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Feminism in Zambia entails with the organized efforts to improve the rights of the girls and women in Zambia. [1] [2] However, it was in the 1960s and 1970s that modern feminist movement started gaining force in Zambia through the establishment of groups such as the Zambia Women's League [3] [4] [5] and other related thematically organized movements in different spheres, that is, women's ministries under ministries dealing with labor issues. [6] [7]
Zambia's feminist movement has been shaped by the country's colonial past, cultural traditions, and political landscape. Pre-colonially, women held significant economic and social power, but colonialism eroded these rights. [8] [9]
Prior to colonialism, women have always had strong economic as well as social bases. Various cultural practices discourage Zambian women from participating in governance. As a result of being marginalized in decision-making processes, most of the women end up living in poverty throughout their lifetime. In contrast, there are other women who have taken advantage of the prevailing trend to launch coordinated strategies aimed at changing existing stereotypes in order to empower themselves economically. Such efforts did not begin when activities of the NGOs in the country started but can be traced way back through several decades of struggle for freedom which saw women active in riots against colonial authorities. For instance, Julia Mulenga and Mary Mwango were among many courageous ladies who sacrificed their lives for the betterment of humankind during civil wars led by national liberation movements against settlers enjoying economic privileges at the expense of ordinary citizens. [10]
Although Zambian women were granted the right to vote in 1964, their political involvement was still confined. Over the past few years, there has been a rise in female political participation as more females vie for elective posts as well as occupy decision-making seats. These organizations, e.g., the Women’s Forum and the Zambia National Women’s Lobby, have been fighting for the empowerment of women in politics. [5] [11]
There is a long history of the suffering and victory behind women’s voting rights and political involvement in Zambia. Women such as Julia Mulenga as well as Mary Mwango were engaged in fighting for women’s right to vote during the period between 1960s and 1970s. Zambian women became eligible voters after the country was freed from colonial rule in 1964 though few actually showed up at polling stations because many men believed they were not intelligent enough to participate in such matters or because it was difficult for them due to ignorance caused by lack of enough education and sources providing it.
The Zambia National Women's Lobby (ZNWL) was established in 1991 to promote women's political participation. Organizations such as the Women's Forum and the Non-Governmental Organization Coordinating Council (NGOCC) have also advocated for women's political empowerment. [11]
The UNIP Women’s League was created in 1964 to help with women’s political partaking and not only this but gender equality and it helped in empowering women politically. It behaves through a system of gender equality therefore it also incorporates educational programs related to this kind of problems including those about how to be financially independent because sometimes men take advantage of their wives or daughters in such situations even though they have different professions respectively in relation to other aspects of life such as economy, finance, law etc . This organization also has something else which seeks at reforming liberated aspects aimed at ensuring sustainability within it alongside formation new moments on all fronts within the same country as early as possible by providing necessary information and support to them whenever it is needed. [12]
Violet Sampa, Mary Mwango, Vera Chiluba, and Inonge Wina are notable women in the Zambian political arena. Originally, the first woman who contested for a parliamentary seat was Sampa in 1968.On the other hand, she became the woman Speaker of the House in two thousand. [13]
Zambia has laws protecting women from discrimination, including the Constitution (1991) and the Employment Act (1965). [14] The Gender Equity and Equality Act (2015) criminalizes gender-based violence and discrimination. However, implementation and enforcement remain challenges. [15] [16] [17]
Zambia has no specific law criminalizing marital rape, despite efforts by activists to have it recognized as a criminal offense. The courts have acknowledged marital rape as a form of gender-based violence, but more needs to be done to protect survivors. [18]
The country's journey towards criminalizing marital rape has been long and arduous, with various milestones and challenges along the way. [19]
Prior to the 1970s, Zambia's laws perpetuated the harmful notion that a husband had the legal right to have sex with his wife whenever he desired, as part of the marriage contract. This archaic thinking denied women autonomy over their own bodies and perpetuated gender-based violence. However, as women's rights movements gained momentum in the latter half of the 20th century, demands for sexual autonomy and consent within marriage grew louder. [20]
The turning point came in 2010 when Zambia finally removed the "marital exemption" from their rape laws. The Sexual Offences Act of 2010, Section 3, defines rape to include "a person who is not his spouse." This crucial amendment criminalized marital rape, acknowledging that consent is essential in all sexual encounters, including those within marriage. The journey to this milestone was not without its challenges. Women's rights activists and organizations faced resistance from patriarchal forces that sought to maintain the status quo. However, persistent advocacy and awareness campaigns ultimately led to a shift in societal attitudes and legal frameworks. [21]
The criminalization of marital rape in Zambia is a significant victory for gender equality and women's empowerment. It acknowledges that women have the right to control their own bodies, sexuality, and lives. This legal milestone also sends a strong message to perpetrators that such violations will no longer be tolerated or condoned. [20]
In Zambia, people who advocate for women’s rights are occasionally punished in different cruel ways; for example, receiving messages of hatred through phones, receiving threats through their email addresses or eavesdropping their conversation with others. Although some are said to divide or go against culture by contesting against male dominance, harassing online and even physical assault are some among several ways through which female genders can be discriminated. Nevertheless those of them that are known as Zambian constantly resist and advocate for fairness as far as sex and social aspects are concerned. [22]
The persecution of feminist activists in Zambia has a long and troubling history, with many brave individuals facing harassment, intimidation, and even violence for their advocacy work. This essay will explore the various incidents that have occurred over the years, highlighting the government's reaction and the international community's response. [22]
One of the earliest recorded incidents dates back to 1996, when activist and academic, Mwanakatwe, was arrested and detained for organizing a protest against gender-based violence. This set a precedent for future persecution, as the government began to view feminist activism as a threat to their authority. [23]
In 2002, activist and writer, Mwamba, was summoned for questioning by the police after publishing an article critical of the government's handling of gender-based violence. This incident marked the beginning of a pattern of harassment and intimidation tactics used by the government to silence feminist voices. [24] [25]
In 2008, the Zambia National Women's Lobby (ZNWL) organized a march against gender-based violence, which was met with violence from the police. Several activists were injured, and many were arrested and detained.
In 2015, the government attempted to pass a bill that would have effectively criminalized feminist activism. The bill was met with widespread condemnation from the international community and was eventually withdrawn.
In 2018, Sitali Wamundila, an academic and activist, was suspended from her university position after speaking out against sexual harassment and gender-based violence. [26]
In 2020, Lydia Limbe, a feminist activist and writer, was summoned for questioning by the police over her social media posts criticizing the government's handling of gender-based violence.
The government's reaction to these incidents has been consistent: dismissiveness, denial, and attempts to silence activists through harassment and intimidation. The government has often labeled feminist activists as "troublemakers" or "foreign agents," attempting to discredit their work and justify their persecution.
The international community has consistently condemned the persecution of feminist activists in Zambia. International human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have called on the Zambian government to respect the rights of activists and ensure their safety and protection. The African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights has also expressed concern over the situation and urged the government to take action to protect activists.
Feminism in Zambia faces a multitude of challenges that hinder the advancement of gender equality and women's empowerment. One of the primary obstacles is the deeply ingrained patriarchal culture that perpetuates male dominance and limits women's opportunities. This cultural mindset is evident in the way women are socialized to prioritize domestic and reproductive work over education and career aspirations. [27]
Another significant challenge is the limited access to education and information that women have. This knowledge gap hinders their ability to assert their rights and make informed decisions about their lives. Furthermore, gender-based violence remains a pervasive issue in Zambia, with high levels of domestic violence and sexual assault affecting women's lives. [27]
The underrepresentation of women in politics and decision-making positions is another significant challenge. This lack of representation means that women's perspectives and experiences are not adequately represented in policy and legislation. Additionally, socioeconomic inequality persists, with women facing significant disparities in access to healthcare, economic opportunities, and land ownership.
Traditional gender roles also continue to constrain women's potential, with expectations around domestic and reproductive work limiting their ability to pursue education, careers, and political roles. Religious and cultural resistance to gender equality also poses a challenge, with some groups viewing it as a threat to traditional values.
Limited support systems for survivors of gender-based violence, inadequate mental health resources, and a lack of childcare services further hinder feminist efforts. Internalized misogyny, where women internalize negative messages about their capabilities and worth, also perpetuates self-doubt and limits their potential.
The funding and resource constraints pose a significant challenge to feminist organizations, limiting their ability to effectively advocate for women's rights. In conclusion, feminism in Zambia faces a multitude of challenges that require sustained efforts to address and overcome. Only through collective action can we hope to achieve gender equality and empower women to reach their full potential. [27]
Organizations that deal with feminism in Zambia play a vital role in promoting gender equality and empowering women. These organizations are instrumental in challenging patriarchal norms and gender stereotypes that have perpetuated gender-based discrimination and inequality in the country. One example is the Zambia National Women's Lobby that has been at the forefront of advocating for women's political participation and representation. Through its various programs and initiatives, it has managed to increase the number of women in politics and decision-making positions, thereby giving women a voice in the political arena.
The Women's Forum is also another organization that has been empowering women through training and advocacy. By providing a platform for women to share their experiences and challenges, it has created a safe space for women to speak out against gender-based violence and discrimination.
The Non-Governmental Organization Coordinating Council brings together various women's rights organizations to advocate for gender equality and social justice. Through its advocacy efforts, it has managed to influence policy reforms and legal changes that promote gender equality.
Women and Law in Southern Africa Zambia works to promote women's rights through legal advocacy and support. By providing legal assistance to women who have been survivors of gender-based violence, it has managed to hold perpetrators accountable for their actions. The Zambia Gender-Based Violence Prevention and Response Network coordinates efforts to prevent and respond to gender-based violence. Through its various programs and initiatives, it has managed to reduce the prevalence of gender-based violence in the country. [28]
The Feminist Movement Building Initiative strengthens feminist movements and advocates for gender equality. By providing training and capacity building programs for women, it has managed to empower women to become leaders and change makers in their communities.
The Women's Rights Movement advocates for women's rights and empowerment through campaigns and advocacy. By using various platforms such as social media and traditional media, it has managed to raise awareness about gender-based discrimination and violence, thereby creating a movement for gender equality. [29] [30]
The men's rights movement (MRM) is a branch of the men's movement. The MRM in particular consists of a variety of groups and individuals who focus on general social issues and specific government services which they say adversely impact, or in some cases, structurally discriminate against, men and boys. Common topics discussed within the men's rights movement include family law, reproduction, suicides, domestic violence against men, false accusations of rape, circumcision, education, conscription, social safety nets, and health policies. The men's rights movement branched off from the men's liberation movement in the early 1970s, with both groups comprising a part of the larger men's movement.
Sex-positive feminism, also known as pro-sex feminism, sex-radical feminism, or sexually liberal feminism, is a feminist movement centering on the idea that sexual freedom is an essential component of women's freedom. They oppose legal or social efforts to control sexual activities between consenting adults, whether they are initiated by the government, other feminists, opponents of feminism, or any other institution. They embrace sexual minority groups, endorsing the value of coalition-building with marginalized groups. Sex-positive feminism is connected with the sex-positive movement. Sex-positive feminism brings together anti-censorship activists, LGBT activists, feminist scholars, producers of pornography and erotica, among others. Sex-positive feminists believe that prostitution can be a positive experience if workers are treated with respect, and agree that sex work should not be criminalized.
Pro-feminism refers to support of the cause of feminism without implying that the supporter is a member of the feminist movement. The term is most often used in reference to men who actively support feminism and its efforts to bring about the political, economic, cultural, personal, and social equality of women with men. A number of pro-feminist men are involved in political activism, most often in the areas of gender equality, women's rights, and ending violence against women.
Islamic feminism is a form of feminism concerned with the role of women in Islam. It aims for the full equality of all Muslims, regardless of gender, in public and private life. Islamic feminists advocate for women's rights, gender equality, and social justice grounded in an Islamic framework. Although rooted in Islam, the movement's pioneers have also utilized secular, Western, or otherwise non-Muslim feminist discourses, and have recognized the role of Islamic feminism as part of an integrated global feminist movement.
Equality Now is a non-governmental organization founded in 1992 to advocate for the protection and promotion of the human rights of women and girls. Equality Now works through public policy channels to create a just world for women and girls. Through a combination of regional partnerships, community mobilization and legal advocacy the organization works to encourage governments to adopt, improve and enforce laws that protect and promote women and girls' rights around the world.
Women in Lebanon are treated according to patriarchal norms although the legal status of women has improved since the 20th century. Gender equality in Lebanon remains problematic. Active feminist movements exist in Lebanon which are trying to overcome the legal and sociopolitical discrimination enshrined in law.
Legal Momentum, founded in 1970, is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit and the nation's first and longest-serving legal advocacy group for women in the United States. Betty Friedan and Muriel Fox were its co-founders and Muriel Fox is an ongoing leader of the organization. Carol Baldwin Moody became President and CEO in April 2018. The organization, founded as the NOW Legal Defense and Education Fund, became Legal Momentum in 2004. Legal Momentum is a multi-issue organization dedicated to advancing women’s rights and gender equality, particularly in the areas of equal education opportunities; fairness in the courts; ending all forms of gender-based violence; workplace equality and economic empowerment. The organization employs three main strategies: impact litigation, policy advocacy, and educational initiatives. It is headquartered in New York City.
Feminism in Thailand is perpetuated by many of the same traditional feminist theory foundations, though Thai feminism is facilitated through a medium of social movement activist groups within Thailand's illiberal democracy. The Thai State claims to function as a civil society with an intersectionality between gender inequality and activism in its political spheres.
Feminist views on sexuality widely vary. Many feminists, particularly radical feminists, are highly critical of what they see as sexual objectification and sexual exploitation in the media and society. Radical feminists are often opposed to the sex industry, including opposition to prostitution and pornography. Other feminists define themselves as sex-positive feminists and believe that a wide variety of expressions of female sexuality can be empowering to women when they are freely chosen. Some feminists support efforts to reform the sex industry to become less sexist, such as the feminist pornography movement.
In the Netherlands, feminism began as part of the first-wave feminism movement during the 19th century. Later, the struggles of second-wave feminism in the Netherlands mirrored developments in the women's rights movement in other Western countries. Women in the Netherlands still have an open discussion about how to improve remaining imbalances and injustices they face as women.
The feminist movement in Malaysia is a multicultural coalition of women's organisations committed to the end of gender-based discrimination, harassment and violence against women. Having first emerged as women's shelters in the mid 1980s, feminist women's organisations in Malaysia later developed alliances with other social justice movements. Today, the feminist movement in Malaysia is one of the most active actors in the country's civil society.
Feminism in South Korea is the origin and history of feminism or women's rights in South Korea.
Feminism in Sweden is a significant social and political influence within Swedish society. Swedish political parties across the political spectrum commit to gender-based policies in their public political manifestos. The Swedish government assesses all policy according to the tenets of gender mainstreaming. Women in Sweden are 45% of the political representatives in the Swedish Parliament. Women make up 43% of representatives in local legislatures as of 2014. In addition, in 2014, newly sworn in Foreign Minister Margot Wallström announced a feminist foreign policy.
Feminism in South Africa concerns the organised efforts to improve the rights of the girls and women of South Africa. These efforts are largely linked to issues of feminism and gender equality on one hand, and racial equality and the political freedoms of African and other non-White South African ethnic groups on the other. Early feminist efforts concerned the suffrage of White women, allowing them to vote in elections beginning from 1930s, and significant activism in the 1950s to demand equal pay of men and women. The 1980s were a major turning point in the advancement of South African women, and in 1994, following the end of the apartheid regime, the status of women was bolstered by changes to the country's constitution. Since the end of apartheid, South African feminism is a contribution associated with the liberation and democratization of the country, however, the movement still struggles with the embedded conservative and patriarchal views within some segments of South African society.
Feminism in Pakistan refers to the set of movements which aim to define, establish, and defend the rights of women in Pakistan.This may involve the pursuit of equal political, economic, and social rights, alongside equal opportunity. These movements have historically been shaped in response to national and global reconfiguration of power, including colonialism, nationalism, Islamization, dictatorship, democracy, and the War on Terror. The relationship between the women's movement and the Pakistani state has undergone significant shifts from mutual accommodation to confrontation and conflict.
Olaoluwa Abagun is a Nigerian lawyer, feminist, and a Vocal Girls' Rights Advocate, nurturing a dynamic generation of African Girls. She is the Founder of the Girl Pride Circle Initiative, a notable girl NGO situated in Nigeria, she holds the position of Executive Director at ATHENA, a global feminist network dedicated to promoting gender equality and upholding human rights
Foreign aid for gender equality in Jordan includes programs funded by governments or non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that aim to empower women, close gender based gaps in opportunity and experience, and promote equal access to education, economic empowerment, and political representation in the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.
Carceral feminism is a critical term for types of feminism that advocate for enhancing and increasing prison sentences that deal with feminist and gender issues. The term criticises the belief that harsher and longer prison sentences will help work towards solving these issues. The phrase "carceral feminism" was coined by Elizabeth Bernstein, a feminist sociologist, in her 2007 article, "The Sexual Politics of the 'New Abolitionism'". Examining the contemporary anti-trafficking movement in the United States, Bernstein introduced the term to describe a type of feminist activism which casts all forms of sexual labor as sex trafficking. She sees this as a retrograde step, suggesting it erodes the rights of women in the sex industry, and takes the focus off other important feminist issues, and expands the neoliberal agenda.
Feminism in Indonesia refers to the long history of discourse for gender equality to bring about positive social change in Indonesia. The issues women in Indonesia currently are facing include gender violence, underage marriages, and lack of representation in the political system. Feminism and the women's right movement began during colonial Indonesia under Dutch rule and were spearheaded by the national heroine Kartini, a Javanese noblewoman who advocated for the education of all women and girls regardless of social status. In the early 19th century, women's rights organizations and movements were allowed to developed under Budi Utomo, the first Indonesian Nationalist organization. Modern day Indonesian feminism include and are influenced by both fundamentalist and progressive Islamic women's organizations.
Feminism in Kenya concerns the organized efforts to improve the rights of the girls and women of Kenya. The modern feminist movement, which took off in the early 1960s and also in the 1970s, gained impetus through the establishment of various organisations such as Maendeleo Ya Wanawake and Kenya Women’s Political Caucus.
