Konkomba people

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Konkomba people
Bikpakpaam
Konkomba vor dem Hauptlingshaus in Banjeli.jpg
Total population
823,000 in Ghana and 122,209 in Togo
Regions with significant populations
Ghana (Northern Region, Brong-Ahafo Region, Volta Region, Eastern Region and Greater Accra Region) and Togo (Kara Region, Central Region and Plateaux Region)
Languages
Likpakpaln has many dialects which can be classified (but not limited) into 5 main groups: Lichabol, Ligbeln, Likoonli, Limonkpeln and Linafeel (see Konkomba language). Others include: Linankpel (Nankpantiib), Likpalil (Bikpalib), Linandeln (Binandim), Lisagmaln (Sagmantiib), and Linalol (Binalob). The majority also speak French.
Religion
Traditional African Religion (about 50%), Christianity (about 45%) and Islam (about 5%).

The Konkomba people (Bikpakpaam) are a Gur ethnic group residing mainly in the Northern, Brong Ahafo, Volta, Eastern and Greater Accra Regions of Ghana. Saboba, Chereponi and Nanumba Districts, Gushiegu and Karaga districts, East Mamprusi, Yunyoo-Nasuan, Zabzugu and Tatale-Sanguli districts in the Northern Region and the Nkwanta North and South Districts in the Volta Region are a few examples of administrative districts where Bikpakpaam are seen in huge populations. Other key districts where Bikpakpaam are in Ghana are Atebubu, Kintampo, Techiman and Yeji in the Brong Ahafo Region. According to Act 280 of the Anatomy Act of Ghana, the Konkomba people (known as Bikpakpaam) are the second largest ethnic group in the Northern Region of Ghana.

Contents

The 2010 census data indicates that Bikpakpaam in Ghana number 823,000, and applying the intercensal growth rate would give a population of more than one million now. The CIA World Factbook reports in that Konkomba people are the 8th largest ethnic group in Ghana, representing 3.5% of the total population of Ghana. Saboba (Chabob) in the Northern Region of Ghana is the capital town of all Bikpakpaam in Ghana. Bikpakpaam are also found in the Republic of Togo, a sister West African country to Ghana. In Togo, Bikpakpaam reside mainly in the Kara, Central and Plateaux Regions. Guerin Kouka (a.k.a. Nanguem Do, the capital of Dankpen district) in the Kara Region is the capital town of Bikpakpaam in Togo. Dankpen district is located in the northwestern corridor of Togo. In Schwartz's (2005) account, Bikpakpaam number about 50,100 in Togo. The 2011 census in Togo indicates, however, that the total population of Bikpakpaam in Dankpen district alone was 122,209.

The Konkomba speak the Konkomba language (Likpakpaanl). [1] [2] The traditional dance of Konkomba people is Kinachunŋ. All Konkomba settlements are led by a traditional chief called Ubor. [3] In Bikpakpaam-dominant areas, the people have instituted or established their own chieftains who serve as overlords of the settlements. For instance, the Saboba area has the Uchabob-bor as the overlord. Bikpakpaam strongly believe in solidarity, determination and hard work.

Until the turn of the 21st century, their primary occupation was farming and animal husbandry. In occupational terms, Bikpakpaam are mainly subsistence farmers and rearers of animals such as poultry, small ruminants, and cattle. This, probably, explains their scattered settlement across the West African sub-region. Maasole [4] states that Bikpakpaam have been continually nomadic in search of fertile farmlands. Most Konkombas are actively in education today, and recent research projects that Konkombas will become a dominant force in politics, health, education and the civil society by 2025.[ citation needed ]

Ethnogenesis

The Konkomba natively refer to themselves as Bikpakpaam (plural form) and to their language as Likpakpaln. A male member of the tribe is denoted as ukpakpaanja while a female takes ukpakpaanpii. However, the anglicized form, ‘Konkomba’ has been the term commonly used to refer to both the people and the language. Bikpakpaam are an aboriginal people of northern Ghana. Rattray (1932) talks of Bikpakpaam as an important ethnic grouping in the northern territories of Ghana. [5] Maasole (2006) also described Bikpakpaam as, ‘aboriginal’ people of Northern Ghana. [6] Before the arrival of many other ethnic groups in the northern regions of Ghana in the 1400s and 1500s, Bikpakpaam were already settled in the area. [7]

Origin and history

The origin of Bikpakpaam has been a subject of research for a long time now. The Bikpakpaam settled more widely in the eastern corridor before the arrival of many other ethnic groups in the northern regions of Ghana in the 1400s and 1500s. [8] Bikpakpaam then migrated into other territories in the first half of twentieth century, partly occasioned by colonial pressures and partly in search of fertile farmlands. This opened the door for other tribes to enter and occupy their lands.

The history of where Bikpakpaam came from to settle in Ghana is not well known. What is known, however, is that Bikpakpaam occupied the area called Kyali/Chare (now Yendi) until the Dagombas advanced further east with their expansion and pushed them further away with the support of the colonial masters. Fynn (1971) asserts "we know that the ancestors of the Dagombas met a people akin to the Konkomba already living in northern Ghana".

According to narratives by elders of Kikpakpaan, the Gonjas, under Ndewura Jakpa, defeated Dagombas under Ya Na Dariziogo and compelled the latter to abandon their capital (currently believed to be Tamale/Kumbungu areas) and move it to its present site, Yendi, which was then a Bikpakpaam town called "Chare". The newcomers pushed back Bikpakpaam and established divisions among them. Despite the assertion of suzerainty, Dagombas seem never to have exercised close control over Bikpakpaam. [9]

According to Martin (1976), the Dagombas pushed back the Konkomba and established divisional chiefs among them. The main towns had the character of outposts, strategically located on the east bank of the River Oti but Bikpakpaam were by no means assimilated. Relations between them and the Dagombas were distant and hostile. There was little, if any, mixing by marriage. Part of the oral history of the creation of Dagbon suggests that the Dagombas conquered Bikpakpaam when they moved into the eastern part of the Northern Region. Bikpakpaam however have vehemently and consistently refused the claim that they were in the battle against Dagombas. The Konkomba have often insisted that they voluntarily moved away, in search for fertile lands and greener pastures for their livestock, when Dagombas arrived. David Tait (1964) quotes an elder of Bikpakpaam as saying "When we were growing up and met our fathers, they told us they (our forefathers) stayed in Yaan/Chare (Yendi) with the Kabre and Bikwom. The Dagombas at the time lived mainly in Tamale and Kumbungu from where they rose, mounted their horses and moved towards Yendi. We saw the horses and had to move further east." [10]

Pre-colonial and modern day organization

Bikpakpaam pre-colonial political organisation was centred on districts inhabited by clans whose status and autonomy were represented through the presence of an ubor (chief) and an earth-shrine tended by a religious leader, utindaan (the earth priest). The ubor is the administrative and judiciary leader of Bikpakpaam communities. The main duties of an ubor include (but are not limited to) maintaining peace, unity, order, justice and liaising with other chiefs to maintain harmony and settle conflicts and disputes. The utindaan is an important figure not only among Bikpakpaam, but also among other tribes of Ghana, especially among Gur ethnic groups. The term utindaan means the keeper of the land to some, and to others, it means the first settler on the land. Literally, it means the "land owner". The utindaan had and continues to have overlordship of an entire settlement, more in the exercise of spiritual duties and powers over the place. The ubor and utindaan work together to sell or apportion land to individuals. Historically, the earth priest (utindaan) first settled in the ancient town of Kyali/Chare, present-day Yendi in the Northern Region.

In modern days, the duties of an ubor have been extended. The ubor is the mouthpiece of the people, giving authorisation and approval for development activities. The ubor works hand-in-hand with political, non-governmental and religious leaders to ensure the welfare and development of the entire community. The chief's palace (kinakok) is the first point of call for any government agency or development partner visiting the community for development or any other purpose. Kinakok is a highly respected and prestigious office having a linguist (ubonabr/wunlaan), a scribe (ugbangmeer), a chief priest, council of elders, foot soldiers, body guards and servants. The ubor is the head and chief executive officer of kinakok. Kinakok also serves as a traditional courtyard for settlement of conflicts and disputes. Fines are often imposed on guilty individuals for a peaceful settlement of conflicts and disputes. Culturally, the ubor is polygamous because many women are betrothed to him from various clans.

Next to the authority of the utindaan was the uninkpel, a clan head. The position of uninkpel is almost invariably reserved for the most elderly man of a clan. Each Bikpakpaam clan has an uninkpel who oversees the affairs of his clan. The uninkpel and utindaan work hand-in-hand and report to the ubor of who the boss is.

The developmental social structure of Bikpakpaam boasts of youth leadership known as KOYA (Konkomba Youth Association). KOYA functions mainly in uniting Bikpakpaam, promoting peace and development among Bikpakpaam, educating Bikpakpaam on the importance of education and also on the need to do away with outdated cultural practices. KOYA also mediates inter- and intra-tribal conflict resolution. KOYA has many branches across Bikpakpaam settlements in Ghana and foreign branches in the United States and United Kingdom.

Bikpakpaam also have a leader for the youth and young adults called unachiponbor (young chief). The unachiponbor coordinates and promotes peace, unity and communalism among the youth. He ensures that all young men and women get adequate support from other youth during marriage ceremonies. He also leads the young men to plough farmlands for parents-in-law (as part of dowry) in the form of communal labour. The unachiponbor also leads his fellow youth to dig the grave of a parent-in-law and offer a befitting kinachung during the funerals of a parent-in-law.

Culture

Religion

The Bikpakpaam, like other tribes, hold numerous traditional beliefs. They believe in the existence of a Supreme Being called "Uwumbor" (God), who is regarded as the uncreated creator of everything. Uwumbor controls all things and delegates power to lesser gods and spirit beings under His authority to care for specific creatures. The Bikpakpaam believe that Uwumbor assigns each individual their own destiny, which no one has the power to alter, i.e., God alone knows a person's destiny.

There is also a belief among the Bikpakpaam that God created every person and only God can direct an individual's life trajectory or determine their lifespan. If someone has not completed their assigned purpose on earth, God will not allow them to die; if death occurs prematurely, God will permit reincarnation to complete the unfinished assignment. Such reincarnated persons are given specific identifiable names: Jagri (a reincarnated male), Piigri (a reincarnated female), N-ya (meaning "my grandmother") for a reincarnated female and N-yaja ("my grandfather") for a reincarnated male.

The Bikpakpaam believe in evil spirits that afflict people through sickness, poverty, conflicts, drought, stillbirths, deformities, deaths and mental disorders. They also believe in benevolent spirits that counteract these malevolent forces. Furthermore, the Bikpakpaam acknowledge ancestral spirits (called Bitekpiib), which they believe take vengeance on enemies, protect family members and care for the well-being of surviving relatives. To appease these ancestral spirits, they perform libations and sacrifices.

These indigenous beliefs are gradually diminishing as Christianity and Islam gain prominence. Most Bikpakpaam of the post-colonial era have embraced Christianity and believe in the Trinity (Father, Son and Holy Spirit). Consequently, Saboba and other Bikpakpaam settlements are home to various denominational churches, including the Catholic, Orthodox and Pentecostal and Charismatic congregations. Approximately 5% or fewer of the Bikpakpaam population practices Islam.

Hospitality

The Bikpakpaam culture places significant emphasis on hospitality customs. Traditional practice includes offering water to visitors upon arrival, and for honored guests, preparing meals that may include specially slaughtered poultry or small livestock. Social customs include the temporary entrusting of possessions or livestock to visitors as a sign of trust and relationship-building. The Bikpakpaam maintain diplomatic relations with neighboring communities, with intercultural respect being a notable social value. Their material culture includes diverse artistic traditions and ceremonial attire. Distinctive textiles and costumes are particularly evident in traditional ceremonies and dances, such as kinachung, njeem, ichaa, tibaln and nbanba, which remain culturally significant throughout Saboba and other Bikpakpaam settlements.

Inheritance

Inheritance among the Bikpakpaam follows a patrilineal system. Every child of Kikpakpaan belongs to the father's lineage and will inherit properties from their father. The patrilineal inheritance, however, shows great reverence and respect to maternal relationships, which are mainly seen and used as a second home for the child and also as a place of asylum in times of patrilineal hostilities. Mothers and children also use the maternal families as a prolific ground for investments. The paternal family pays great homage to the maternal family by ploughing one of their fields into farmland every year at no cost. In addition, the maternal families are entitled to a lavish and honourable parent-in-law funeral sponsored by the paternal family.

Housing

Since the pre-colonial era, many Bikpakpaam families have lived together in their traditional family houses. When young men and women come of age and marry, they leave the family house to establish their own families. The houses are made of round or rectangular rooms built from laterite (clay) and roofed with thatch. Bikpakpaam women are credited with the invention of the traditional paint known as n-yam, made from Dawadawa fruit pods and used for painting and decorating the interior of rooms. Post-colonial developments led to the introduction of cemented brick and block houses, roofed with zinc sheets.

Inventions

The Bikpakpaam demonstrate considerable ingenuity in their traditional settings. Inventions from their ancestors include farm implements and tools, musical instruments and hunting tools such as liluul, butom, ilopiin, kakpola and kitaln. Their architectural and construction techniques have produced domestic structures like libubul, lipil, kachala and kikpawung. Traditional materials include n-yaam (for painting) and tinabin (cow dung for plastering houses). Notable musical instruments include liwul (flute), kibeek (guitar), ligangaln (drum), kiwujabik (flute variant), lidabuln (drum variant) and ukpiihn (horn). Cultural artifacts encompass unaa (decorated horns), tangana (traditional cloth), tanbena (dancing cloth decorated with beads and pearls) and tibaan (jingles). Household utensils and materials include libuul (clay coolers), nkin (clay pot), sagbo (jar), kiyiik (calabash) and bukpakpaankiib (traditional soap).

Work ethic

The core values of the Bikpakpaam include bravery, hard work, determination, generosity, hospitality, courage, collectivism and dedication to family life. Their strong work ethic emerged as an integral component of their culture, which requires adolescents to cultivate both their own farmland and that of their parents in the same season to achieve economic independence. Traditionally, Bikpakpaam farmers manually create 15,000–20,000 yam mounds yearly. This industry has made them major yam producers in Ghana and Togo. In Ghana, Bikpakpaam distribute yam nationally and internationally through the Konkomba Yam Market in Agbogbloshie, Accra. Beyond yam cultivation, they also grow maize, guinea corn, millet and rice.

Bikpakpaam women support the men during field cultivation while also maintaining their own fields where they primarily grow vegetables and legumes such as groundnuts and beans. Women gather fruits for economic purposes, particularly shea nuts (for making shea butter) and dawadawa fruits, which have multiple uses. They excel in harvest and post-harvest processing and food marketing. Gathering firewood and producing charcoal for domestic and commercial use are also significant activities for women. Brewing ndamam ("red drink"), commonly known as pito, is traditionally performed by women.

Animal husbandry is practised for both domestic consumption and commercial purposes, including poultry (fowls, guinea fowls, ducks and doves), ruminants (goats, sheep and cattle) and pigs. Recently, some farmers have expanded into guinea pig, grasscutter and rabbit farming. Fruit tree plantations, particularly mango and cashew, have also become common. The practice of collective labour, termed nkpawiin, demonstrates unity and collaboration within Bikpakpaam communities, [11] with individuals receiving community assistance for labour-intensive tasks on a rotational basis.

Cuisine

The Bikpakpaam diet primarily consists of locally grown or raised foods. Their cuisine is nutritious and varied. Staple foods include bisatom (literally "hot food"), known in Ghana as tuo zafi (TZ); sakɔla, known in Ghana as fufu, made from pounded yam; and likaal/kalaa/tubani, prepared with bean flour, millet and other ingredients.

The Bikpakpaam utilise a wide range of vegetables including imuan (okra), tinyangban (hibiscus), kijuuk, timonfar (okra leaves), likpakajul (sesame leaves), litukal (baobab leaves), kikotumok, tignaafar, inangbanatun, tigbufar (kapok leaves), suwaka (bitter leaves) and unaa (spinach). These vegetables are incorporated into soups and stews or served as side dishes with staple foods.

Pito is the traditional Bikpakpaam beverage, a beer brewed from guinea corn using natural ingredients without artificial additives or preservatives. It is produced in both fermented and non-fermented forms. The fermented version is typically served at celebrations, funerals and social gatherings, while the non-fermented variant is consumed as an everyday beverage. The Bikpakpaam diet also includes various tubers (yam, cassava, potato), grains (maize, millet, guinea corn, ipui, rice) and seeds (sesame varieties kpaka and jam-jam; melon seeds inabe and keer).

Naming

Bikpakpaam believe that the name one bears influences their life, with good names bringing success and prosperity to a person. As such, great care is taken in choosing names for children. The Bikpakpaam naming world is vast as it incorporates all categories of names-circumstantial, positional, proverbial, ironic and rhetoric, as well as flora, and fauna names. Some of the names given to children are indicative of special event(s) associated with a child's birth or inspired by special thought or wishes by relations. Names among Bikpakpaan can also be proverbial or insinuative in response to surrounding situations and/or circumstances or conveying a message to neighbors/relatives. This rich naming system render Bikpakpaam names very unique and attractive in appellation.

Culturally, the mother's parents/family choose the name given to the firstborn of every woman and the man's parents/family, or the husband and wife choose the name given to subsequent children based on mutual consent. When a child is born, a fowl is sent to the woman's family as a gift to announce the birth of the child. A male poultry indicates the child is a male child and vice versa. The essence of this gift is to start an investment for the child's future. Few days to weeks later, a special day is set aside to name the child amidst merrymaking (eating, drinking, singing, and dancing, etc.).

Examples of Konkomba names and their meanings
Other names

Rites and rituals

Marriage

Bikpakpaam marriages have evolved along several pillars. The traditional betrothal and exchange marriage types have made way to a more open and unrestricted marriage system. Nonetheless, the customs accompanying these marriages have remained. In the current marriage system, the groom's family farms and contributes severally in the form of dowry to the bride's family. These numerous contributions have now been reduced drastically to just a simple dowry paid to the bride's family subject to the financial strength of the groom's family. The bride's family also submits a list of items (clothing, kitchen and household items) to the groom's family to purchase for the bride. In the betrothal system, females at infancy or childhood were betrothed to, sometimes, aged adult men who waited for them to grow for marriage. This practice is outdated and no longer in use because betrothed women who did not like their betrothed husbands deserted the marriage, absconded and sometimes committed suicide.

The marriages of today are formed between individual lovers who, after falling into a relationship, introduce the prospective spouses to their families for assessment and acceptance. Before marriage, the lady usually visits the man's home temporarily (to study and in turn be assessed by the man's family) and later permanently moves to the home when the marriage has been contracted. Christianity has influenced this modern trend in the current marriage system among Bikpakpaam.

Another prominent phenomenon that is waning in the Bikpakpaam marriage system is polygyny. Formerly, a typical ukpakpanja could marry more than one wife, depending on his social and financial strength. Now due to Christianity, economic hardship, rivalry and modernity, polygamy is fading out and most men now marry just one wife and a maximum of two, except biborb (chiefs) who still marry many wives betrothed to them by clans and well-wishers. In a typical Bikpakpaam community today, one may still find cases where a woman may marry a relative of her deceased husband.

Burial

Bikpakpaam traditionally bury their dead within a maximum of 24 hours after death (aside from the recent introduction of keeping corpses in the morgue and burial with coffins). When a person, whether a child or an adult dies, messages such as verbal, horn/flute sound and explosive gunpowder (for older people) are sent to neighbours in the surrounding communities and to relatives. For adult men and women (married and having children), kinachung always accompanies the burial services. Infants, children and adolescents receive a similar burial without kinachung and often without a coffin. The deceased is laid in state and burial rites are then performed.

Based on the cause of death or status of the deceased, various elements, such as ikpowiil (mourning), ikpolahn (dirges), njeem, are present. The corpse is bathed by a large number of women, dressed and may be coffined. The corpse (coffined or not) is carried by men on the shoulder or head and one of the traditional priests invokes ancestral spirits to identify the cause of death. The corpse is then sent to the gravesite, which is usually in front of the house for adults and far away from home for children and adolescents. Causes of death, such drowning, bush fires, death in pregnancy and death of a twin, each have special rites.

Males are buried facing the sunrise (east) to remind them of daybreak and onset of farming activities whilst females face sunset (west) to remind them of end-of-day to do household chores and prepare dinner for the whole family. As indicated, both burial positions have cultural connotations. A few farewell tributes including the gift of money, valuables and verbal messages are said to the deceased before interment. Kinachung and other funeral rites continue after the burial ceremony.

Funeral

Bikpakpaam have two main forms of funeral rites. Just as with the burial rites, these are also based on the cause of death and status of the deceased. There is a three-day (males) or four-day (females) post-burial funeral rite during which the clothes of the deceased are washed by female relatives. This is seen as a minor event. The first funeral rite is called Lisaachↄng (literally "putting food on table") and is performed for adults only. It is characterised by the convergence of relatives, neighbours and sympathisers at the funeral grounds to serve food to the spirit of the dead. A four-legged animal (usually a cow) is slaughtered and a sumptuous meal (bisatom) is prepared for all, but a plate of the meal is served and left in the room of the deceased person overnight to feed and calm his/her spirit, which otherwise is believed will pester the living by scavenging the kitchen for food every night. For hospitality, many other animals can be slaughtered, including cattle, sheep, goats, pigs and fowls, and food (bisatom) is served to all visitors and sympathisers. Night and day kinachung, ichaa and ngben dances are performed. During these dances, food and drinks (pito, soda, tea, etc.) are served to all visitors and accommodation provided where needed.

The last and final funeral rite is termed Likpuul (funeral proper). This can be after a few days, weeks or months for a child, or after several years for adults, especially utindaan. Just like lisaachↄng, likpuul involves convergence of relatives and sympathisers. The Bikpakpaam pito drinks are prepared and served, and many animals (more than during the lisaachↄng) are slaughtered to cater for the masses of funeral attendants. This usually takes 5-7 days and is performed for an accumulated number of deceased people. On the third day, ubua (a soothsayer) consults the deceased as well as the ancestors of the deceased to speak to the relatives about the cause of their death and other family/communal issues that need spiritual redress. Kinachung and other dances are performed over the entire likpuul programme. Additional rites like the widowhood and orphanhood rites as well as inheritance are usually performed in the last few days of likpuul.

Christianity has influenced all these funeral rites, simplifying and reducing them to a burial church service in 3 days (men) or 4 days (women). At the bereaved family's discretion, a date is set aside for the final funeral rite. Usually there is wake keeping on Friday, a funeral church service on Saturday and a thanksgiving church service on Sunday marking the end of the funeral.

Ndipondaan festival

Ndipondaan (literally meaning "new guinea corn drink") Festival is currently the most widely celebrated festival among Bikpakpaam. Others like the fire festival (naminsee) and the new yam festivals (n-nidak) are less celebrated today due to foreign cultural influences and modernity. Currently, efforts are underway to revive and bring back the celebration of these festivals. Ndipondaan is celebrated by Bikpakpaam to thank God, ancestors and other gods for a bumper harvest of guinea corn and other food crops. This is an annual event during which there is homecoming for all Bikpakpaam worldwide to Saboba, their capital. During Ndipondaan, many events, including games, dancing competitions and other cultural rites are revived and performed. Opportunity from this event is used in tracing ancestral lineages of individuals, visits to major Bikpakpaam landmarks, tourism activities and reunion of families.

Other educational and sensitisation programmes and projects are initiated or delivered during Ndipondaan. Issues that affect Kikpkakpaan are addressed and communities or their representatives advised accordingly. Ndipondaan also serves as a time of mediation of internal differences and settlement of outstanding conflicts. One consistent ritual, however, has been an opening prayer to God, a word of exhortation from the clergy, the performance of libation and sacrifice to ancestors, traditional dance and the sharing of food and drinks with visitors and relatives. Many Bikpakpaam delicacies, including bisaatom and sakↄla are prepared and eaten. Pito is also brewed in large quantities and consumed by participants.

References

  1. ↑ "RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE" (PDF). Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA. March 1999. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2022-06-13. Retrieved 2020-11-22.
  2. ↑ Njindan, Bernard. 2014. Konkomba People in Ghana: A Historical Perspective. Unpublished Manuscript. July, 2014.
  3. ↑ Njindan, Bernard. 2014. Konkomba People in Ghana: A Historical Perspective. Unpublished Manuscript. July, 2014.
  4. ↑ Maasole, S. C. 2006. The Konkomba and their Neighbours from the pre-European period to 1914: A study in inter-ethnic relations in Northern Ghana. Accra: Ghana Universities Press.
  5. ↑ Rattray, R. S. (1932). The Tribes of the Ashanti Hinterlands, 1. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
  6. ↑ Maasole, S. C. 2006. The Konkomba and their Neighbours from the pre-European period to 1914: A study in inter-ethnic relations in Northern Ghana. Accra: Ghana Universities Press.
  7. ↑ Martinson, H. B. (1995). The Hidden History of Konkomba Wars in Northern Ghana. Ghana: Nyagse Foundation.
  8. ↑ Martinson, H. B. (1995). The Hidden History of Konkomba Wars in Northern Ghana. Ghana: Nyagse Foundation.
  9. ↑ Brukum N.J.K, 2001: The Guinea Fowl, Mango and Pito Wars: Episodes in the history of Northern Ghana, 1980–1999. Accra, Ghana Universities Press.
  10. ↑ David Tait (1964): The Konkomba of Northern Ghana. London: Oxford University Press. Published for the International African Institute and the University of Ghana by the Oxford University Press
  11. ↑ Acedo-Carmona, C. and A. Gomila, Deciding to Cooperate in Northern Ghana: Trust as an Evolutionary Constraint Across Cultural Diversity. Span J Psychol, 2015. 18: p. E91.
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