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Fascism in Africa refers to the phenomenon of fascist parties and movements that were active in Africa.
There is significant controversy regarding which, if any, political movements and governments in Africa can be considered fascist. The main historical and political science overviews of fascism do not include African examples. For instance, American historian and political scientist Robert Paxton, a scholar on the topic of fascism, has rejected the idea that there have been indigenous fascist movements in Africa, asserting that there have been no prominent examples of fascist regimes amongst Third World dictatorships. [1] Paxton also rejects the view that Idi Amin's rule in Uganda was fascist in nature. [1]
Similarly, Roger Griffin rejects the notion that fascism existed in Africa (outside South Africa) in his book The Nature of Fascism, by arguing that African dictatorships do not seek the mass mobilization of their populations which is necessary for a regime to be called fascist, and African political groups could not construct unifying nationalist palingenetic myths (another precondition for true fascism) because African national borders were often arbitrarily set by colonial powers and tribal, religious and ethnic loyalties are frequently much stronger than national identities are. [2] For Griffin a precondition for the rise of fascism is the breakdown of a traditional society which is combined with increasing liberalisation against the backdrop of socio-political instability, which also rules out post-colonial Africa where such liberalisation did not take place until very recently, because post-colonial regimes frequently transformed themselves into dictatorships, either actual or effective. [3]
Paul Hayes accepts the view that individual African countries may demonstrate some characteristics of fascism, notably aspects of the regimes of Hastings Banda in Malawi or Abeid Karume in Zanzibar, but he argues that none of the current leaders of African states can truly be called fascists on an academic basis. [4]
Similarly, Stanley G. Payne contends that while a one-party nationalist dictatorship may have been seen as the model in some African states, none of these states can genuinely be considered fascist because the single parties which control them usually have a small membership and they often do not exist at any more than a basic functional level, their political economies do not follow the corporatist or national syndicalist models which define fascism and there is no philosophical or political culture of fascism, because such African regimes are highly pragmatic and they are even non-ideological in nature. [5] Indeed, the notion of true fascism, as opposed to the notion of a mere dictatorship, was further eroded in Africa during the 1970s when many regimes added an ideological dimension in the shape of Marxism-Leninism. [6]
However, other scholars assert that there have been indigenous fascist regimes in Africa. Swiss historian Max-Liniger-Goumaz, a scholar on African history, has identified multiple African regimes as being examples of the phenomenon of "Afro-fascism", including: Francisco Macías Nguema's regime in Equatorial Guinea, Mobutu Sese Seko's regime in Zaire, Idi Amin's regime in Uganda, Gnassingbé Eyadéma's regime in Togo, and Mengistu Haile Mariam's regime in Ethiopia. [7] The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic has been regarded[ by whom? ] as a Rwandan Hutu fascist political party which was responsible for inciting the Rwandan genocide. [8] [9] [10]
South Africa's status as an independent country was dominated by the White South African minority, which meant that it shared a number of characteristics with Europe where fascism originally developed. South Africa also had an institutionalised form of racism in the apartheid system.
Nazism found an audience in the country, with pro-Nazi elements organised by Louis Weichardt in 1932 under the name South African Gentile National Socialist Movement, a group that soon became known as the Greyshirts. Although the group enjoyed some support and continued after the Second World War they never became sufficiently important for the government to take action against them. The other main fascist group was the Ossewabrandwag (OB), founded in 1939, a group also inspired by Adolf Hitler. The two differed however as the Greyshirts emphasised Aryan race rhetoric and so organised amongst the various white immigrant communities whilst the OB were specifically for Afrikaners only. [11] A third, more minor group, the New Order, emerged in 1940 under the leadership of former cabinet minister Oswald Pirow. After the Second World War Pirow became an important figure in neo-fascism, working closely with Oswald Mosley, Nation Europa and A. F. X. Baron. [12] Nazi Germany sought to encourage such activity with former Olympic boxer Robey Leibbrandt active as an agent for the Abwehr during the war. [13] The Nazi Party itself also organised until it was outlawed in 1936. [14]
In the post-war era, far right groups that are sometimes characterised as being neo-fascist in nature include the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging, [15] the Vereniging van Oranjewerkers, [16] the Herstigte Nasionale Party [16] and the Boeremag; as well, there are fascist elements within the coalition Afrikaner Volksfront. [17]
North Africa has also seen activity that has sometimes been identified as fascism. The high level of movement between France and French North Africa meant that political ideas travelled between the regions; indeed, as early as the 1890s the proto-fascist Antisemitic League of France was active in Algiers. [18] It was not until later however that indigenous versions began to emerge. In 1930s Egypt the Young Egypt movement, known as the greenshirts, became important. They followed the models of fascist groups in Europe and praised Italian fascism and Nazism, although they largely supported existing elites. [19] Within the Egyptian Army General 'Aziz 'Ali al-Misri (1878-1965) was noted for his fascist sympathies, to the extent that he was dismissed as Chief of Staff in 1940. Masri deserted the army and attempted to link up with the Afrika Korps but was arrested before he could escape. [20]
In Italian Libya, Benito Mussolini sought to gain popularity by presenting himself as a defender of Islam and he formed a Libyan Arab Fascist Party to which indigenous people were admitted. [21] This was not the case in Ethiopia, where resistance was much fiercer and fascism did not take root. In both colonies, though, fascist youth movements were formed under Italian tutelage (Arab Lictor Youth and Ethiopian Lictor Youth).
Like North Africa, the east of the continent saw some early development amongst white immigrant communities. A number of pro-fascist aristocrats, including Josslyn Hay, 22nd Earl of Erroll and Gerard Wallop, 9th Earl of Portsmouth, made their homes in Kenya during the 1930s. Although too few in number to form any meaningful political grouping they nonetheless maintained close links to the British Union of Fascists, of which most had been members. [22] Other white settlers organised pro-Nazi groups in Rhodesia during the Second World War. [23]
The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR) has been described[ by whom? ] as a Rwandan Hutu fascist political party responsible for inciting the Rwandan genocide. [8] [9] [10] The CDR refused to operate within the law nor cooperate with other Rwandan political parties. [24] The CDR had a paramilitary wing, the Impuzamugambi that repeatedly provoked violent confrontations with members of other parties, using hand grenades and bombs, and served as one of the death squads that massacred Tutsis in the Rwandan Genocide. [24]
Parallels have frequently been drawn between Hitler and Uganda's Idi Amin [25] [26] and it has been claimed that Amin's admiration for Hitler was so great that he even intended to build a statue of him.[ citation needed ] However, American political scientist and historian Robert Paxton, a scholar on fascism, has stated, that from an ideological standpoint he shared little or nothing with proper fascism, sharing only cruelty and antisemitism with Hitler. [1] Nonetheless, Swiss historian Max-Liniger-Goumaz, a scholar on African history, has identified Idi Amin amongst a list of other African leaders as being an example of the phenomenon of "Afro-fascism". [7]
During World War II, the French colonies in West Africa sided with Vichy France, a German puppet state.
Fascism is a far-right, authoritarian, ultranationalist political ideology and movement, characterized by a dictatorial leader, centralized autocracy, militarism, forcible suppression of opposition, belief in a natural social hierarchy, subordination of individual interests for the perceived good of the nation and race, and strong regimentation of society and the economy.
Neo-fascism is a post-World War II far-right ideology that includes significant elements of fascism. Neo-fascism usually includes ultranationalism, racial supremacy, populism, authoritarianism, nativism, xenophobia, and anti-immigration sentiment, as well as opposition to liberal democracy, social democracy, parliamentarianism, liberalism, Marxism, neoliberalism, communism, and socialism. As with classical fascism, it proposes a Third Position as an alternative to market capitalism.
Far-right politics, or right-wing extremism, refers to a spectrum of political thought that tends to be radically conservative, ultra-nationalist, and authoritarian, often also including nativist tendencies. The name derives from the left–right political spectrum, with the "far right" considered further from center than the standard political right.
Clerical fascism is an ideology that combines the political and economic doctrines of fascism with clericalism. The term has been used to describe organizations and movements that combine religious elements with fascism, receive support from religious organizations which espouse sympathy for fascism, or fascist regimes in which clergy play a leading role.
Fascist symbolism is the use of certain images and symbols which are designed to represent aspects of fascism. These include national symbols of historical importance, goals, and political policies. The best-known are the fasces, which was the original symbol of fascism, and the swastika of Nazism.
The history of fascist ideology is long and it draws on many sources. Fascists took inspiration from sources as ancient as the Spartans for their focus on racial purity and their emphasis on rule by an elite minority. Fascism has also been connected to the ideals of Plato, though there are key differences between the two. Fascism styled itself as the ideological successor to Rome, particularly the Roman Empire. From the same era, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel's view on the absolute authority of the state also strongly influenced fascist thinking. The French Revolution was a major influence insofar as the Nazis saw themselves as fighting back against many of the ideas which it brought to prominence, especially liberalism, liberal democracy and racial equality, whereas on the other hand, fascism drew heavily on the revolutionary ideal of nationalism. The prejudice of a "high and noble" Aryan culture as opposed to a "parasitic" Semitic culture was core to Nazi racial views, while other early forms of fascism concerned themselves with non-racialized conceptions of the nation.
Historians and other scholars disagree on the question of whether a specifically fascist type of economic policy can be said to exist. David Baker argues that there is an identifiable economic system in fascism that is distinct from those advocated by other ideologies, comprising essential characteristics that fascist nations shared. Payne, Paxton, Sternhell et al. argue that while fascist economies share some similarities, there is no distinctive form of fascist economic organization. Gerald Feldman and Timothy Mason argue that fascism is distinguished by an absence of coherent economic ideology and an absence of serious economic thinking. They state that the decisions taken by fascist leaders cannot be explained within a logical economic framework.
Tōhōkai was a Japanese fascist political party. The party was active in Japan during the 1930s and early 1940s. Its origins lay in the right-wing political organization Kokumin Domei which was formed by Adachi Kenzō in 1933. In 1936, Nakano Seigō disagreed with Adachi on of matters of policy and formed a separate group, which he called the 'Tōhōkai'.
What constitutes as a definition of fascism and fascist governments has been a complicated and highly disputed subject concerning the exact nature of fascism and its core tenets debated amongst historians, political scientists, and other scholars ever since Benito Mussolini first used the term in 1915. Historian Ian Kershaw once wrote that "trying to define 'fascism' is like trying to nail jelly to the wall".
The National Fascist Party was a political party in Italy, created by Benito Mussolini as the political expression of Italian fascism and as a reorganisation of the previous Italian Fasces of Combat. The party ruled the Kingdom of Italy from 1922 when Fascists took power with the March on Rome until the fall of the Fascist regime in 1943, when Mussolini was deposed by the Grand Council of Fascism. It was succeeded, in the territories under the control of the Italian Social Republic, by the Republican Fascist Party, ultimately dissolved at the end of World War II.
Greyshirts or Gryshemde is the common short-form name given to the South African Gentile National Socialist Movement, a South African Nazi movement that existed during the 1930s and 1940s. Initially referring only to a paramilitary group, it soon became shorthand for the movement as a whole.
Fascist movements in Europe were the set of various fascist ideologies which were practised by governments and political organisations in Europe during the 20th century. Fascism was born in Italy following World War I, and other fascist movements, influenced by Italian Fascism, subsequently emerged across Europe. Among the political doctrines which are identified as ideological origins of fascism in Europe are the combining of a traditional national unity and revolutionary anti-democratic rhetoric which was espoused by the integral nationalist Charles Maurras and the revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel.
Fascist movements in Asia that adhered to fascist policies, which gained popularity in many countries in Asia during the 1920s.
Fascism has a long history in North America, with the earliest movements appearing shortly after the rise of Fascism in Europe. Fascist movements in North America never gained power, unlike their counterparts in Europe.
Fascism in South America is an assortment of political parties and movements modelled on fascism. Although originating and primarily associated with Europe, the ideology crossed the Atlantic Ocean in the interwar period and had an influence on South American politics. The original Italian fascism had a deep impact in the region. Although the ideas of Falangism probably had the deepest impact in South America, largely due to Hispanidad, more generic fascism was also an important factor in regional politics.
Fascism in Its Epoch, also known in English as The Three Faces of Fascism, is a 1963 book by historian and philosopher Ernst Nolte. It is widely regarded as his magnum opus and a seminal work on the history of fascism.
Some authors and historians have carried out comparisons of Nazism and Stalinism. They have considered the similarities and differences between the two ideologies and political systems, the relationship between the two regimes, and why both came to prominence simultaneously. During the 20th century, the comparison of Nazism and Stalinism was made on totalitarianism, ideology, and personality cult. Both regimes were seen in contrast to the liberal democratic Western world, emphasizing the similarities between the two.
The Kingdom of Italy was governed by the National Fascist Party from 1922 to 1943 with Benito Mussolini as prime minister. The Italian Fascists imposed authoritarian rule and crushed political and intellectual opposition, while promoting economic modernization, traditional social values and a rapprochement with the Roman Catholic Church.