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Numerous scholars and legal experts have made assessments of the conduct of Israel in the Gaza genocide.[1][2] Since late 2023, a growing number of experts have accused the Israeli government of committing genocide in Gaza, including within the fields of genocide studies, Holocaust studies, history, and international law.[3][1]
In late 2023, the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation reported that "A growing number of academics, legal scholars and governments are accusing the Israeli government of carrying out a genocide".[4] In December 2024, MSNBC anchorman Ayman Mohyeldin and his producer Basel Hamdan said "a growing list of genocide scholars and international law experts" describe Israeli actions as genocide.[5] In June 2024, human rights lawyer Susan Akram said, "The opposition [to designating Israel's war in Gaza a genocide] is political, as there is consensus amongst the international human rights legal community, many other legal and political experts, including many Holocaust scholars, that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza".[1]
Academic assessments
There is a growing consensus among genocide and Holocaust scholars, international legal experts, human rights organisations, and governments that Israel's actions in Gaza constitute genocide. Israel and its supporters deny the accusation.[6][1][7]
Genocide studies scholars
In November 2023, sociologist and genocide expert Martin Shaw said that states avoid the term genocide to avoid their responsibility to end it; moreover, he suggested, Israel avoids the term out of "a misplaced belief that Jews, having been prime historical victims of genocide, cannot also be its perpetrators".[8][9]
In January 2024, in response to concerns about partisanship in the field of genocide studies, the Journal of Genocide Research, edited by A. Dirk Moses, launched its new forum "Israel-Palestine: Atrocity Crimes and the Crisis of Holocaust and Genocide Studies".[10] In his article, Shaw noted that while the application of the framework of genocide to Palestine had, in the words of one commentator, "habitually evoked fanatical pushback", the nature of Israel's assault on Gaza "represented a strategic choice" rather than an inadvertent consequence, and thus calling it genocide was both warranted and inescapable.[11][12][10]
In her contribution to the journal, Zoé Samudzi, a sociologist and Visiting Assistant Professor of Genocide Studies and Genocide Prevention at the Strassler Centre for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Clark University, said that Israel's actions in Gaza arguably included "nearly every act outlined in Article II" of the Genocide Convention, but that the extent of its actions and its "legal impunity" meant it was better understood through Lemkin's original, more comprehensive definition of genocide.[13] Samudzi and another contributor affiliated with the Strassler Center, Elyse Semerdjian, called Israel's attacks on infrastructure, food, and water genocidal.[14][15] In his contribution, the genocide scholar Uğur Ümit Üngör said that Israel's actions were a form of "subaltern genocide", in which violence by a weaker party (Hamas) is met with disproportionate retaliation by the stronger party (Israel), culminating in genocide.[16] In February 2024, Abdelwahab El-Affendi said that among the scholars who took part in the Journal of Genocide Research forum, "there was uneven worry about the health of the field", but that there was "near consensus" that Israel's actions on Gaza were "certainly 'genocidal' if not outright genocide". He said, however, that "the increasing polarisation and partisanship in the field", along with the complicity and denial of "major democracies", struck a "very serious blow to the whole endeavour of genocide prevention".[10]
In May 2025, NRC wrote that leading scholars in genocide studies are "surprisingly unanimous" that Israel is committing genocide.[17] In an interview with NOS, Martijn Eickhoff, the director of the NIOD Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies, said that the denial of access to food for Gazans is potentially genocidal, and highlighted the increasing rates of hunger and food insecurity in Gaza as genocidal violence.[18][19] In June 2025, Melanie O'Brien, a professor and president of the International Association of Genocide Scholars (IAGS), said that, according to international law, Israel is committing genocide. She has also said that international law does not provide a defence against genocide, even in self-defence.[20]
On 31 August 2025, the IAGS, the world's biggest academic association of genocide scholars, passed a resolution saying that Israel has committed genocide in Gaza.[21][22][23] O'Brien called the resolution a "definitive statement from experts in the field of genocide studies that what is going on on the ground in Gaza is genocide". It is the ninth time since its 1994 founding that the IAGS has passed a resolution recognising an ongoing or historical genocide.[21][23] In response, an open letter was organised by UK Lawyers for Israel, signed by a number of people, including some notable Holocaust and legal experts, urging the IAGS to retract the declaration. They argue that the resolution contains significant errors, such as overlooking the role of Hamas, and that accusing Israel of genocide devalues the legal definition of genocide.[24]
In September 2025, David Simon, director of the Genocide Studies Program at Yale University, said there had been a surge in use of the word genocide in relation to Gaza, and that the "man-made famine" in Gaza had made it easier for people to read genocidal intent from Israel's actions.[25] Jeffrey S. Bachman and Esther Brito Ruiz also highlight the use of starvation on the population of Gaza as definitive evidence of Israel perpetrating a genocide.[26] That same month, Samudzi also said that most experts now believed "annihilatory intent has rarely been more explicit than the repeated comments made by Israeli leadership in the progression of the state’s aggression from the days after 7 October 2023".[27]
Holocaust studies scholars
Omer Bartov, a leading Israeli-American Holocaust and genocide scholar who has written extensively about Israel's actions in Gaza
The debate has polarised the field of Holocaust studies, especially among American Holocaust studies centres.[28][17] Many Holocaust scholars have said that Israel's actions should be analysed as a case of genocide, along with other genocides in history.[29][30]
Early in the Gaza war, some scholars also defended Israeli violence, said that the genocide is not comparable to the uniqueness of the Holocaust, or said that the charge of genocide is based in antisemitism, in some cases comparing Hamas and Palestinians to Nazis—though many of these have not issued further statements as the war escalated.[17][29][30] In May 2025, Uğur Ümit Üngör said, "the gap between Holocaust historians and their colleagues who view genocides in a broader context is shrinking".[17]
In 2023, Omer Bartov expressed concern that Israeli leaders had genocidal intent.[31] In response to Bartov, five Holocaust scholars, while acknowledging Israeli officials' "despicable statements that cannot be ignored",[32] said that only a few officials made such statements and justified them by pointing to Hamas's crimes.[33] The scholars argued that the dehumanising language was "not evidence of genocidal intent".[33]
Bartov later said that, as of May 2024, it was "no longer possible to deny that Israel was engaged in systematic war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocidal actions", while noting that very few in Israel (apart from Palestinians) held this view.[34] In July 2025, he confirmed his genocide assessment even though it was "a painful conclusion to reach", and wrote that the reluctance of many scholars of the Holocaust and Holocaust commemoration institutions to identify events in Gaza as a genocide threatens universalist interpretations of Holocaust studies and Holocaust commemoration and may lead to a decline in the relevance of Holocaust education.[35][36]
In 2024, the Gross Foundation ceased funding the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Studies at Ramapo College in New Jersey, after its director, Jacob Labendz, said "dehumanization is the seedbed of genocide and ethnic war" in relation to comments made by Israeli officials. Lauren Gross said, "Frankly, it is better that [the center] gets shut down because a Holocaust center should not be made to showcase Palestinian and Islamic professors criticizing Israel."[28]
In January 2024, Israeli Holocaust scholar Shmuel Lederman said Israel's actions amounted to "genocidal violence" rather than "genocide", and critiqued the ways genocidal intent were simplified in academic and legal discourse.[38][39] In September 2025, he clarified his earlier position and said he now considers Israel's actions in Gaza to be genocide, and that he has held this view since April 2024.[40] Lederman also recommended that the definition of intent in genocide be reinterpreted, as proposed by Ireland, "to include the foreseeable consequences of a given policy when its meaning is the genocidal destruction of a group or a severe harm to it as a group—a knowledge-based rather than purpose-based concept of genocide". He suggests this will provide a framework for analysing the "structural nature of genocidal dynamics", rather than focussing on the "obscure mental states" of individuals.[41] Lederman locates the Gaza genocide within a long and ongoing history of oppression, including mass surveillance, collective punishment, restrictions on travel and work, and settler-colonialism.[38]
Amos Goldberg has said that Israel's actions in Gaza exhibit all the elements of genocide, citing explicit intent by high-ranking officials, widespread incitement, and pervasive dehumanisation of Palestinians in Israeli society.[42][43][44] Goldberg has also accused mainstream Holocaust studies of abandoning universal human rights and becoming an "enabling factor" of the genocide.[45]Daniel Blatman agreed with the genocide assessment.[46][47]
Historians
In November 2023, Italian historian Enzo Traverso said Israel's actions in Gaza had the "hallmarks" of genocide and should be stopped, while criticising the Hamas attacks as "an appalling massacre that nothing can justify". He also said the memory of the Holocaust should not be instrumentalised to justify the genocide.[48] On 1 October 2024, he published Gaza Faces History, in which he confirmed that he thought Israel was committing genocide according to the Genocide Convention.[49]
In January 2024, the historian Mark Levene said Israel's actions were ethnic cleansing at the very least, in line with the Israeli intelligence ministry's policy paper for a forcible and permanent transfer of all Gazans, supported by Benjamin Netanyahu's government.[50] Levene also argued that Israel's actions and its politicians' statements show that it is engaging in genocide.[51] The historian Donald Bloxham wrote that he was uninterested in the debate as "it makes no moral difference", though felt "much of what has transpired is eminently consistent with genocide".[52]
In February 2024, the Holocaust historian Tal Bruttmann responded to Traverso's earlier comments, saying the historian lacked the relevant expertise and that it was flawed to assume genocidal intent based on the devastation of the war, but did not rule out the possibility that Israel had committed war crimes. He said the Israeli government's "statements and political will" had contributed to misperceptions, and criticised it for engaging in a war "without any real objective" or "any reflection on the future".[53]
In April 2024, historian and political scientist Tetsuya Sahara[ja] wrote that the scale of violence in Gaza had already exceeded that seen in cases of ethnic cleansing, such as in Bosnia and Armenia, and that with the combination of discourse from Israeli leadership, systematic targeting of the civilian population, and the deteriorating conditions of life in Gaza could lead to a "full-fledged genocide if unchecked".[54]
In May 2024, the Israeli historian Ilan Pappé said, "What we see now are massacres which are part of the genocidal impulse, namely to kill people in order to downsize the number of people living in Gaza." He said genocide had become the primary means to take "as much of Palestine as possible, with as few Palestinians in it as possible".[55]
In June 2024, Israeli historian Yoav Di-Capua said a "genocidal mindset" was pervasive among settler communities and politicians in Israel, often mirroring Hamas' own genocidal ideology.[56] He charted the history of this ideology among Israel's "ultra-orthodox Zionist nationalists", or Hardal, from the 1970s up to the Gaza war, and its influence on the politics of Netanyahu's government, particularly Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir.[57] According to Di-Capua, this genocidal ideology included Jewish supremacy and a desire for maximalist territorial expansion across the biblical Land of Israel.[58] Di-Capua described Netanyahu as a "political captive" of Hardal, saying he had "echoed" their rhetoric of "eradication".[58] He said Smotrich and Ben-Gvir seek the adoption of this ideology as national policy and are using the Gaza war to implement their plan.[59]
In January 2025, Israeli historian Benny Morris contended that Israel was not committing genocide,[60] but said that genocide against Palestinians was possible in the future unless certain steps were taken.[60]Raz Segal said Jewish supremacism plays a role in the Gaza genocide and Israel's settler colonialism.[61]
Other scholars
Answers to the question "How would you define Israel's military campaign in Gaza?" among Middle East scholars in a January–February 2025 survey[7]
Genocide (46.0%)
Major war crimes akin to genocide (36.0%)
Major war crimes but not akin to genocide (9.00%)
Unjustified actions but not major war crimes (4.00%)
Justified actions under the right to self-defense (4.00%)
I don't know (2.00%)
Multiple public declarations from journals and academic organisations have warned of a potential genocide and declared opposition to an ongoing genocide.[62][63][64]
At the end of October 2023, writing in the French political website AOC Media[fr], anthropologist Didier Fassin compared Israel's actions in Gaza to the Herero and Nama genocide.[65] The Holocaust historian Tal Bruttmann[fr],[53] the sociologist Luc Boltanski, and others have criticised Fassin's arguments, calling his analogy to German colonialism inappropriate.[66] Israeli sociologist Eva Illouz also criticised Fassin, arguing that there was clear evidence that there was no intent on Israel's part and therefore the term genocide is incorrect.[67] In response to these critiques and others, Fassin highlighted three rhetorical formations that he says have repeatedly occurred: presenting 7 October 2023 as the beginning of events, ignoring any history before that;[68] hyperbolic claims;[69] and distortion.[70]
On 13 November 2023, the German social theoristJürgen Habermas and three colleagues at Goethe University Frankfurt published a statement in which they said that attributing genocidal intent to Israel's actions in Gaza was a misjudgement,[71] triggering public debate in Germany.[72]
In December 2023, in correspondence published in The Lancet, multiple specialists in international medicine and humanitarian aid reiterated warnings of the risk of genocide, while detailing how Israel's blocking of humanitarian support and aid were leading to unnecessary deaths and how the death rate would continue to worsen. They called on signatories to the Genocide Convention to enforce a ceasefire on Israel.[73]
In March 2024, the Middle East Studies Association condemned the "accelerating scale of genocidal violence being inflicted on the Palestinian population of Gaza", saying that Israel's conduct constituted cultural genocide.[74] A May–June 2024 Brookings Institution survey asked 758 Middle East scholars to define Israel's current military actions in Gaza; the most frequent response was "major war crimes akin to genocide"; next was "genocide". The two responses together made up a strong majority.[75][76] In January–February 2025, a follow-up survey indicated a growing consensus that Israel's military campaign in Gaza was genocide.[7]
In June 2024, the Association française des anthropologues published an editorial in their journal, Journal des Anthropologues, concluding that Israel was committing a genocide in Gaza, and highlighting how many of the actions taken had previously been detailed in previous plans for the seizure of the Gaza strip and its integration into Israel.[77]
In March 2025, British–American scholar Dov Waxman publicly reversed his position on the genocide, saying that Israel's termination of the ceasefire, blocking of international aid, and renewed attacks on Gaza convinced him that Israel was deliberately committing genocide.[78] In July 2025, 1,300 professionals and academics in public health, health care, and the social sciences signed a letter acknowledging the Gaza genocide.[79] According to professor Ernesto Verdeja, even by "the most inflexible interpretation of genocide, Gaza qualifies as genocidal".[80]
In May 2025 the International Sociological Association published a joint statement where they called for an " end to the genocide in Gaza and escalating violence in the West Bank" and an "end to apartheid-like conditions" that Palestinians live under.[81]
Writing in August 2025, political scientist Clemens Heni[de] said that while "there are massive war crimes in Gaza, committed by the IDF, including hunger policies and the intentional shooting of civilians" there was no genocide occurring in Gaza, and called those making the claim that there is a genocide "anti-Semites".[82]
In September 2025, the right-wing Israeli think-tank Begin–Sadat Center for Strategic Studies,[83] published a report stating that Israel had not committed genocide in Gaza. While critiquing certain actions by the IDF, the scholars associated with the report said that allegations of genocidal activities were based on faulty data and methodology.[84][85] None of the authors of the report are genocide experts.[86] One of the authors teaches at the Command and Staff College of the Israeli military.[86] Iva Vukusic, a Utrecht University assistant professor of international history and genocide scholar,[17] said the report does not negate evidence of genocide. Alex de Waal, a professor at Tufts University, wrote that the report is highly selective, dismisses well-documented facts by making claims without evidence, and contains inaccurate claims about the Gaza Strip famine.[86] The Begin–Sadat Center is opposed to Palestinian statehood and the two-state solution.[87][83]
Legal assessments
Gaza war deaths by month
According to Nimer Sultany, Mia Swart, and Shmuel Lederman, there is a growing consensus among legal and international law scholars that Israel's actions constitute genocide.[88][89][41]
In November 2023, the scholar David Crane argued that Netanyahu had not expressly stated an intent to destroy Palestinians, and that it could therefore not be considered a genocide.[93] In December 2023, Luis Moreno Ocampo, former chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, told Al Jazeera that the siege of Gaza was a form of genocide due to Israel's imposing conditions that would lead to the deaths of Palestinians.[94] That same month, Kai Ambos, a professor and judge at the Kosovo Special Tribunal, warned that statements by politicians, while potentially beneficial for proving intent, could not necessarily be applied in evaluating military decisions.[95]
On 3 January 2024, a number of prominent Israelis, represented by the human-rights lawyer Michael Sfard, sent Israel's attorney general and state prosecutor an open letter detailing examples of "the discourse of annihilation, expulsion and revenge".[96] The signatories said that the Israeli judiciary was ignoring incitement to genocide in Gaza.[96] On 12 January 2024, Christian Walter[de], a professor at LMU, said the extent of harm to both civilians and infrastructure were inconclusive, and that attempts to evacuate civilians were an indication against genocidal intent.[97]
On 28 January 2024, the Israeli lawyer Eugene Kontorovich called the genocide allegations "absolutely absurd" and called for Israel to end its acceptance of the ICJ's jurisdiction in response to South Africa's case.[98] In April 2024, the scholar Stefan Talmon told Süddeutsche Zeitung that Israel was not committing genocide in Gaza, but said Israel had committed war crimes.[99]
In an article for SRF News on 20 May 2024, professors Marco Sassoli and Oliver Diggelmann[de] said that some statements by politicians may be genocidal, but that this did not necessarily apply to the actions of the Israeli military. Diggelmann said he did not believe there would be evidence of genocidal intent.[102]
On 26 May 2024, the Human Rights Watch co-founder Aryeh Neier said Israel's blocking of aid and the subsequent starvation of Gaza's population is indicative of genocide.[103] On 1 June 2024, professor of international law Daniel-Erasmus Khan[de] said there was no clear evidence of a special intent among Israeli leadership.[104]
In June 2024, the scholar Nimer Sultany supported Forensic Architecture's assessment that Israel had weaponised international humanitarian law into "humanitarian violence".[105] This was supported in July by professor of international law Neve Gordon and the anthropologist Nicola Perugini, who argued that Israel used "the law itself as a tool legitimizing genocide".[106] All three highlighted particularly Israel's claim that Hamas uses human shields is being used as a "legal justification for genocide".[105][106]
Also in June 2024, William Schabas, an expert in international criminal law,[107] said that South Africa's case was "arguably the strongest case of genocide ever brought before the" International Court of Justice.[108] He cited the destruction of Gazan infrastructure and statements made by Israeli politicians that Gazans are "human animals" and that Israel would deny them electricity, water, and medical care.[109][110][111]
On 4 July 2024, professor of law Sabine Swoboda[de] said that although Israel may have broken international law, it did not fulfilled the criteria for genocide because although officials had made inflammatory comments, genocidal intent was not the only explanation for them.[112] In an op-ed in August 2024, Eli Rosenbaum, a lawyer and former director of the United States Department of Justice's Office of Special Investigations, wrote that Israel's actions in Gaza were not genocidal as it was aiming to "prevent genocide" by Hamas.[113]
In a speech in October 2024, professor of human rights law Conor Gearty called Israel genocidal, pointing to the continued attacks on schools and hospitals and the lack of internal investigations by Israeli authorities into potential crimes.[114] On 16 December 2024, professor of law Adil Ahmad Haque said that Amnesty's November 2024 report describes serious violations of international humanitarian law and that Amnesty "correctly applies existing law" based on "its extensive factual findings".[115] Following the Amnesty report, Human Rights Watch accused Israel of "genocidal acts" in Gaza, but it did not say definitively whether genocidal intent existed.[116]
In March 2025, Craig Mokhiber, a retired UN human rights lawyer, wrote, "Never, in the modern era, have we seen such a clear-cut, article-by-article violation of the United Nations Genocide Convention, so broad a consensus in the identification of the crime".[117] In April 2025, the barrister Michael Mansfield said there was "no question" that genocide was occurring.[118]
In May 2025, Luigi Daniele, a lecturer at Nottingham Law School, noted a link between the IDF's justification for its conduct in Gaza and the Rapid Support Forces rationale in the Sudanese civil war, saying it "reveals the emergence of a template to commit mass extermination and even genocide".[119] In June 2025, Ambos and scholar Stefanie Bock[de] wrote that it has become more difficult to deny genocidal intent.[120]
On 16 July 2025, former UK Supreme Court justice Jonathan Sumption said that a court would be likely to regard Israel's actions in Gaza as genocide due to Israel's explicit use of starvation as a weapon of war, the scale of human casualties and indiscriminate destruction in Gaza, and statements in support of forced displacement and ethnic cleansing by Benjamin Netanyahu, Israel Katz, Bezalel Smotrich, and Itamar Ben-Gvir.[a] He said: "The most plausible explanation of current Israeli policy is that its object is to induce Palestinians as an ethnic group to leave the Gaza Strip for other countries by bombing, shooting and starving them if they remain."[121]
In September 2025, Sonia Boulos, a professor of international human rights law at Nebrija University in Spain, said that many prominent Israeli experts, as well as public figures outside Israel, had attempted to justify the Gaza genocide as an "imperfectly waged but just war", but that this was misleading.[122] She also said that Israel's justification that Hamas uses civilians as human shields has effectively attempted to strip Palestinians of their civilian status.[78]
Global implications
Scholars associated with Third World approaches to international law, have argued that the international community's failure to treat Israel's actions in Gaza as a genocide and respond accordingly has harmed the principles of the international order and international law, and exposed the deficiencies of international governance.[123][124][125] José Manuel Barreto argues that "the Palestinian genocide has unveiled the deep colonial structure of the international legal order" and identifies events in Gaza with the history of genocides in the colonised world, which he says the Westphalian system has historically failed to prevent.[124]
Journalist Colin Jones interviewed lawyers affiliated with the US military and concluded that they see Gaza as a test case for what military conduct might be acceptable in a hypothetical future war between the US and a peer power such as China.[126]Moustafa Bayoumi wrote, "Israel's acts of extermination and genocide of Palestinians in Gaza, funded and enabled at every turn by a complicit west, [have] contributed the most to the demise of the global, rules-based order."[127]
Notes
↑ Sumption wrote: "The Israeli minister of national security, Itamar Ben-Gvir, is a long-standing advocate of ethnic cleansing. The finance minister, Bezalel Smotrich, is another. He announced at a public press conference on 6 May 2025, shortly after the decision to launch Operation Gideon's Chariots, that "Gaza will be entirely destroyed." He went on to explain that Palestinians would be herded into a Hamas-free zone, and from there would leave "in great numbers" to third countries. [...] A week after Smotrich's remarks, Netanyahu, giving evidence to a Knesset committee, reported that Israel was destroying more and more housing so that the population would have nowhere to return to and would have to leave Gaza. More recently, on 7 July, the defence minister, Israel Katz, briefed Israeli media that it was proposed to incarcerate Palestinians in a vast camp to be built on the ruins of Rafah, pending their departure for other countries."
References
1 2 3 4 5 Bouranova 2024: "The opposition is political, as there is consensus amongst the international human rights legal community, many other legal and political experts, including many Holocaust scholars, that Israel is committing genocide in Gaza."
Dumper & Badran 2024, p.2: "In this context we should not overlook the latest turning point in the history of Palestine – the attack by Hamas on 7th October 2023 on Israeli settlements adjacent to Gaza and the subsequent genocidal war that the state of Israel has carried out in the Gaza Strip."
Tlozek 2025: "I can definitively say that there is no justification for the commission of war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide, not even self-defence"
↑ Al-Waheidi 2025: "Some of this may be driven by the images and reporting on the famine, which paint a much more vivid picture of the threat to human life than does mere statistics. But also, people considering the element of 'intent to destroy' that is part of the U.N. definition of genocide seem to find it more consistently now, in the context of a man-made famine, than they did with respect to the previous elements of conflict, which at least from a distance read more as 'war.'"
↑ Lederman 2025, p.6: "By April 2024, I thought that the harm done to the Palestinian in Gaza as a group either already constituted genocide or brought us close to this point. Over the following months, I came to believe that genocide is now the most accurate term to describe the kind of crime Israel is carrying out in Gaza. What precise intents Israel's decision makers had, I should say, mattered little in my view: the completely foreseeable consequences of their actions meant the kind of irreparable, severe harm to the Palestinians in Gaza (and to the Palestinians as a group more broadly) that justified the term genocide."
↑ Tetsuya, Sahara[in Japanese] (1 April 2024). "The Israeli War on Gaza from a Comparative Genocide Studies Perspective". The Journal of Research Institute for the History of Global Arms Transfer. 17: 51–79 (51).
↑ Karsenti, Bruno; Ehrenfreund, Jacques; Christ, Julia; Heurtin, Jean-Philippe; Boltanski, Luc; Trom, Danny (12 November 2023). "Un génocide à Gaza? Une réponse à Didier Fassin"[A genocide in Gaza? A response to Didier Fassin]. Analyse Opinion Critique (in French). Archived from the original on 13 November 2023. Retrieved 16 December 2024.
↑ Illouz, Eva (16 November 2023). "Genocide in Gaza? Eva Illouz replies to Didier Fassin". Jews, Europe, the XXIst century. Archived from the original on 2 June 2025. Retrieved 29 September 2025. this humanitarian disaster is a catastrophic effect of war, not genocide. The difference is crucial. A military response, even a ferocious one, against an enemy who has violated borders and international law, and who uses many means to avoid civilian casualties, is not genocide. It is possible that the Israeli military actions constitute war crimes. We will see more clearly at the end of the war. But even war crimes do not constitute genocide.
Swart, Mia (5 August 2025). "South Africa v Israel: South Africa's case at the International Court of Justice". The Round Table: The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs and Policy Studies. 114 (5): 687–689. doi:10.1080/00358533.2025.2542794.
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