Democracy in Africa is measured according to various definitions of democracy [1] by a variety of indexes, such as V-Dem Democracy indices, and Democracy Index by The Economist.
0.900–1.000 0.800–0.899 0.700–0.799 0.600–0.699 | 0.500–0.599 0.400–0.499 0.300–0.399 0.200–0.299 | 0.100–0.199 0.000–0.099 No data |
The top 3 African countries ranked by V-Dem Democracy indices Electoral Democracy metric in 2024 were Cape Verde, Seychelles, and South Africa. [2] The Freedom Index ranks states based on the protection of 'political and civil liberties and freedoms' that individuals receive including the freedom to participate in elections. [3] In 2018, the index found that the majority of sub-Saharan African states including but not limited to Sudan, Cameroon and Ethiopia were 'not-free', while several states including but not limited to Namibia, Botswana and Ghana were pronounced 'free'.
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The integration of democracy in Africa is a topic some academic scholars place to have occurred in fairly recent history, as a result of historical processes like decolonization and the collapse of communism. [4] Doorenspleet and Nijzink (2014) discuss the democratisation processes in African states like Ghana, emphasising how democratisation occurred in African states like Ghana, when governments were democratically elected through party systems, which they present to be a hallmark of gauging democracy. [5] There is a variety of explanations throughout the scholarly discourse on what prompted democratisation in Africa. Adejumobi (2015) articulates that one key indicator of democracy being introduced to Africa was "the introduction of multiparty elections in most African countries during the 1990s", which will be discussed later in this article in the title 'Measures of Democracy'. [6]
Adejumobi is a proponent of the idea that, before the advent of democracy, most post-colonial states were authoritarian due to "internal and external factors" including volatile circumstances socially and economically. [6] According to his account, stark divisions of "ethnicity, religion, class, and region" across African states were a key impediment to the democratic management of a state's affairs, which has since been overcome to an extent, with numerous states being identified as 'free' by Freedom House (2018). [6]
In 2013, Gylfason noted that the fall of communist regimes in Europe led to substantial increases in democratic systems of government, which had the knock on effect of increasing the number of democracies across the African continent. He states that "the number of democracies in Africa rose from four to 17 while the number of autocracies fell down to single digits". [4] The advantages of incorporating a democratic system of government over autocratic regimes include reducing the likelihood of corruption according to Gylfason, who states "democracy tends to hinder corruption and help growth" by promoting education and governance in the public interest. [4]
According to scholars such as J.R Hellibrun, colonialism was an important historical factor in shaping the current political landscape of Africa. He suggests that decolonisation and its coercive 'legacy' which involved subjugation "was critical to suppress dissent among colonial subjects". [7] He argues that the often violent nature of colonial states in Africa had the legacy of prompting the use of force by authoritarian states in the continent, or fragmented the possibilities of an organised, democratic state. [7] [4]
Judith Van Allen (2001) is an additional scholar who suggests that colonialism had an important influence in the contemporary political circumstances in Southern Africa. Van Allen states that "countries in the Southern African cone share a colonial history as a labour reserve, an anti-colonial, anti-minority rule history as Frontline States", which she attributes as a fundamental force in regional cooperation and multilateralism, in the establishment of intergovernmental organisations such as the African Union (AU), and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). [8]
There are a variety of indices used to measure democracy in the world. The Democracy Index by the Economist categorizes countries into full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes, or authoritarian regimes. The V-Dem Democracy indices by V-Dem Institute in Sweden distinguishes between electoral, liberal, participatory, deliberative, and egalitarian democracy metrics. V-Dem Democracy indices for African countries in 2024 are shown below: [9] [10] [11]
Country | Democracy Indices | Democracy Component Indices | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Electoral | Liberal | Liberal | Egalitarian | Participatory | Deliberative | |
Cape Verde | 0.754 | 0.648 | 0.863 | 0.725 | 0.538 | 0.695 |
Seychelles | 0.743 | 0.659 | 0.894 | 0.831 | 0.288 | 0.942 |
South Africa | 0.687 | 0.584 | 0.851 | 0.629 | 0.563 | 0.865 |
São Tomé and Príncipe | 0.675 | 0.563 | 0.835 | 0.67 | 0.561 | 0.678 |
Ghana | 0.661 | 0.562 | 0.858 | 0.683 | 0.381 | 0.854 |
Namibia | 0.646 | 0.519 | 0.792 | 0.425 | 0.486 | 0.706 |
Lesotho | 0.644 | 0.503 | 0.758 | 0.727 | 0.531 | 0.689 |
The Gambia | 0.641 | 0.517 | 0.798 | 0.659 | 0.592 | 0.728 |
Liberia | 0.639 | 0.436 | 0.638 | 0.561 | 0.469 | 0.836 |
Senegal | 0.617 | 0.459 | 0.719 | 0.688 | 0.582 | 0.844 |
Malawi | 0.58 | 0.485 | 0.83 | 0.479 | 0.567 | 0.753 |
Kenya | 0.564 | 0.456 | 0.789 | 0.59 | 0.603 | 0.833 |
Botswana | 0.558 | 0.434 | 0.753 | 0.658 | 0.432 | 0.587 |
Zambia | 0.529 | 0.424 | 0.771 | 0.582 | 0.652 | 0.883 |
Benin | 0.498 | 0.325 | 0.58 | 0.729 | 0.487 | 0.516 |
Sierra Leone | 0.497 | 0.384 | 0.728 | 0.642 | 0.585 | 0.912 |
Nigeria | 0.491 | 0.327 | 0.597 | 0.493 | 0.609 | 0.614 |
Mauritius | 0.479 | 0.36 | 0.696 | 0.729 | 0.57 | 0.809 |
Madagascar | 0.474 | 0.241 | 0.404 | 0.313 | 0.5 | 0.44 |
Tunisia | 0.472 | 0.301 | 0.558 | 0.813 | 0.548 | 0.766 |
Ivory Coast | 0.454 | 0.253 | 0.457 | 0.522 | 0.611 | 0.822 |
Tanzania | 0.435 | 0.39 | 0.844 | 0.708 | 0.532 | 0.777 |
Guinea-Bissau | 0.421 | 0.233 | 0.425 | 0.454 | 0.345 | 0.401 |
Togo | 0.416 | 0.215 | 0.409 | 0.626 | 0.477 | 0.735 |
Somaliland | 0.404 | 0.247 | 0.508 | 0.28 | 0.509 | 0.507 |
Niger | 0.389 | 0.282 | 0.595 | 0.613 | 0.599 | 0.792 |
Mauritania | 0.363 | 0.184 | 0.373 | 0.338 | 0.52 | 0.548 |
Mozambique | 0.353 | 0.221 | 0.496 | 0.513 | 0.539 | 0.56 |
Angola | 0.349 | 0.173 | 0.358 | 0.293 | 0.179 | 0.367 |
Democratic Republic of the Congo | 0.317 | 0.122 | 0.244 | 0.353 | 0.398 | 0.631 |
Central African Republic | 0.302 | 0.1 | 0.189 | 0.282 | 0.306 | 0.373 |
Cameroon | 0.298 | 0.131 | 0.289 | 0.498 | 0.25 | 0.229 |
Gabon | 0.293 | 0.175 | 0.429 | 0.632 | 0.56 | 0.533 |
Ethiopia | 0.283 | 0.11 | 0.238 | 0.518 | 0.385 | 0.612 |
Zanzibar | 0.289 | 0.23 | 0.608 | 0.696 | 0.462 | 0.698 |
Zimbabwe | 0.288 | 0.174 | 0.436 | 0.36 | 0.532 | 0.543 |
Uganda | 0.28 | 0.217 | 0.577 | 0.421 | 0.392 | 0.693 |
Comoros | 0.275 | 0.106 | 0.232 | 0.592 | 0.534 | 0.483 |
Algeria | 0.27 | 0.121 | 0.287 | 0.716 | 0.23 | 0.434 |
Morocco | 0.263 | 0.249 | 0.706 | 0.566 | 0.411 | 0.727 |
Djibouti | 0.253 | 0.122 | 0.303 | 0.528 | 0.397 | 0.387 |
Republic of the Congo | 0.245 | 0.119 | 0.305 | 0.34 | 0.546 | 0.562 |
Mali | 0.229 | 0.148 | 0.413 | 0.609 | 0.582 | 0.724 |
Rwanda | 0.214 | 0.096 | 0.252 | 0.548 | 0.419 | 0.589 |
Burkina Faso | 0.205 | 0.182 | 0.559 | 0.619 | 0.421 | 0.697 |
Libya | 0.194 | 0.103 | 0.295 | 0.446 | 0.451 | 0.703 |
Egypt | 0.189 | 0.129 | 0.388 | 0.317 | 0.211 | 0.303 |
Burundi | 0.188 | 0.059 | 0.145 | 0.31 | 0.181 | 0.199 |
Equatorial Guinea | 0.183 | 0.057 | 0.14 | 0.327 | 0.113 | 0.1 |
Guinea | 0.18 | 0.088 | 0.253 | 0.388 | 0.424 | 0.22 |
Somalia | 0.172 | 0.136 | 0.429 | 0.29 | 0.251 | 0.734 |
Chad | 0.148 | 0.047 | 0.127 | 0.215 | 0.34 | 0.327 |
South Sudan | 0.143 | 0.065 | 0.193 | 0.082 | 0.232 | 0.076 |
Sudan | 0.135 | 0.046 | 0.132 | 0.208 | 0.279 | 0.163 |
Eswatini | 0.124 | 0.094 | 0.315 | 0.219 | 0.253 | 0.164 |
Eritrea | 0.068 | 0.01 | 0.025 | 0.439 | 0.028 | 0.109 |
Freedom House's Freedom of the World index provides a framework that assesses the degree of liberty, which includes freedom to participate in elections, and as stated on the NGO's website, is established upon the moral principles of articles of international law, namely the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR) of 1948. [3] The Freedom Index generates a numerical rating for states between 1 and 7, and the "status designation of Free, Partly Free, or Not Free" is reached through evaluating the extent to which "political rights and civil liberties" are enjoyed by citizens and upheld by the state. [3]
Freedom House wrote in 2018, that the state of democracy in the contemporary international system is in a state of "dramatic decline", and states that "dramatic declines in freedom have been observed in every region of the world". [3] Only eleven African states are listed as 'free' under the Freedom Index; Botswana, Mauritius, Cape Verde, Senegal, Tunisia, Ghana, Nigeria, São Tomé and Príncipe, Namibia, South Africa, and Benin. [3]
The NGO's website discusses that the world faces a "crisis of democracy", with 37 per cent of the global population living in circumstances that it finds to be categorically not free. [3] Freedom House marked 2017 as the year that saw the most rapid decline, with "the basic tenets of democracy including guarantees of free and fair elections, the rights of minorities, freedom of the press, and the rule of law" to face serious threats, all of which occurred in African states that are listed as 'partially-free' or 'not free'. [3]
The Fraser Institute and Freedom House both provide a numerical measure of how democracy is implemented in African states. Judith Van Allen (2001) provides an additional measure of democracy, that focuses on the role of social movements and social equality as an indicator of the extent to which liberal democratic freedoms and rights are protected or prevalent in a state. Van Allen articulates this through her case study on women's rights movements in Botswana, a state listed as 'free' by Freedom House. Her discussion of democracy in Africa begins with a statement of the relevance of utilizing such measures, when she posits that academic discourse on democracy in Africa tends to "focus on conflicts between male elites". [8] She suggests that the importance of women's rights movements to the stability of democracy in Botswana is an interconnection under-addressed throughout the academic scholarship and political discourse, and states that it bears a fundamental "significance for Botswana's present and potential future democratic political life of these successes and the resulting position of women in society and policy". [8]
Van Allen presents that women's rights movements in Botswana were coincided by similar efforts in states like "Mozambique, Angola, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Africa", where many Marxist oriented activism "recruited women on the basis of their commitment to women's emancipation". [8] She states that such developments, particularly in Botswana, have been central yet often un-identified aspects that have facilitated its liberalized economy and robust public service network. [8]
The correlation between democratisation and globalisation has been discussed extensively by scholars like Nicola Pratt, who present the argument that the relationship between globalisation and African states democratising is complex, as it bears both advantages and disadvantages. [12] As outlined by Pratt, the discourse surrounding the link between democratisation and globalisation typically aligns with a 'pro-globalisation' or 'anti-globalisation' stance. [12] Proponents of a pro-globalisation stance are often advocates for free trade and market liberalisation, who suggest such economic processes advance prospects of economic freedom, and thus democracy in a broader context. [12] Yet, anti-globalisation theorists often denounce these defining features of economic globalisation according to Pratt, and instead suggest that aiming to incorporate such economic processes into newly democratised states in continents like Africa is premature, and increases circumstances of volatility. [12]
The contemporary systems of governance across the African continent are diverse. Therefore, when discussing a topic as broad as democracy in Africa, it is important to consider individual states as the key unit of analysis, which indices of Freedom in the world have modelled. [13] The NGO Freedom House classifies the systems of governance in Africa to encompass democratic, autocratic, and 'hybrid regimes'. [3] Through imploring the various indices used to measure democracy, political commentators, NGOs and academics suggest it to be evident that the current systems of governance incorporate elements of democracy, however may need to commit further systematic and institutional change to be classified 'democratic', hence the category of 'hybrid regimes'. [14] 'Hybrid regimes' is a term in the Democracy Index from the Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) in the UK to examine states that have both authoritarian and democratic institutions and patterns of governing and organising its central political and economic processes. [15]
Nyeck discusses systems of governance in Africa, and emphasises Public Procurement Reform as a means of understanding current trends in central governance. He cites Schapper and Malta (2012:1) who state that "procurement is a vital component of a country's public administration that links the financial systems with economic and social outcomes. This makes public procurement systems a critical element to good governance". [16] In other words, how a state uses its budget across public services is an important element in measuring the rights and entitlements of its citizens, which Nyeck discusses in relation to Botswana. He suggests that health and education are supported adequately by the state, although there are certain challenges in relation to the dispensary of medicines. [16]
The V-Dem Democracy Report identified for the year 2023 stand-alone democratization in The Gambia and Seychelles and U-Turn democratization in Zambia, Benin, and Lesotho. [2]
Democracy is a system of government in which state power is vested in the people or the general population of a state. Under a minimalist definition of democracy, rulers are elected through competitive elections while more expansive definitions link democracy to guarantees of civil liberties and human rights in addition to competitive elections.
The politics of Indonesia take place in the framework of a presidential representative democratic republic whereby the President of Indonesia is both head of state and head of government and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and the bicameral People's Consultative Assembly. The judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature.
Freedom House is a non-profit organization based in Washington, D.C. It is best known for political advocacy surrounding issues of democracy, political freedom, and human rights. Freedom House was founded in October 1941, with Wendell Willkie and Eleanor Roosevelt serving as its first honorary chairpersons. Most of the organization's funding comes from the U.S. State Department and other government grants. It also receives funds from various semi-public and private foundations, as well as individual contributions.
Democratization, or democratisation, is the structural government transition from an authoritarian government to a more democratic political regime, including substantive political changes moving in a democratic direction.
The term "illiberal democracy" describes a governing system that hides its "nondemocratic practices behind formally democratic institutions and procedures". There is a lack of consensus among experts about the exact definition of illiberal democracy or whether it even exists.
The state of Democracy in Middle East and North Africa can be comparatively assessed according to various definitions of democracy. According to The Economist Group's Democracy Index 2023 study, Israel is the only democratic country in the region, qualified as a "flawed democracy". According to the V-Dem Democracy indices, the Middle Eastern and North African countries with the highest scores in 2024 are Israel, Tunisia and Iraq.
The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century is a 1991 book by Samuel P. Huntington which outlines the significance of a third wave of democratization to describe the global trend that has seen more than 60 countries throughout Europe, Latin America, Asia, and Africa undergo some form of democratic transitions since Portugal's "Carnation Revolution" in 1974.
Freedom in the World is a yearly survey and report by the U.S.-based non-governmental organization Freedom House that measures the degree of civil liberties and political rights in every nation and significant related and disputed territories around the world.
The Democracy Index published by the Economist Group is an index measuring the quality of democracy across the world. This quantitative and comparative assessment is centrally concerned with democratic rights and democratic institutions. The methodology for assessing democracy used in this democracy index is according to Economist Intelligence Unit which is part of the Economist Group, a UK-based private company, which publishes the weekly newspaper The Economist. The index is based on 60 indicators grouped into five categories, measuring pluralism, civil liberties, and political culture. In addition to a numeric score and a ranking, the index categorizes each country into one of four regime types: full democracies, flawed democracies, hybrid regimes, and authoritarian regimes. The first Democracy Index report was published in 2006. Reports were published every two years until 2010 and annually thereafter. The index includes 167 countries and territories, of which 166 are sovereign states and 164 are UN member states. Other democracy indices with similar assessments of the state of democracy include V-Dem Democracy indices or Bertelsmann Transformation Index.
Liberal democracy, Western-style democracy, or substantive democracy is a form of government that combines the organization of a representative democracy with ideas of liberal political philosophy.
A democratic transition describes a phase in a countries political system as a result of an ongoing change from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one. The process is known as democratisation, political changes moving in a democratic direction. Democratization waves have been linked to sudden shifts in the distribution of power among the great powers, which created openings and incentives to introduce sweeping domestic reforms. Although transitional regimes experience more civil unrest, they may be considered stable in a transitional phase for decades at a time. Since the end of the Cold War transitional regimes have become the most common form of government. Scholarly analysis of the decorative nature of democratic institutions concludes that the opposite democratic backsliding (autocratization), a transition to authoritarianism is the most prevalent basis of modern hybrid regimes.
Authoritarianism is a political system characterized by the rejection of democracy and political plurality. It involves the use of strong central power to preserve the political status quo, and reductions in the rule of law, separation of powers, and democratic voting. Political scientists have created many typologies describing variations of authoritarian forms of government. Authoritarian regimes may be either autocratic or oligarchic and may be based upon the rule of a party or the military. States that have a blurred boundary between democracy and authoritarianism have some times been characterized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes" or "competitive authoritarian" states.
Democracy promotion by the United States aims to encourage governmental and non-governmental actors to pursue political reforms that will lead ultimately to democratic governance.
A hybrid regime is a type of political system often created as a result of an incomplete democratic transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one. Hybrid regimes are categorized as having a combination of autocratic features with democratic ones and can simultaneously hold political repressions and regular elections. Hybrid regimes are commonly found in developing countries with abundant natural resources such as petro-states. Although these regimes experience civil unrest, they may be relatively stable and tenacious for decades at a time. There has been a rise in hybrid regimes since the end of the Cold War.
Democratic backsliding is a process of regime change toward autocracy that makes the exercise of political power by the public more arbitrary and repressive. This process typically restricts the space for public contestation and political participation in the process of government selection. Democratic decline involves the weakening of democratic institutions, such as the peaceful transition of power or free and fair elections, or the violation of individual rights that underpin democracies, especially freedom of expression. Democratic backsliding is the opposite of democratization.
Authoritarian capitalism, or illiberal capitalism, is an economic system in which a capitalist market economy exists alongside an authoritarian government. Related to and overlapping with state capitalism, a system in which the state undertakes commercial activity, authoritarian capitalism combines private property and the functioning of market forces with repression of dissent, restrictions on freedom of speech and either a lack of elections or an electoral system with a single dominant political party.
The V-Dem Institute, founded by Staffan I. Lindberg in 2014, studies the qualities of government. The headquarters of the project is based at the department of political science, University of Gothenburg, Sweden.
The Democracy Indices by V-Dem are democracy indices published by the V-Dem Institute that describe qualities of different democracies. This dataset is published on an annual basis and is publicly available and free. In particular, the V-Dem dataset is popular among political scientists and describes the characteristics of political regimes worldwide. In total, datasets released by the V-Dem Institute include information on hundreds of indicator variables describing all aspects of government, especially on the quality of democracy, inclusivity, and other economic indicators. An R package automatically bundles new data.
Democracy indices are quantitative and comparative assessments of the state of democracy for different countries according to various definitions of democracy.