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The Coco Levy Fund Scam was a controversy in the 1970s and 1980s in the Philippines involving former President Ferdinand Marcos and his cronies. It was alleged that Marcos, Danding Cojuangco, Juan Ponce Enrile, and others conspired to tax coconut farmers, promising them the development of the coconut industry and a share of the investments, but on the contrary used the collection fund for personal profit, particularly in the purchase of United Coconut Planters Bank (UCPB) and a majority stake in San Miguel Corporation (SMC), to name two. [1]
The issue is still ongoing up to this day, with coconut farmers fighting for justice against the forced taxation, and a share of the Coco Levy Fund's investments. The Coco Levy Fund is estimated to have ballooned anywhere in the range of ₱100 billion to 150 billion in assets. [2] [3]
In 2012, a Supreme Court decision [4] awarding ₱71 billion in coconut levy funds to coconut farmers was only part of the goals of a 50-year struggle to bring to the poor farmers the benefits of the Marcos-era levies gouged from them. [5] [6]
The Philippine coconut industry was responsible for 26% of the volume of the agricultural sector and was reportedly present in 68 of the 81 provinces of the country. [7] Next to sugar, coconut products was also the leading agricultural export of the Philippines, with 37 products and by-products that were exported to 114 countries. The major exports were crude and refined oil, copra meal, desiccated coconut, activated carbon, and oleo-chemicals. [8] About one-third of the Philippine population depended mainly on coconut production for its livelihood. [9]
The legal beginnings of the levy can be found in Republic Act 1145 enacted on 17 June 1954 under President Ramon Magsaysay, which called for the creation of the Coconut Development Fund. Subsequent amendments were made with the enactment of Republic Act 6260 on 19 June 1971 under President Ferdinand Marcos. The act called for the creation of a Coconut Investment Fund and a Coconut Investment Company (CIC). The objective of the CIC was to: (a) To fully tap the potential of the coconut planters in order to maximize their production and give them greater responsibility in directing and developing the coconut industry; (b) to accelerate the growth of the coconut industry and other related coconut products from the raw material stage to the semi-finished and finally, the finished product stage; (c) to improve, develop and expand the marketing system; and (d) to ensure stable and better incomes for coconut farmers. President Marcos created other funds through P.D. 276, 582, 1468, 961, and 1841, all were to be paid by farmers. Under the idea of "developing PH coco industry", coco farmers paid ₱15-₱30 per ₱100 kilos of copra, constituting 10-25% of their income. [10]
On 30 June 1973, President Marcos created the Philippine Coconut Authority through P.D. 232. The PCA's mandate was "to promote accelerated growth and development of the coconut and other palm oils industry so that the benefits of such growth shall accrue to the greatest number, and to provide continued leadership and support in the integrated development of the industry." The said decree also consolidated the responsibilities and activities of the Coconut Coordinating Council (CCC), the Philippine Coconut Administration (PHILCOA), and the Philippine Coconut Research Institute (PHILCORIN), under one office. P.D. 961 created the Coconut Industry Investment Fund (CIIF), which was allegedly used by Danding Cojuango to purchase shares of San Miguel Corporation. [11] and was then the largest company and single largest contributor to the national GDP and treasury. [12] CIIF was also used to purchase the so-called "big crony-owned" oil mills (known as CIIF-Oil Mills Group) and shares of coco trading and insurance corporations. While the other decrees made ballooning funds, P.D. 1468 revised the Coco Industry Code, supposedly giving crony oil mills control over the said funds. Most coconut farmers and tenants received receipts for paying, but weren't registered by PhilCoA (PCA).
In 1975, for two years, coco levy funds paid by coco farmers amounted to ₱2.14 million, but only 32% of receipts were registered. After P.D. 961 of 1976, and public display of cronyism, such as turning over coco funds to Cojuangco and Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile, coco farmers defied martial law in protests. Small protests and defiance were shown by turning CocoFed groups into anti-Marcos meetings. Coco farmers coops/protests grew by 1980 and became a solid foundation of the anti-Marcos movement in the countryside. The Marcos dictatorship met the coco farmers' resistance with violence. Most notable of which are the Daet and Guinayangan (Quezon) massacres. [13] [14] [15]
By 1982, coco levy funds extracted ₱70 billion from coco farmers. Every penny was used by Marcos cronies to entrench themselves in wealth. The funds were siphoned by Marcos and his cronies into at least 14 holding companies: Soriano Shares Inc., ASC Investors Inc., Roxas Shares Inc., ARC Investors Inc., Toda Holdings Inc., AP Holdings Inc., Fernandez Holdings Inc., SMC Officers Corps Inc., Te Deum Resources Inc., Anglo Ventures Inc., Randy Allied Ventures Inc., Rock Steel Resources Inc., Valhalla Properties Ltd Inc., and First Meridian Development Inc. [16]
Additionally, over the 10 years of collection, Cojuangco, Lobregat, Enrile, Eleazar, dela Cuesta, et al. were board members or chairpersons of PCA, UCPB, COCOFED and Unicom. Enrile, then Senate President, was chair of PCA and Unicom, which he used to get equities from Primex Coco, Pacific Royal, Clear Mineral, and other entities. Danding Cojuangco allegedly used his coco levy positions to funnel money and was used as leverage to further his businesses. Most notable were the UCPB and the SMC, both of which were supposedly purchased directly through coco levy money by Imelda Marcos and Danding Cojuangco.
After the Marcos regime was toppled by the People Power Revolution of 1986, coconut farmers filed numerous cases against Marcos, Cojuangco, and Enrile for squandering farmers' money. [17]
The Coco Levy Case (Sandiganbayan Civil Case No. 33) is subdivided into a total of eight cases that involve different parties and properties. Arguably, the most important case is Case No. 33-F, which involves 51% of the shares of mega-conglomerate San Miguel Corporation. This majority stake at San Miguel has been further subdivided into three separate litigations, each of which reaching the Supreme Court in highly contentious proceedings.
The first case involved 4% of San Miguel shares, which, in the case of San Miguel Corporation vs. Sandiganbayan, [18] was awarded by the Supreme Court to the government. The second case, Republic of the Philippines vs. Sandiganbayan and Eduardo Cojuangco Jr., [19] involved a 20% block that the Supreme Court, voting 7–4, awarded to Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco. In 2012, the Supreme Court issued a decision in Philippine Coconut Producers Federation, Inc. (COCOFED) vs. Republic of the Philippines, [20] where the Court, voting 11–0, declared that the remaining 27% of San Miguel is owned by the government. [5] (Note: The 27% had been diluted to 24% due to the government's failure to subscribe to the increased authorized capital stock of San Miguel.)
On December 10, 2014, the Supreme Court reaffirmed its September 4, 2012, decision to award to farmers the coco levy fund. [6]
In 2015, the government certified a bill creating a trust fund for farmers as urgent. The bill passed in the House of Representatives but stalled in the Senate. [21]
On February 26, 2021, President Rodrigo Duterte signed the Coconut Farmers and Industry Trust Fund Act, creating a trust fund for the country's coconut farmers. [22] In June 2022, Duterte signed an executive order implementing the Coconut Farmers and Industry Development Plan, which aims to increase productivity and income of coconut farmers, modernize the coconut industry, and pave the way for the release of the ₱75 billion trust fund for coconut farmers consisting of coco levy assets declared state property by the Supreme Court. [23] [24]
Ferdinand Emmanuel Edralin Marcos Sr. was a Filipino politician, lawyer, dictator, and kleptocrat who served as the tenth president of the Philippines from 1965 to 1986. He ruled under martial law from 1972 until 1981 and kept most of his martial law powers until he was deposed in 1986, branding his rule as "constitutional authoritarianism" under his Kilusang Bagong Lipunan. One of the most controversial leaders of the 20th century, Marcos's rule was infamous for its corruption, extravagance, and brutality.
San Miguel Corporation, abbreviated as SMC, is a Philippine multinational conglomerate headquartered in Mandaluyong, Metro Manila. The company is one of the largest and most diversified conglomerates in the Philippines. Originally founded in 1890, San Miguel has ventured beyond its core business, with investments in various sectors such as food and drink, finance, infrastructure, oil and energy, transportation, and real estate.
Land Bank of the Philippines, is a government-owned bank in the Philippines with a special focus on serving the needs of farmers and fishermen. While it provides the services of a universal bank, it is officially classified as a "specialized government bank" with a universal banking license.
Eduardo "Danding" Murphy Cojuangco Jr. was a Filipino businessman and politician. He was the chairman and CEO of San Miguel Corporation, the largest food and beverage corporation in the Philippines and Southeast Asia. He served as a Philippine ambassador and governor of Tarlac. In 2016, his personal wealth was estimated at US$1.16 billion, and it was estimated that at one time, his business empire accounted for 25% of the gross national product of the Philippines.
Rolex 12 is the collective name of twelve of the closest and most powerful advisers of President Ferdinand Marcos during the martial law years in the Philippines from 1972 to 1981.
Juan Valentin Furagganan Ponce Enrile Sr.,, also referred to by his initials JPE, is a Filipino politician and lawyer known for his role in the administration of Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos; his role in the failed coup that helped hasten the 1986 People Power Revolution and the ouster of Marcos; and his tenure in the Philippine legislature in the years after the revolution. Enrile has served four terms in the Senate, in a total of twenty-two years, he holds the third longest-tenure in the history of the upper chamber. In 2022, at the age of 98, he returned to government office as the Chief Presidential Legal Counsel in the administration of President Bongbong Marcos.
The United Coconut Planters Bank, more popularly known by its initials, UCPB, or by its old name, Cocobank, was a government-owned bank and was one of the largest banks in the Philippines, ranking within the top twenty banks in the country in terms of assets. It was the only existing universal bank not listed on the Philippine Stock Exchange. The bank, owing to its name, catered heavily to coconut farmers, but also served a wide-ranging clientele.
Francis Pancratius "Kiko" Nepomuceno Pangilinan is a Filipino lawyer, politician, and farm owner who served as a Senator from 2001 to 2013 and from 2016 to 2022. He was the Senate Majority Leader from 2004 to 2008.
Conchita Carpio-Morales is a former Ombudsman of the Philippines serving from 2011 to 2018. Prior to her appointment as Ombudsman, she held the post of Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the Philippines, served in the Lower Courts, as well as in the Department of Justice. She has secured appointments from five Philippine presidents: Ferdinand Marcos, Corazon Aquino, Fidel Ramos, Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, and Benigno Aquino III.
José "Pepe" Chichioco Cojuangco Sr., KSS was a Filipino politician who served as Representative of the 1st District of Tarlac in the Philippines from 1934 to 1946. Cojuangco is one of the patriarchs of the Cojuangco clan. He was the father and grandfather of future Philippine presidents Corazon Aquino and Benigno Aquino III, respectively. His other grandchildren include actresses Kris Aquino and Mikee Cojuangco.
The Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) is a quasi-judicial government agency of the Philippines whose primary mandate is to recover the ill-gotten wealth accumulated by Ferdinand Marcos, his immediate family, relatives, subordinates and close associates, whether located in the Philippines or abroad. It was created by President Corazon Aquino shortly after she was sworn in as president in the aftermath of the 1986 People Power revolution. In addition to recovering the Marcos wealth, it is also tasked with investigating other cases of graft and corruption; and instituting of corruption prevention measures.
The economic history of the Philippines chronicles the long history of economic policies in the nation over the years.
Coconut production plays an important role in the national economy of the Philippines. According to figures published in December 2009 by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations, the Philippines is the world's second largest producer of coconuts, producing 19,500,000 tonnes in 2009. Production in the Philippines is generally concentrated in medium-sized farms.
In the Philippines, a government-owned and controlled corporation (GOCC), sometimes with an "and/or", is a state-owned enterprise that conducts both commercial and non-commercial activity. Examples of the latter would be the Government Service Insurance System (GSIS), a social security system for government employees. There are 219 GOCCs as of 2022. GOCCs both receive subsidies and pay dividends to the national government. A government-owned or controlled corporation is a stock or a non-stock corporation, whether performing governmental or proprietary functions, which is directly chartered by a special law or if organized under the general corporation law is owned or controlled by the government directly, or indirectly through a parent corporation or subsidiary corporation, to the extent of at least a majority of its outstanding capital stock or of its outstanding voting capital stock.
Philippine Communications Satellite Corporation (PHILCOMSAT) is a telecommunications company based in Makati, Metro Manila, Philippines. Its main teleport is in the province of Rizal.
Certain associates of former Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos, historically referred to using the catchphrase "Marcos cronies", benefited from their friendship with Marcos – whether in terms of legal assistance, political favors, or facilitation of business monopolies, during his administration. Marcos critics, and the local and international press began referring to these individuals as "cronies" during the latter days of the Marcos dictatorship, and the Philippine government – especially the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG) – continued using the term after the ouster of Marcos in 1986.
During the administration of former Philippine president Ferdinand Marcos (1965–1986) select businesses were favored and patronized by Marcos, receiving financial support, sole patronage, tax exemptions, and control over entire industries rendering these businesses as monopolies. Friends and relatives of Marcos acquired staggering wealth and economic power due to special favors and privileges extended by the administration. While Marcos associates enjoyed government bailout even during the decline of their firms, other businesses suffered high taxes, sanctions, and other unjust treatments that forced them to close up, or to sell their shares. The majority of monopolies linked to Ferdinand Marcos are managed by his close associates, also regarded as cronies by critics. Former First Lady Imelda Marcos insinuated that the Marcoses controlled the majority of the industries in the Philippines. In a 1988 interview, she stated, "We practically own everything in the Philippines—from electricity, telecommunications, airline, banking, beer and tobacco, newspaper publishing, television stations, shipping, oil and mining, hotels and beach resorts, down to coconut milling, small farms, real estate and insurance."
Eastern Telecommunications Philippines, Inc. (ETPI), doing business as Eastern Communications, is the first telecommunications company in the Philippines under Vega Telecom. Founded in 1878 during the final years of the Spanish colonial era, it was the first company to provide telegraphic services.
Wencelito Tan Andanar was a Filipino lawyer and politician who served as officer-in-charge (OIC) governor of Surigao del Norte from 1986 to 1988. He also served as chairman of the Philippine Coconut Authority (PCA) from 1982 to 1992, presidential assistant during the administration of Cory Aquino and an undersecretary of the Department of the Interior and Local Government from 2001 to 2007. His last government position was as special envoy of President Rodrigo Duterte to Malaysia from 2018 until his death in 2021.
The alleged September 22, 1972, ambush attack on the then-Defense Minister of the Philippines Juan Ponce Enrile is a disputed incident in which Enrile's white Mercedes-Benz sedan was ambushed near the upscale Wack Wack village in Mandaluyong, Metro Manila. It was cited by President Ferdinand Marcos as the proximate incident which led to the announcement of Marcos' declaration of martial law the following day, although Marcos would later claim that he signed the formal proclamation of martial law on September 21, the day before the Enrile ambush.