by many analysts as part of a broader cultural evolution challenging Japan's traditionally conservative social norms.[99]
Public health policy remained a contentious issue, especially concerning COVID-19 responses. While a segment of the population favored continued government mandates, including vaccination campaigns and mask usage, others voiced strong opposition on the grounds of personal freedom and government overreach. This polarization highlighted deep divisions within Japanese society about the balance between collective health safety and individual liberties. Some candidates tailored their platforms accordingly, appealing either to those prioritizing strict public health measures or to voters skeptical of state intervention.[100]
National security and immigration policies also featured prominently in election debates. The rise of conservative nationalist parties underscored public concerns about maintaining Japan's cultural identity and sovereignty amidst geopolitical tensions in East Asia. These parties advocated for stricter immigration controls and increased defense spending. Conversely, other factions and segments of the electorate supported more open immigration policies, arguing that Japan must embrace multiculturalism to address labor shortages and sustain economic growth. These contrasting views mirrored broader societal tensions between preservation of tradition and adaptation to globalization.[101]
Environmental concerns, while not as dominant as social welfare or security, also attracted voter interest, especially among younger demographics. Climate change policies, renewable energy initiatives, and disaster preparedness were raised as important topics. Public opinion indicated increasing expectations that elected officials prioritize sustainable development alongside economic growth.[102]
The election illuminated a Japan in transition, where voters grappled with balancing long-standing cultural traditions against pressing demographic, social, and global challenges. There was a clear desire for pragmatic, forward-looking policies capable of addressing complex social dynamics, including support for an aging population, social inclusiveness, public health resilience, and national security. The diversity of issues and public opinion underscored the multifaceted nature of Japan's social landscape and the critical role of elected officials in shaping its future.[103]
Immigration
During the election campaign, several parties presented contrasting visions regarding immigration. Conservative and nationalist parties, such as Ishin and Sanseito, emphasized the importance of protecting Japanese culture and values. They advocated for maintaining tight controls on immigration, expressing concerns over potential social disruption and challenges in assimilation. These parties campaigned on promises to strengthen border security, reduce the number of new foreign workers, and prioritize Japanese citizens in employment and social benefits.[104]
Seats up for election
124 seats are up for their regularly scheduled election. However, in the Tokyo constituency, one non-reelection seat will be filled (for a merged election; term of office is three years), bringing the number of seats up for election in Tokyo to seven, and the total number of seats up for election to 125.
Third anniversary of the assassination of Shinzo Abe
On 8 July 2025, the third anniversary of the assassination of Shinzo Abe culminated in anti-government protests and riots, with the suspect to go on trial in October in a case that shed light on ruling lawmakers' links to the controversial Unification Church.[105] The Mainichi Shimbun reported that Prime Minister Ishiba laid bouquets at the memorial, and a floral tribute stand was set up in front of Yamato-Saidaiji Station in Nara, where the incident occurred.[106] Campaigning officially began on 3 July, although a debate hosted by the Japan National Press Club between the party leaders had already been held the day earlier.[107][108]
The far-right Sanseitō Party had rapidly risen in opinion polls, which was a detriment to the ruling conservative LDP and the more centrist-leaning DPFP.[109] Promises of tax cuts, wage rises, and increased benefits dominated the early stages of the campaign.[110]
Following the election, the Conservative Party of Japan met both requirements (two seats, more than 5% votes in national elections) to become a party.[196] The DPFP and Sanseito both saw their seats multiply as a result of the election.[197] Ishiba expressed his intention to keep his position and not resign.[198] A record 42 women were also elected to the chamber, which exceeded the 35 elected in 2020. However, their proportion in the chamber, which reached 29.1%, was less than the government's target of 35% for the election.[199]
LDP
Shortly after the polls closed at 20:00 (JST) on 20 July 2025, members of the ruling LDP discussed whether Ishiba should remain as the head of the party, including former Prime Minister and current LDP lawmaker Tarō Asō, whom proclaimed he "couldn't accept" Ishiba remaining as prime minister.[200][201]
Ishiba said in a post-election press conference that the LDP "received an extremely harsh judgment from the people", and said the loss could be attributed to "political reform, inflation, [and] foreigner-related issues" and a failure to "present sharp, impactful policies to the voters". Ishiba also said he felt "the grave responsibility for the results of this election", but had no plans to resign, saying he "must continue to fulfill my duties to the nation and its people so as not to bring politics to a standstill".[202]
On 23 July 2025, the Mainichi Shimbun and the Sankei Shimbun reported that Ishiba planned to formally resign as Prime Minister and LDP President in late August, after the 80th Anniversary of the end of World War II.[203][204] Jiji reported that an unnamed senior LDP leadership member indicated that Ishiba would step down after the party conducted its review of the election results in August.[205] However, Ishiba denied the reports on the same day during a press conference at LDP Headquarters.[206][207] Ishiba later resigned as Prime Minister and LDP President on 7 September 2025.[208]
CDP
At a press conference on July 21, CDP leader Yoshihiko Noda expressed his appreciation to supporters after what he described as "17 days of intense campaigning." He highlighted the 18 victories in single-member districts as a result of effective opposition coordination, and stated that the electorate had clearly voiced its discontent with the ruling party. Moving forward, he pledged to work with other parties to realize concrete policy proposals, including the abolition of the provisional gasoline tax, and said: "Based on the premise that we have actual power as the second largest party in the House of Representatives and the Senate, we will call on other opposition parties to unite".[209]
Regarding rumors that Prime Minister Ishiba may resign, Noda told the media on July 23 that if Ishiba could clearly specify a resignation timeline, “discussions between opposition parties could proceed more swiftly.”[210]
On 30 July, after inspecting drought-affected rice paddies in Niigata Prefecture, Noda stated that if there were to be calls for Ishiba’s resignation, “Deputy Minister of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Hiroyoshi Sasagawa should step down first.” He criticized the LDP for focusing on internal political struggles while neglecting real issues affecting citizens. Noda stressed that political parties should prioritize disaster response and public livelihood over political infighting at this time.[211]
DPP
At the vote-counting press conference on the evening of July 21, 2025, DPP leader Yuichiro Tamaki announced that the party had secured 16 seats in the election. Including seats not up for re-election, the party now holds 21 seats—enough to propose budget legislation in the Upper House.[212]
Tamaki noted that voters widely hoped for higher take-home pay. However, policies such as raising income deduction thresholds and abolishing the temporary gasoline tax—previously agreed upon—were never implemented. Instead, the government opted for one-time cash handouts, revealing a policy imbalance.[citation needed]
Tamaki emphasized that the DPP had positioned itself as an alternative to both the LDP and the CDP, appealing particularly to working-age and younger voters by advocating pragmatic centrist reform. He stated, “Regardless of party affiliation, we will work with any group that shares policy goals. What matters is not who we work with, but what we can achieve.”[213]
On 22 July, Tamaki announced that the DPP had ultimately secured 17 seats, making it the third-largest party in the Upper House. He pledged to fully implement the party’s campaign pledges and respond to the expectations of the electorate.[212]
Amid growing calls for Prime Minister Ishiba to resign following the election, Tamaki stated in a Diet interview that he could not understand Ishiba’s insistence on staying in office, likening it to a denial of the election outcome. He criticized the administration for failing to honor policy agreements made with the DPP and for decision-making that was overly insular and disconnected from public opinion. Tamaki firmly declared, “We will not cooperate with a government that breaks its promises.”[214]
Komeito
On 21 July, following the close of polling, Komeito leader Saito acknowledged at a press conference at party headquarters that the party had failed to retain its 14 seats as hoped. He expressed a strong sense of responsibility for the results and stated that a comprehensive review of campaign strategies and grassroots mobilization was necessary. He did not indicate whether he intended to remain in his position.[215]
At an internal party meeting on July 24, Saito issued another public apology, admitting responsibility for the loss of capable individuals within the party. He pledged to initiate nationwide consultations and gather wide-ranging input from party members to advance internal reforms and rebuild what he called a “renewed Komeito.”[216]
At a Komeito executive meeting on July 31, Saito announced that a full review of the election outcome would be completed by August, with the party’s revival plan to be presented in September.[217]
After meeting with Prime Minister Ishiba on 21 July, Saito stated that from the perspective of addressing national crises, Komeito hoped to continue its cooperation with the Ishiba administration. He emphasized the importance of working with the Liberal Democratic Party to realize Komeito’s priority policy of scholarship tax relief in the upper house elections. “We hope the LDP will act as a true coalition partner in achieving this,” he said, reaffirming Komeito’s intention to remain part of the governing alliance, especially in matters of policy and international negotiations.[218]
Responding to internal LDP speculation about Ishiba’s resignation, Saito stated at a 25 July press conference that the LDP should form a unified structure to support Ishiba and push forward in negotiations with the United States on tariffs. As cross-party talks on U.S.-Japan trade continued, he called for Ishiba to meet directly with President Trump to finalize an agreement.[219]
Ishin
At a press conference at the Osaka ballot center on 20 July 2025, Ishin leader Hirofumi Yoshimura acknowledged that aside from retaining two seats in Osaka, the party's nationwide performance was “severe,” signaling the need for broad organizational rebuilding.[220] In a media interview the following day, he denied forming any alliance with the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) but called for swift cooperation with other opposition forces to advance concrete legislative proposals, such as abolishing the temporary gasoline tax.[221]
On 31 July, during a general meeting of Ishin lawmakers from both houses, co-leader Seiji Maehara announced that he had formally submitted his resignation to fellow co-leader Yoshimura, following the party’s disappointing result of securing only seven seats. He stated that a comprehensive post-election report would be delivered in mid-August. Maehara stressed the importance of strengthening policy coordination among opposition forces and exploring new coalition frameworks, given the loss of majority representation in the Upper House. Taking full responsibility for the party’s poor performance, he pledged to review internal policies and organizational structures to better prepare for future challenges.[222]
Yoshimura responded firmly to questions about party leadership, stating that he had no intention of immediately stepping down. He added that any decision on holding a leadership election would be made through electronic voting.[223]
Responding to speculation about Prime Minister Ishiba’s possible resignation, Yoshimura told the media in Osaka that while the decision ultimately rests with Ishiba himself, “the LDP has failed to secure a majority in both the Lower and Upper Houses, and growing calls within the party for his resignation indicate that this administration has lost its ability to govern effectively.” He added, “A ruling party that has lost policy-driving capacity no longer serves the public interest.” Yoshimura reaffirmed that the Japan Innovation Party would not join a coalition with the Ishiba government and would instead adopt a case-by-case policy stance to ensure the realization of its campaign promises.[224]
Co-leader Maehara, speaking on the BS Japan program Live Report: Inside and Out, stated that Ishiba had suffered consecutive defeats in the Lower House, Tokyo Metropolitan, and Upper House elections. He said Ishiba had acquired a reputation as “unelectable” and lacked cohesion within his party, making it difficult for him to continue in office. Maehara urged him to resign promptly. He also affirmed that he and Yoshimura had agreed not to form any kind of coalition with the Ishiba administration.[225]
Sanseitō
On the evening of 20 July 2025, following the preliminary election results, Sanseitō leader Sohei Kamiya delivered a street speech in front of Shimbashi Station in Tokyo. He expressed his strong commitment to party expansion, stating that a team would be formed in preparation for a potential dissolution and general election. He emphasized that the next priority would be to strengthen the party’s foundation and support network to sustain further growth.[226]
In a post-election television interview, Kamiya analyzed the reasons behind the party’s success. He attributed the results to the party’s core message of “Japan First,” combined with economic policies such as tax reduction and proactive fiscal spending, which resonated strongly with unaffiliated voters—particularly in urban areas. He also stated that he would not rule out potential cooperation with parties like the DPP or Reiwa Shinsengumi on fiscal issues, emphasizing that any discussions would be based on substantive policy alignment.[227]
At a regular press conference held on 22 July, Kamiya expressed his sincere gratitude for the party’s historic growth from one to 14 seats, stating that the result far exceeded internal expectations and reflected the dedication of its supporters. He attributed the electoral success to the public’s strong resonance with the party’s “Japan First” stance and its platform of tax cuts and proactive fiscal policy. Kamiya also announced plans to begin a comprehensive internal review of party policies and organization to ensure the sustained growth of its political influence.[228]
Commenting on the possibility of Ishiba’s resignation, Kamiya stated, “I believe resigning is one way of taking responsibility.” He acknowledged, however, that differing views within the LDP are to be expected, saying, “I think such internal disagreements are normal.” When asked what Ishiba might have lacked, Kamiya responded, “He had a consistent follow-through on his promises,” but added, “I don’t really know what has changed between the Kishida administration and the Ishiba administration.”[229]
Notes
↑ The original text, "令和の米騒動" literally translates to this if their meaning is directly taken.
↑ "参議院議員の通常選挙の期日". Legislative Bureau House of Councillors (in Japanese). Archived from the original on 2 March 2025. Retrieved 17 June 2024.
↑ 参院選、東京は合併選挙に[Tokyo to hold joint election for House of Councillors election]. 時事ドットコム (in Japanese). 17 March 2025. Archived from the original on 28 March 2025.
↑ "electoral system news" (in Japanese). Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. 24 October 2018. Archived from the original on 21 January 2019.
↑ "首相 商品券巡り改めて違法性否定". Yahoo!ニュース (in Japanese). Archived from the original on 18 March 2025. Retrieved 14 March 2025.
↑ Yoshimura, Hirofumi [@hiroyoshimura] (13 March 2025). 首相 商品券巡り改めて違法性否定 2025年3月14日 →これはダメだと思います。しかし、政治とお金をただそうとやってきてるのに、残念です。[Prime Minister denies illegality of gift certificates March 14, 2025 → I think THIS IS WRONG! However, it is disappointing because he has been trying to correct politics and money!] (Tweet) (in Japanese). Archived from the original on 18 March 2025. Retrieved 13 March 2025– via Twitter.
↑ 自民党、立憲民主党に次いで、参政党が3番手に躍進！参院選比例投票先調査の結果は？2025年7月電話×ネット意識調査[Sanseito has jumped to third place after the Liberal Democratic Party and the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan! What are the results of the proportional voting survey for the House of Councillors election? Telephone and online opinion survey conducted in July 2025]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 15 July 2025. Archived from the original on 16 July 2025. Retrieved 15 July 2025.
↑ 参院選の比例投票先 自民トップ維持 参政が3位に ANN参議院選挙に関する調査[Proportional voting for the House of Councillors election: LDP maintains top position, PDP in third place – ANN House of Councillors election survey]. TV Asahi News (in Japanese). 7 July 2025. Archived from the original on 9 July 2025. Retrieved 7 July 2025.
1 2 参院選比例投票先に自民18%、参政伸長8% 共同通信世論調査[Kyodo News poll: LDP 18% in favor of pro-rata vote in Upper House election, 8% in favor of increased participation in the upper house election]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 6 July 2025. Archived from the original on 8 July 2025. Retrieved 6 July 2025.
↑ 外国人の入国管理や不動産取得「規制強化すべき」78％ 7月JNN世論調査[July JNN poll: 78% of respondents say "restrictions on immigration and real estate purchases by foreigners should be strengthened"]. Japan News Network (in Japanese). 6 July 2025. Archived from the original on 11 July 2025. Retrieved 6 July 2025.
1 2 「与党の過半数割れ望む」50％ 共同通信・参院選トレンド調査[Kyodo News House of Councillors Election Trend Survey: 50% Hope the Ruling Party Loses Its Majority]. Kyodo News (in Japanese). 29 June 2025. Archived from the original on 30 June 2025. Retrieved 29 June 2025.
↑ 毎日新聞世論調査 質問と回答[Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll questions and answers]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 29 June 2025. Archived from the original on 9 July 2025. Retrieved 29 June 2025.
↑ 参院選投票先は自民29%、立民･国民各12% 内閣支持37%に回復 日経世論調査[Upper House election voters vote for the LDP at 29%, the CDP and the People's Party at 12% each, and support for the Cabinet recovers to 37% – Nikkei opinion poll]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 29 June 2025. Archived from the original on 30 June 2025. Retrieved 29 June 2025.
↑ 参院選の投票先 自民29％ 立民と国民民主が同率12％ テレ東・日経 6月世論調査[TV Tokyo/Nikkei June poll: LDP 29% voters in Upper House election, CDP and Democratic Party for the People tied at 12%]. TV Tokyo (in Japanese). 29 June 2025. Archived from the original on 9 July 2025. Retrieved 29 June 2025.
↑ ２０２５年６月 電話全国世論調査 質問と回答[June 2025 National Telephone Poll Questions and Answers]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). 30 June 2025. Archived from the original on 29 June 2025. Retrieved 30 June 2025.
↑ 自民支持23% 政権復帰後“最低” 国民民主“半減”5% 参政党5%で並ぶ 【NNN・読売新聞 世論調査】[Support for the LDP at 23%, the lowest since the return to power; Democratic Party for the People down by half at 5%, tied with the Democratic Party of Japan at 5% [NNN/Yomiuri Shimbun opinion poll]]. Nippon News Network (in Japanese). 29 June 2025. Archived from the original on 29 June 2025. Retrieved 29 June 2025.
↑ 本紙モニター調査結果（２０２５年６月）[Results of our monitor survey (June 2025)]. The Japan Agricultural News (in Japanese). 27 June 2025. Archived from the original on 26 June 2025. Retrieved 4 July 2025.
↑ 自民が比例代表の投票先トップに 参院選に関する調査 石破内閣支持率は29.1％[LDP tops proportional representation voting polls: Ishiba Cabinet approval rating 29.1% in Upper House election survey]. TV Asahi News (in Japanese). 23 June 2025. Archived from the original on 28 June 2025. Retrieved 24 June 2025.
↑ 2025年6月世論調査（緊急）（共同通信データ）[June 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Emergency) (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 23 June 2025. Archived from the original on 9 July 2025. Retrieved 23 June 2025.
↑ 参院比例投票先、国民民主が急落 自民、２４％へアップ―時事世論調査[In the House of Councillors proportional vote, the Democratic Party for the People drops sharply, while the Liberal Democratic Party rises to 24% – Jiji Public Opinion Poll]. Jiji Press (in Japanese). 19 June 2025. Archived from the original on 21 June 2025. Retrieved 19 June 2025.
↑ 石破内閣「支持する」38・2％ 世論調査の設問と回答（6月14～15日）[38.2% "support" the Ishiba Cabinet: Questions and answers in opinion poll (June 14–15)]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). 16 June 2025. Archived from the original on 17 June 2025. Retrieved 16 June 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持率38.2％で先月比5ポイント急上昇 小泉農水相の政府備蓄米放出「評価する」が7割【FNN世論調査】[Approval rating for the Ishiba Cabinet jumps 5 points from last month to 38.2%; 70% approve of Agriculture Minister Koizumi's release of government rice stockpiles [FNN poll]]. Fuji News Network (in Japanese). 16 June 2025. Archived from the original on 16 June 2025. Retrieved 16 June 2025.
↑ 質問と回答〈6月14、15日〉朝日世論調査[Questions and Answers (June 14th and 15th) Asahi Public Opinion Poll]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 16 June 2025. Archived from the original on 17 June 2025. Retrieved 16 June 2025.
↑ 【速報】国民民主党の支持率が電話・ネット調査ともに下落！自民・内閣支持率は回復！2025年6月電話×ネット意識調査[[Breaking News] Support for the Democratic Party for the People drops in both telephone and online surveys! Support for the Liberal Democratic Party and Cabinet recovers! June 2025 telephone and online opinion survey]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 17 June 2025. Archived from the original on 17 June 2025. Retrieved 17 June 2025.
↑ 2025年6月世論調査（共同通信データ）[June 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 16 June 2025. Archived from the original on 17 June 2025. Retrieved 16 June 2025.
↑ 2025年6月調査[June 2025 survey]. TV Asahi (in Japanese). 9 June 2025. Archived from the original on 11 June 2025. Retrieved 11 June 2025.
↑ 2025年5月世論調査（緊急）（共同通信データ）[May 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Emergency) (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 26 May 2025. Archived from the original on 6 June 2025. Retrieved 26 May 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持率、横ばい34% 「小泉農相に期待」65% 日経世論調査[Approval rating for Ishiba Cabinet remains stable at 34%; 65% have high hopes for Agriculture Minister Koizumi – Nikkei opinion poll]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 25 May 2025. Archived from the original on 25 May 2025. Retrieved 26 May 2025.
↑ 小泉農水大臣に期待する65％ 石破内閣支持、ほぼ横ばい34％ テレ東・日経 5月世論調査[65% have high hopes for Agriculture Minister Koizumi, while support for Ishiba Cabinet remains stable at 34% – TV Tokyo/Nikkei May opinion poll]. TV Tokyo (in Japanese). 25 May 2025. Archived from the original on 18 July 2025. Retrieved 16 July 2025.
↑ 内閣支持２０．９％、最低更新 日米関税交渉「期待せず」５割超―時事世論調査[Approval for Cabinet hits new low of 20.9%, while over 50% have no hope for Japan-U.S. tariff negotiations – Jiji Public Opinion Poll]. Jiji Press (in Japanese). 22 May 2025. Archived from the original on 3 June 2025. Retrieved 22 May 2025.
↑ 世論調査の質問と回答（5月17～18日）[Poll Questions and Answers (May 17–18)]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 May 2025. Archived from the original on 19 May 2025. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持率32.9%横ばい、消費税の減税・廃止を7割超、“次の首相”は高市早苗氏・小泉進次郎氏ら【FNN世論調査5月】[Approval rating for Ishiba Cabinet remains stable at 32.9%, over 70% in favor of reducing or abolishing the consumption tax, Takaichi Sanae, Koizumi Shinjiro, and others selected as "next prime minister" [FNN opinion poll, May]]. Fuji News Network (in Japanese). 19 May 2025. Archived from the original on 19 May 2025. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
↑ 質問と回答〈5月17、18日〉朝日世論調査[Questions and Answers (May 17th and 18th) Asahi Public Opinion Poll]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 May 2025. Archived from the original on 22 May 2025. Retrieved 22 May 2025.
↑ 立憲民主党がネット調査でも支持伸ばす！石破内閣の不支持率が過去最高に 2025年5月電話×ネット意識調査[Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan gains support in online surveys! Disapproval rate for Ishiba Cabinet hits record high – May 2025 telephone and online opinion survey]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 20 May 2025. Archived from the original on 25 May 2025. Retrieved 20 May 2025.
↑ 2025年5月世論調査（共同通信データ）[May 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 May 2025. Archived from the original on 6 June 2025. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
↑ 毎日新聞世論調査 質問と回答[Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll questions and answers]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 May 2025. Archived from the original on 19 May 2025. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
↑ ２０２５年５月 電話全国世論調査 質問と回答[May 2025 National Telephone Poll Questions and Answers]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 May 2025. Archived from the original on 19 May 2025. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
↑ 参院で自公過半数“よいと思わない”50％ 政権交代“望む”48％【NNN・読売新聞 世論調査】[In the House of Councillors, the majority of the LDP and Komeito are "not good" at 50%, while 48% "want" a change of government [NNN/Yomiuri Shimbun opinion poll]]. Nippon News Network (in Japanese). 18 May 2025. Archived from the original on 22 May 2025. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
↑ 2025年5月調査[May 2025 survey]. TV Asahi (in Japanese). 12 May 2025. Archived from the original on 13 May 2025. Retrieved 12 May 2025.
↑ 消費税の減税「食料品にかかる税率下げるべき」35％で最多 石破内閣の支持率33.3％ 前回調査から2.7ポイント上昇 5月JNN世論調査[Consumption tax cut: "Tax rate on food should be reduced" – Most popular at 35% Approval rating for Ishiba Cabinet at 33.3% – Up 2.7 points from previous survey – May JNN opinion poll]. Japan News Network (in Japanese). 5 May 2025. Archived from the original on 4 May 2025. Retrieved 5 May 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持、ほぼ横ばい33% 優先課題「物価対策」が半数超す 日経世論調査[Support for Ishiba Cabinet remains stable at 33%; price control is a priority for over half – Nikkei opinion poll]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 21 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 21 April 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持 過去最低の33％ 優先処理｢物価対策｣が5カ月連続トップ[Support for Ishiba Cabinet at record low of 33%; Price control measures top the list for fifth consecutive month]. TV Tokyo (in Japanese). 21 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 16 July 2025.
↑ 石破首相「夏の参院選まで」38％ 世論調査の質問と回答（4月19～20日）[38% of respondents said they would remain in power until the Upper House elections in the summer. Questions and answers from a public opinion poll (April 19–20)]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). 21 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 21 April 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持33.3%・不支持61.5% トランプ政権との関税交渉に期待40％・期待しない58.7％ 消費税減税に賛成68%・反対28%【FNN世論調査】[33.3% support the Ishiba Cabinet, 61.5% disapprove; 40% have high hopes for tariff negotiations with the Trump administration, 58.7% have no hopes; 68% support a consumption tax cut, 28% oppose [FNN poll]]. Fuji News Network (in Japanese). 21 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 21 April 2025.
↑ 質問と回答〈4月19、20日〉 朝日世論調査[Questions and Answers (April 19th and 20th) Asahi Public Opinion Poll]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 21 April 2025. Archived from the original on 3 May 2025. Retrieved 21 April 2025.
↑ 2025年4月調査[April 2025 survey]. TV Asahi (in Japanese). 21 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 21 April 2025.
↑ 参院比例投票先、自民２０．６％ 国民民主１０．６％、立民７．８％―時事世論調査[In the House of Councillors proportional vote, the LDP gets 20.6%, the Democratic Party for the People gets 10.6%, and the CDP gets 7.8% – Jiji Public Opinion Poll]. Jiji Press (in Japanese). 17 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 17 April 2025.
↑ 【速報】ネットの比例投票先で国民民主党が自民党を抜いてトップに！2025年4月電話×ネット意識調査[[Breaking News] The Democratic Party for the People overtakes the LDP to take the top spot in online proportional voting! April 2025 telephone and online opinion survey]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 18 March 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 18 April 2025.
↑ 2025年4月世論調査（共同通信データ）[April 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 14 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 14 April 2025.
↑ 毎日新聞世論調査 質問と回答[Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll questions and answers]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 14 April 2025. Archived from the original on 8 April 2025. Retrieved 14 April 2025.
↑ ２０２５年４月 電話全国世論調査 質問と回答[April 2025 National Telephone Poll Questions and Answers]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). 14 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 14 April 2025.
↑ “トランプ関税”影響を懸念する88％【NNN・読売新聞 世論調査】[88% of Americans are concerned about the impact of Trump tariffs [NNN/Yomiuri Shimbun opinion poll]]. Nippon News Network (in Japanese). 13 April 2025. Archived from the original on 22 April 2025. Retrieved 13 April 2025.
↑ 石破首相「辞める必要ない」62・6％ 世論調査の質問と回答（3月22～23日）[62.6% of people say Prime Minister Ishiba "doesn't need to resign" Questions and answers from opinion poll (March 22–23)]. Sankei Shimbun (in Japanese). 24 March 2025. Archived from the original on 25 March 2025. Retrieved 24 March 2025.
↑ 支持率30.4％に急落 石破内閣として過去最低…政党支持率も自民は急落、国民、れいわが過去最高水準【FNN世論調査】[Approval rating plummets to 30.4%, the lowest ever for the Ishiba Cabinet... Party approval ratings also plummet for the LDP, while People's Party and Reiwa Party are at their highest levels ever [FNN poll]]. Fuji News Network (in Japanese). 24 March 2025. Archived from the original on 27 March 2025. Retrieved 24 March 2025.
↑ 2025年3月調査[March 2025 survey]. TV Asahi (in Japanese). 24 March 2025. Archived from the original on 24 March 2025. Retrieved 24 March 2025.
↑ 2025年3月世論調査（共同通信データ）[March 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 24 March 2025. Archived from the original on 8 April 2025. Retrieved 25 March 2025.
↑ 内閣支持35%、5ポイント低下 商品券｢説明納得せず｣7割 日経世論調査[Cabinet approval falls by 5 percentage points to 35%; 70% "not convinced" by explanation regarding gift certificates – Nikkei opinion poll]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 23 March 2025. Archived from the original on 23 March 2025. Retrieved 24 March 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持35％ 初の40％割れ テレ東・日経 3月世論調査[Approval for Ishiba Cabinet falls below 40% for the first time at 35% – TV Tokyo/Nikkei March opinion poll]. TV Tokyo (in Japanese). 24 March 2025. Archived from the original on 23 March 2025. Retrieved 24 March 2025.
↑ 【速報】石破内閣の不支持が過去最多に！国民民主党が電話調査でも政党支持率増！2025年3月電話×ネット意識調査[[Breaking News] Disapproval of the Ishiba Cabinet reaches record high! Democratic Party for the People sees increase in party support even in telephone survey! March 2025 telephone and online opinion survey]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 18 March 2025. Archived from the original on 18 March 2025. Retrieved 18 March 2025.
↑ 質問と回答＜3月15、16日＞ 朝日世論調査[Questions and Answers (March 15th and 16th) Asahi Public Opinion Poll]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 17 March 2025. Archived from the original on 18 March 2025. Retrieved 17 March 2025.
↑ 毎日新聞世論調査 質問と回答[Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll questions and answers]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 17 March 2025. Archived from the original on 18 March 2025. Retrieved 17 March 2025.
↑ ２０２５年３月 電話全国世論調査 質問と回答[March 2025 National Telephone Poll Questions and Answers]. Yomiuri Shimbun (in Japanese). 17 March 2025. Archived from the original on 18 March 2025. Retrieved 17 March 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持率31% 発足以来“最低”【NNN・読売新聞 世論調査】[Ishiba Cabinet's approval rating is 31%, the lowest since its inauguration [NNN/Yomiuri Shimbun opinion poll]]. Nippon News Network (in Japanese). 16 March 2025. Archived from the original on 20 March 2025. Retrieved 16 March 2025.
↑ 2025年2月調査[February 2025 survey]. TV Asahi (in Japanese). 24 February 2025. Archived from the original on 24 February 2025. Retrieved 24 February 2025.
↑ 内閣支持40%､3ポイント低下 日米首脳会談「評価」47% 日経世論調査[Cabinet approval falls 3 points to 40%; Japan-US summit meeting "approved" by 47% – Nikkei opinion poll]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 23 February 2025. Archived from the original on 23 February 2025. Retrieved 24 February 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持40％ 3ポイント低下 テレ東・日経 2月世論調査[Approval for Ishiba Cabinet drops 3 points to 40% in TV Tokyo/Nikkei February opinion poll]. TV Tokyo (in Japanese). 23 February 2025. Archived from the original on 23 February 2025. Retrieved 16 July 2025.
↑ 【速報】ネット比例投票先で自民党に立憲民主党と国民民主党が迫る！2025年2月電話×ネット意識調査[[Breaking News] The Constitutional Democratic Party and the Democratic Party for the People are closing in on the LDP in online proportional voting! February 2025 telephone and online opinion survey]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 18 February 2025. Archived from the original on 18 February 2025. Retrieved 18 February 2025.
↑ 質問と回答＜2月15、16日＞ 朝日世論調査[Questions and Answers (February 15th and 16th) Asahi Public Opinion Poll]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 17 February 2025. Archived from the original on 16 February 2025. Retrieved 17 February 2025.
↑ 2025年2月世論調査（共同通信データ）[February 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 17 February 2025. Archived from the original on 8 April 2025. Retrieved 17 February 2025.
↑ 毎日新聞世論調査 質問と回答[Mainichi Shimbun opinion poll questions and answers]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 17 February 2025. Archived from the original on 17 February 2025. Retrieved 17 February 2025.
↑ 参院比例投票先、自民２２％ 国民民主が野党トップ―時事世論調査[Liberal Democratic Party gets 22% of Upper House proportional votes, Democratic Party for the People tops opposition party – Jiji Public Opinion Poll]. Jiji Press (in Japanese). 13 February 2025. Archived from the original on 6 March 2025. Retrieved 15 February 2025.
↑ 2025年1月世論調査（共同通信データ）[January 2025 Public Opinion Poll (Kyodo News data)]. Chunichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 27 January 2025. Archived from the original on 8 April 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持、横ばい43% 日銀追加利上げ「評価」54% 日経世論調査[Support for Ishiba Cabinet remains stable at 43%; 54% approve of additional interest rate hike by the Bank of Japan – Nikkei opinion poll]. The Nikkei (in Japanese). 26 January 2025. Archived from the original on 12 March 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 石破内閣支持43％ 2ポイント上昇[Support for Ishiba Cabinet rises 2 points to 43%]. TV Tokyo (in Japanese). 26 January 2025. Archived from the original on 26 January 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 質問と回答＜1月18、19日＞ 朝日世論調査[Questions and Answers (January 18th and 19th) Asahi Public Opinion Poll]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 January 2025. Archived from the original on 16 February 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 内閣支持率、参院選比例・投票はどこへ? 世論調査・質問と回答[Where is the Cabinet's approval rating and the proportional representation and voting for the House of Councillors election heading? Opinion poll, questions and answers]. Mainichi Shimbun (in Japanese). 19 January 2025. Archived from the original on 10 February 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 【速報】比例投票先ネット調査で自民党が首位奪還！国民民主党が立憲民主党超え！2025年1月選挙ドットコムリサーチ[[Breaking News] The LDP regains the lead in an online survey of proportional voting! The Democratic Party for the People surpasses the Constitutional Democratic Party! January 2025 Election.com Research]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 15 January 2025. Archived from the original on 18 January 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 【速報】次期比例投票先（ネット調査）で自民を上回った2党は？2024年12月選挙ドットコムリサーチ[[Breaking News] Which two parties will surpass the LDP in the next proportional vote (online survey)? December 2024 Election.com Research]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 17 December 2024. Archived from the original on 26 January 2025. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 【速報】衆院選後初の支持率調査で、自民党と立憲民主党の差が縮まる！国民民主党が野党第2党に！2024年11月選挙ドットコムリサーチ[[Breaking News] In the first approval rating survey since the House of Representatives election, the gap between the LDP and the Constitutional Democratic Party narrows! The Democratic Party for the People becomes the second largest opposition party! November 2024 Election.com Research]. Senkyo.com (in Japanese). 19 November 2024. Archived from the original on 19 November 2024. Retrieved 29 January 2025.
↑ 【速報】参議院選挙 自民・公明 過半数割れ確実 50議席届かず[[Breaking News] Upper House Election: LDP and Komeito certain to lose majority, failing to reach 50 seats]. NHK (in Japanese). 20 July 2025. Archived from the original on 20 July 2025. Retrieved 20 July 2025.
↑ 【速報】自民が歴史的大敗 自公で過半数割れの見通し 国民・参政が躍進【参議院選挙2025】[[Breaking News] Historic defeat for LDP, LDP-Komeito expected to lose majority, People's Democratic Party and Party of Councillors advance [2025 House of Councillors Election]]. TBS NEWS DIG (in Japanese). 20 July 2025. Archived from the original on 24 July 2025. Retrieved 20 July 2025.
↑ 自公、参院過半数は微妙な情勢 自民は1人区で不振 朝日序盤調査[LDP and Komeito in delicate position to win majority in Upper House; LDP performing poorly in single-seat districts, Asahi Shimbun early survey]. The Asahi Shimbun (in Japanese). 4 July 2025. Archived from the original on 4 July 2025. Retrieved 7 July 2025.
↑ 参院選「完全予測」【全45選挙区当落リスト付き】 一人区11勝21敗で自民壊滅の衝撃結果[Complete predictions for the Upper House election [with a list of winners and losers in all 45 electoral districts] The shocking result of 11 wins and 21 losses in single-seat districts shows the LDP's collapse]. Shūkan Bunshun (in Japanese). 2 July 2025. Archived from the original on 2 July 2025. Retrieved 4 July 2025.
↑ 【参院選「全選挙区当落予測」つき】東北地方は立憲の圧勝！ 東京は「国民」元NHK女性アナウンサーの動向がカギ[[Upper House Election: Predictions for all electoral districts] The Constitutional Democratic Party wins a landslide victory in the Tohoku region! In Tokyo, the actions of a former female NHK announcer who is a "national" party are key]. Weekly Post (in Japanese). 1 July 2025. Archived from the original on 2 July 2025. Retrieved 2 July 2025.
↑ Suzuki, Kunikazu (1 July 2025). 【参政党が自民党を喰う⁉︎】参院選「全政党」議席予想！選挙ドットコム編集長が徹底分析[[Will the Upper House Party eat the LDP?!] Predictions for seats for all parties in the Upper House election! A thorough analysis by the editor-in-chief of Senkyo.com] (in Japanese). 楽待 RAKUMACHI. Archived from the original on 5 July 2025. Retrieved 2 July 2025– via Youtube.
↑ 永田町で囁かれる7月の「衆参ダブル選挙」 参院選詳細シミュレーションでは自公惨敗で参院過半数割れの可能性、国民民主大躍進で与野党逆転へ[Rumors in Nagatacho of a "double election for the House of Representatives and House of Councillors" in July: A detailed simulation of the House of Councillors election shows the possibility of a crushing defeat for the LDP and Komeito, resulting in a loss of a majority in the House of Councillors, while a major advance for the Democratic Party for the People could see a reversal in the ruling and opposition parties' positions]. Weekly Post (in Japanese). 7 April 2025. Archived from the original on 8 April 2025. Retrieved 7 April 2025.
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0.28%) [1] 
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