''Hunting Stuart & the Voice of the People'', 1994"}},"i":0}}]}" id="mwARg">
In a government like ours, the Crown is the abiding and unshakable element in government; politicians may come and go, but the Crown remains and certain aspects of our system pertain to it which are not dependent on any political party. In this sense, the Crown is the consecrated spirit of Canada. [52]
Robertson Davies, introduction to
Hunting Stuart & the Voice of the People, 1994
I want the Crown to be seen as a symbol of national sovereignty belonging to all. It is not only a link between Commonwealth nations, but between Canadian citizens of every national origin and ancestry ... I want the Crown in Canada to represent everything that is best and most admired in the Canadian ideal. [53]
Elizabeth II, Toronto, 1973
Canadian monarchists support the official government position (both federal and provincial) of the monarch as the personification of the Canadian state. [n 2] [54] [55] [56] [57] [58] [ excessive citations ] They consider a globally travelling, super-celebrity monarch to be apt for a post-modern, multicultural nation like Canada, [12] and see the sovereign as a more personal, less bureaucratic, symbol of the will and character of the "Canadian national family", giving a human face on the nation and locus of allegiance, [47] as opposed to republics where the objective constitution, flag, or "the country" is revered instead. [8] [59] It is the position of the Department of Canadian Heritage and the Canadian Secretary to the Queen that "in every respect, [the monarch] represents the humanity of our country and speaks eloquently of the collective spirit that makes us truly Canadian." [60]
Since at least the 1930s, [61] supporters of the Crown have held the opinion that the Canadian monarch is also one of the rare unified elements of Canadian society, [62] focusing both "the historic consciousness of the nation" and various forms of patriotism and national love "[on] the point around which coheres the nation's sense of a continuing personality", [63] and reflecting this back through lifelong public duties and service, [59] an arrangement its supporters contend allows for diversity, as opposed to the American ideology of the state being the majority and demanding allegiance. [64] Former Governor General Vincent Massey articulated that the monarchy "is part of ourselves. It is linked in a very special way with our national life. It stands for qualities and institutions which mean Canada to every one of us and which for all our differences and all our variety have kept Canada Canadian." [65] Gary Toffoli, past chairman of the Toronto branch of the MLC, stated on this concept that "it is one of the great protections of democracy and one of the weaknesses of the republican system that in our system the Queen is the state and the people are not the state", arguing that such a society permits its members, though they be in an inseparable symbiosis with it, [66] to exist apart from the state, to criticise it, and not take responsibility for what the state might have done. This, he asserted, avoids the paradox wherein opposing the state is opposing the people, which would mean one opposes one's self. [67] George-Étienne Cartier predicted that Canada, with its cohabitational French and English-based cultures, could never have an ethnic nationality, but through allegiance to the common symbol of the Crown, it was possible for the country to be a unified political nationality. [2]
Combining constitutional law, the concept of national personification, and their acknowledgement of the reigning monarch as the end of an unbroken chain of sovereigns of Canada that starts with the first European settlement of the region in the 16th century, [68] monarchists in Canada share the Department of Canadian Heritage's view that the sovereign is at least partly, and the monarchy within Canada is fully, Canadian, [42] [69] [70] the monarchy's supporters thus often employing the phrase "Maple Crown", [47] first coined by The Lord Grey in 1905. [71] The contrary opinion of republicans, who continue to brand the persona and institution of the Crown as purely British and foreign intrusions in Canada, is considered by monarchists to be a superficial argument, [1] representative either of ethnic prejudice, or of a cultural and historical confusion that forgets a number of Canadian values – peace, order, and good government; parliamentary democracy; the elevation of public welfare over personal greed; responsible government; etc. –were similarly inherited from the United Kingdom. [n 3] Already by the end of the Second World War, a difference had been established amongst Canadians between loyalty to the Crown and loyalty to Britain. [72]
Because of this history and contemporary sentiment, the monarchy's supporters allege that presidential republicanism is not a part of the Canadian psyche, [7] [47] and any move towards such an end, without provocation or real reason, [73] would run contrary to the national persona and be foreign to Canada, [74] as no part of the country had ever been a republic. [75] [76] Indeed, the Quiet Revolution, like earlier revolts, failed to inspire republicanism in the Canadian populace outside of Quebec; [n 4] amongst that remaining bulk of Canadians, the level of monarchism became difficult to gauge over the ensuing decades, [78] as public opinion polls found instability and sometimes even contradictions in numbers for and against the Canadian monarchy (frequently labelled in questions as "British"), [79] [80] but no popular desire to alter the status quo ever expressed itself. [n 5] [45] [81] After a 1998 Globe and Mail story quoted Peter Donolo, Prime Minister Jean Chretien's director of comminications, saying that the Prime Minister's Office was considering the abolition of the monarchy as a millennium project, [82] Chretien refulted the claim by saying that the topic of a republic was neither a Liberal priority, nor one for average Canadians, admitting "[t]here's no big debate in Canada." The provincial premiers at the time displayed the same sentiment, [n 6] as did various newspaper editorials, with the Ottawa Citizen 's headline about the so-called millennium project reading: "Which millennium?" [83] The lack of interest in republicanism cannot, however, be taken automatically as proof of monarchism; Canadians are generally indifferent to the subject, [84] and, as early as the 1950s, it was observed that Canadians don't "think of themselves as citizens of either a republic or a monarchy". [85]
Canadian loyalists further aver that, rather than be ashamed of the country's monarchical chronicle and present arrangements, they should be embraced. [7] [86] Monarchists find that republican arguments often take the form of cultural cringe, [86] focusing, as they perceive it, on long settled issues like Canada's independence and responsible government, [87] or unsubstantiated ones, such as the republican claim that the monarchy was non-consensually imposed on Canadians, [31] [73] and demonstrating a sophistry that has been described as "'presto-you're-an-adult' immaturity that would malign Canada as some sort of pimply-faced adolescent thinking she could prove she is grown up by smoking a cigarette and telling Mom where to get off." [33] Monarchists have contended that this is a product of inadequate knowledge of the monarchy's role in both Canadian history and modern civics, [50] [88] a phenomenon sometimes compounded by the pervasiveness of American culture in Canada.
The central role of the monarchy in the Canadian constitution, and the difficult prescriptions to removing it, are said by monarchists to illustrate the importance of the Crown as the centre of the entire system of government and justice in Canada, to the point where Crown and constitution are inseparable. [8] [89] Dr. Stephen Phillips, Chair of the Department of Political Science at Langara College, said that the monarchy was more entrenched in Canada than generally realised, having undergone profound changes since Confederation in reaction to and in parallel with Canada's transition from a self-governing Dominion to a fully sovereign state, thereby pre-empting the rise of any significant republican movement. As the monarchy works satisfactorily and still has a "powerful, if under-stated" symbolic value to English Canadians, [12] [90] republicans are left to build popular support for its abolition, [45] necessitating the suggestion of constitutional reform, from which Canadians commonly recoil, [91] and causing a debate that monarchists feel would be nationally divisive. [12]
Canada's aboriginal peoples have been described as "strongly supportive of the monarchy", [78] [92] [93] due partly to the constitutionally entrenched fiduciary obligations of the monarch alone to be the negotiator between First Nations and non-and provide to the former certain guarantees, [94] which all makes the Crown's inherent stability and continuity, as opposed to the transitory nature of populist whims, an important factor to aboriginal people in Canada; Tony Hall has argued that the "living heritage" of Crown-First Nations treaties must not be sacrificed to reductivist republican views of constitutional change that do not consider the relations between the Crown and Canadian aboriginal peoples. [33] [95] [96] Further, those loyal to the Crown have felt that aboriginal peoples in Canada cherish their ability to present grievances directly to the sovereign before the witness of international cameras. [12]
Quebec in the latter half of the 20th century has been regarded as less inclined towards the Crown. However, it was expressed by Jacques Rouillard that from the mid-19th century until the end of the Second World War, in Quebec the monarchy was seen as a source of democracy that permitted the prosperity of French Canada. [39] At the time of Confederation, there existed French-Canadian royalists who favoured the retention of the monarchy in the new polity that would include the new province of Quebec, [97] some 40 years before Raymond Auzias-Turenne published in Montreal his book République royale, extolling the virtues of constitutional monarchy, [98] and of monarchism in the province, Prime Minister of Canada Wilfrid Laurier stated: "people are surprised at the attachment French Canadians feel for the Queen, and we are faithful to the great nation which has given us liberty." [99] In 2007, though polls showed the province's population to be that which held the monarch most unfavourably, and despite threats of violence and protest from separatists, [100] the Executive Council of Quebec and the Mayor of Quebec City, Régis Labeaume, desired the attendance of Elizabeth II, or either Prince William or Prince Harry, at the 400th anniversary of the founding of Quebec. [101] [102] [ improper synthesis? ]
Monarchists have also come to find that the Canadian monarchy correlates well with multiculturalism, the monarch being a living illustration of the concept: [47] the Crown's non-partisanship extends to culture and religion, the sovereign reigns over multiple socially diverse nations, [103] appoints persons of each gender and different races to be viceroy, and is him or herself of a heritage that including more than 30 ethnicities, from Danish to Mongol. [104] [105] The monarchy has also been seen by new Canadian citizens as a favourable symbol; in the late 1950s, for instance, recent immigrants from Eastern Bloc countries made public expressions of loyalty to the Queen and criticism towards those who were dismissive of the Crown. Indeed, Member of Parliament Hubert Badanai said during Queen Elizabeth II's 1959 tour of Canada that "non-Anglo Saxons are more keen about the Queen than the Anglo Saxons". [106] Alistair Horne observed at the same time that, while Canada's cultural mix grew, the monarchy remained held in high regard: "At its lowest common denominator, to the average Canadian—whether of British, French or Ukrainian extraction— the Crown is the one thing that he has that the rich and mighty Americans have not got. It makes him feel a little superior." [107] Some, such as journalist Christina Blizzard, emphasise that the monarchy "made [Canada] a haven of peace and justice for immigrants from around the world". [50] Michael Valpy contended that the Crown's nature permitted non-conformity amongst its subjects, thereby opening the door to multiculturalism and pluralism. [2]
In regards to the anti-Catholic provisions of the Canadian constitution, monarchists either see them as a non-issue, as no one who is Catholic is near to the throne in the line of succession, [51] or see them as a discriminatory clauses of a law for which, as it was enacted by elected parliamentarians in Britain and inherited by Canada with Canadian parliamentary approval, the monarchy cannot be held responsible, and can be altered by parliament to repeal the offending parts. The Succession to the Throne Act, 2013, for example, ended the historical disqualification of a person who married a Roman Catholic from the line of succession.
Monarchists in Canada uphold that "the old view that democracy and monarchy are fundamentally incompatible has been proven wrong" by countries such as Norway, Sweden, Belgium, Spain, and the like; [108] and there is no reason why Canada is different. Not only is a monarch trained from birth to be a competent head of state, [108] [109] they argue, but also that constitutional monarchy is a democratic institution, given that the monarch's position is created and filled by and according to the Canadian constitution, which continues to be supported by the Canadian people through their elected representatives in parliament. It has been noted that such a system is already built on republican principles, [110] wherein the Crown's power has, since long before Confederation, been tempered by the will of the elected legislature, [111] coming directly into play only when an elected individual abuses the power lent to him.
Arguments against the monarchy include the idea that the existence of the Royal Family prevents Canada from becoming a meritocracy, the royal clan being "the prime representation of a class system that divides the nation not on ability but by the hidden mechanisms of privilege". Against that, and in a reversal of the republican derision that they comprise are a modern "Flat Earth Society", [10] however, monarchists declare that such thoughts are quaint and outdated; the modernization of the monarchy has given the country "a figurehead which is as apolitical as it could possibly be" and a royal family that acts as a symbol of a modern, democratic, and multicultural meritocracy. [112] The dignity of the monarchy above partisan politics has also been said by Peter Boyce to have "underlined the distinction between polity and executive" and fostered trust in political institutions. [93]
The system is generally viewed by supporters of the monarchy as well functioning, and, as such, adhere to the analogy of "if it ain't broke, don't fix it". Along those lines, at a 1968 constitutional conference in which Quebec delegates raised the proposal of a republic, the other provincial representatives agreed that the monarchy had worked well and was not a matter for discussion; [11] two years later Pierre Trudeau, who was by then in the Cabinet of Lester Pearson, said: "I wouldn't lift a finger to get rid of the monarchy ... I think the monarchy, by and large, has done more good than harm to Canada." [113] Later, Trudeau said: "Canadians should realise when they are well off under the monarchy. For the vast majority of Canadians, being a monarchy is probably the only form of government acceptable to them. I have always been for parliamentary democracy and I think the institution of monarchy with the Queen heading it all has served Canada well." [114] Former Governor General Roland Michener said in a 1970 speech to the Empire Club of Canada: "Canadians refuse to consider the question at all on the simple ground that what we have works. Isn't this the acid test of any system?"; [11] and one of his viceregal successors, Ed Schreyer, stated: "on a list of 100 things that need fixing, the monarchy ranks 101st." [12] [90]
Though political scholar David Smith theorised that the Canadian monarchy had benefited from the dearth of discussion around it, he also expressed his feeling that those monarchist arguments in favour of the Crown that focused on legalities, despite their strong legislative and logical foundations, were actually counter-productive, serving only to further distance average Canadians from their monarchy, which they perceived mostly through the filter of mass media. [115]
The monarchy in Canada has undergone profound change since Confederation. Indeed, far from being a static institution mired in the past, it has been remarkably versatile. Particularly relevant here is the process by which an indivisible Imperial Crown was superseded by a divisible Canadian Crown. [38]
Stephen Phillips, 2002
The institution was used as the bedrock of the constitution because it was viewed by the Fathers of Confederation as a guarantor of Canadians' "life, liberty, and prosperity", and a body that was both inclusive and still subject to the rule of law; parliament, of which the monarch is one of the three pillars, spoke for all. [116] The sovereign was also seen as an ideal representative of the Canadian state, as opposed to a president, who, due to the election process, would simply be another politician, [117] always accompanied by an inherent amount of division between his or her supporters and detractors, and therefore unable to appear as non-partisan and unbiased as a constitutional monarch. [108] This "rigorously neutral civic identity" at the national level, [118] monarchists argue, benefits democracy as the sovereign and his or her viceroys are free to represent all Canadians, [86] un-reliant on blocks of voters divided by age, race, gender, financial worth, or political leanings, appealing to, for example, Farley Mowat, a self-described New Democrat and socialist; [119] Eugene Forsey, a trade unionist and founder of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, precursor to the New Democratic Party; [33] George Grant, a Red Tory; [33] and Dalton Camp, a Progressive Conservative.
Monarchists opine that in a country such as Canada, where regional, linguistic, and cultural divisions already exist, a divisive head of state would be detrimental rather than beneficial; [47] it was said by George-Étienne Cartier that symbolizing the entire nation is "one reason monarchs flourish in countries split by ethnicity", [108] and that the monarchy permitted "the formation of a political nationality where a cultural nationality was not possible". [49] As Governor General the Lord Tweedsmuir put it, the monarch was "the friend of every citizen, but the master of none, for friendship implies a noble equality", and a link not only between all the peoples of every country that shared the same king in a personal union-type relationship, but also those of Canada. [120] W. L. Morton felt that because Canadians owed their allegiance to a monarch, rather than to a concept like "the People", there was no pressure on anyone to conform to a singular Canadian way of life; he said "the society of allegiance admits of a diversity the society of compact does not, and one of the blessings of Canadian life is that there is no Canadian way of life, much less two, but a unity under the Crown admitting of a thousand diversities". [121]
John A. Macdonald, speaking in 1865 about the proposals for the upcoming Confederation of Canada, said:
By adhering to the monarchical principle we avoid one defect inherent in the Constitution of the United States. By the election of the president by a majority and for a short period, he never is the sovereign and chief of the nation. He is never looked up to by the whole people as the head and front of the nation. He is at best but the successful leader of a party. This defect is all the greater on account of the practice of reelection. During his first term of office he is employed in taking steps to secure his own reelection, and for his party a continuance of power. We avoid this by adhering to the monarchical principle –the sovereign whom you respect and love. I believe that it is of the utmost importance to have that principle recognized so that we shall have a sovereign who is placed above the region of party –to whom all parties look up; who is not elevated by the action of one party nor depressed by the action of another; who is the common head and sovereign of all." [30]
Indeed, five years prior, it was said that Canadians' enthusiasm for the Prince of Wales (later Edward VII), during his 1860 tour of Canada was "the intelligent appreciation by a free people of a principle of government and law, which is above party ... It is in this that a free monarchy is distinguished from a free republic on the one side and an arbitrary despotism on the other –as the personification of impartial authority and supreme law and not the head of a party." [122] In the late 1930s, Tweedsmuir said in a speech that, while the will of the populace prevailed through their election of parliamentary representatives, the King embodied the people on a higher level, above all the "mutations and vicissitudes of parties", [123] and some 60 years later, New Democratic Party Member of Parliament Bill Blaikie opined: "[The Queen] symbolizes for many the merits of a constitutional monarchy in which the head of state ... is separate and apart from the ongoing political struggles of the day", [47] a sentiment echoed in 2009 by American-born, Simon Fraser University professor Anthony Perl. [124]
Canadians should realise when they are well off under the monarchy. For the vast majority of Canadians, being a monarchy is probably the only form of government acceptable to them. I have always been for parliamentary democracy and I think the institution of monarchy with the Queen heading it all has served Canada well. [125]
Pierre Trudeau, 1973
But for all those who don't want the Queen there are easily as many who don't want a President and even more who certainly would not want one if they knew who it would be. As you can readily see, I have given more thought to this subject than most and I have reached my own conclusion. God save the Queen. [126]
Dalton Camp, 23 August 1994
Monarchists consider that the monarch's position apart from the machinations of politics allows him or her to work as an effective intermediary between Canada's various levels of government and political parties; an indispensable feature in a federal system. It is thus reasoned that the monarchy makes the provinces in their fields of jurisdiction equally as potent as the federal authority, allowing for a flexible and sustainable federalism that thwarts "the political, academic and journalistic elites" in Canada. [12] [47] [93] During constitutional talks in the 1970s, the provinces did not endorse any alterations to the Crown in either its federal or provincial fields, [127] all agreeing that the Crown "has served us well", [113] [128] and later analysis by David Smith showed that the federal Cabinet at the time failed both to understand the complexity of the Canadian Crown and to "recognize its federalist dimension," [129] the monarchy being said to be crucial to provincial co-sovereignty. [130] [131] Even beyond provincial geo-politics, the monarchy has been said to be the only body in which Canadian sovereignty can be vested, as none of the alternatives, the people or the nation, has enough cohesiveness in Canada to serve the purpose. [132] The Irish presidency, which Canadian republicans theorise could be copied in Canada, [133] is not the head of a federated country and thus a hypothetical Canadian president's role would not be the same as that in Ireland.
Monarchists, such as the Lord Tweedsmuir, felt that, despite having some drawbacks, constitutional monarchy offered greater stability, [120] it's being seldom thought of an illustration that it was working properly. [12] This, loyalists assert, is because the Crown's non-partisanship permits it to be a permanent guarantor against the misuse of constitutional power by transitory politicians for their own personal gain, [11] [70] the monarch being a required co-signatory to political instruments and having a personal stake in protecting constitutional government from non-justifiable abuses, but having no policy powers or job security reliant on the prime minister of the day. As Forsey and George Grant put it, by simply being there, the sovereign denies more sinister forces, such as a partisan or corrupt president, access to the state's power, forming a "vital safeguard of democracy and liberty" by acting as a "bulwark against cabinet despotism", or as "the last bulwark of democracy", as former Quebec Premier Daniel Johnson, Jr. put it; [33] [134] the worth of the monarchy being not its power, but the power it denies any other person. [11] Thus, the reserve powers of the Crown and the peculiar nature of the office holder are viewed as making the position a useful, if limited, asset against the "presidential" aspirations of prime ministers, and a superior safeguard for executive oversight than any republican alternative. As Andrew Coyne described it, the sovereign's supremacy over the Prime Minister in the constitutional order is a "rebuff to the pretensions of the elected: As it has been said, when the Prime Minister bows before the Queen, he bows before us". [8] [59] The analogy monarchists use is that the Crown is like a fire extinguisher, rarely used, but highly visible, and there in case of emergencies. [70]
Monarchists thus see the monarch, unconnected with to party politics, [50] [86] as "a political referee, not a political player, and there is a lot of sense in choosing the referee by a different principle from the players. It lessens the danger that the referee might try to start playing." They further theorise that having both an elected president and prime minister could lead to the two coming to odds over who holds more authority; each could claim to be "elected by the people", [11] as happened in the Congo in 1960, Burma in 2004, and East Timor in 2006. The Canadian republican group Citizens for a Canadian Republic has proposed the Governor General be elected as a step towards some form of republic, [135] to which monarchists counter that this move would bring divisiveness to the office, citing the situation that emerged in 2004 between the rival candidates for the viceregal office in fellow Commonwealth realm Papua New Guinea, where the nominee for governor-general is selected by parliamentary vote. To the idea that the head of state be selected by the Companions of the Order of Canada, monarchists have said that such a situation would "politicise and destroy" the Canadian honours system by turning it into a form of electoral college, [136] and they further counter Edward McWhinney's notion that Canada could become a republic simply by failing to proclaim another sovereign upon the next Demise of the Crown, stating that such a proposal ignores the necessity of provincial input, and "would be contrary to the plain purpose of those who framed our system of government". [137]
The Canadian monarchy has been presented by monarchists in Canada as being a continuation of the French monarchy under which New France was founded, the Lieutenant Governor of Quebec representing the sovereign in "the same way representatives of the French Crown were resident in Château St-Louis". It is further argued that, as with the rest of Canada, Quebec has never been a republican order, [138] and monarchism is not an alien concept to the populace of the province. [n 7] Moreover, far from being dismissive of the French heritage of Canada, the country's royalty has always gone to allowable lengths to ensure the inclusion and appreciation of that culture. [105]
In response to the republican claim that Canada becoming a republic would appease the drive for Quebec sovereignty, monarchists say that those in Quebec who wish for their province to secede from confederation rely on anti-British, historical revisionism, [141] and view any federal authority as repressive, regardless of whether that authority is republican or monarchical; hence, the future of the monarchy is regarded as a non-issue by separatist parties like the Bloc and Parti Québécois. [142] [143] Monarchists also say that Canadian presidents would be more often selected by and/or from the majority Anglophone population of the country, and thus sovereigntists would argue that Québécois are not being represented by the head of state. Even if a sovereignty-association relationship with Canada was established, questions remain as to whether or not Quebec would truly be free of the Canadian monarchy. [n 8]
The governor general of Canada is the federal representative of the Canadian monarch, currently King Charles III. The king or queen of Canada is also monarch and head of state of 14 other Commonwealth realms and lives in the United Kingdom. The monarch, on the advice of his or her Canadian prime minister, appoints a governor general to administer the government of Canada in the monarch's name. The commission is for an indefinite period—known as serving at His Majesty's pleasure—though, five years is the usual length of term. Since 1959, it has also been traditional to alternate between francophone and anglophone officeholders. The 30th and current governor general is Mary Simon, who was sworn in on 26 July 2021. An Inuk leader from Nunavik in Quebec, Simon is the first Indigenous person to hold the office.
The monarchy of Canada is Canada's form of government embodied by the Canadian sovereign and head of state. It is one of the key components of Canadian sovereignty and sits at the core of Canada's constitutional federal structure and Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. The monarchy is the foundation of the executive (King-in-Council), legislative (King-in-Parliament), and judicial (King-on-the-Bench) branches of both federal and provincial jurisdictions. The current monarch is King Charles III, who has reigned since 8 September 2022.
Republicanism in Australia is a movement to change Australia's system of government from a constitutional monarchy to a republic; specifically, a form of parliamentary republic that would replace the monarch of Australia with a non-royal Australian head of state. It is opposed to monarchism in Australia. Republicanism was first espoused in Australia before Federation in 1901. After a period of decline following Federation, the movement again became prominent at the end of the 20th century after successive legal and socio-cultural changes loosened Australia's ties with the United Kingdom.
The style and title of the Canadian sovereign is the formal mode of address of the monarch of Canada. The form is based on those that were inherited from the United Kingdom and France, used in the colonies to refer to the reigning monarch in Europe. As various Canadian territories changed ownership and then the country gradually gained independence, the style and title of the monarchs changed almost as often as the kings and queens themselves. The mode of address currently employed is a combination of a style that originates in the early 17th century and a title established by Canadian law in 2024.
The Crown broadly represents the state in all its aspects within the jurisprudence of the Commonwealth realms and their subdivisions. The term can be used to refer to the office of the monarch or the monarchy as institutions; to the rule of law; or to the functions of executive, legislative, and judicial governance and the civil service.
Canadian republicanism is a movement for the replacement of the monarchy of Canada and a monarch as head of state with a parliamentary republic and a democratically-selected Canadian as head of state. Republicans are driven by various factors, such as a perception of inequality in the concept of excluding all but members of the royal family from the position or the argument that Canadian independence will not be achieved until Canadians can choose their own head of state independently and democratically.
The Monarchist League of Canada is a Canadian nonprofit monarchist advocacy organization. This league promotes its aims in three areas: education, advocacy, and research. Local branches and many under the patronage of lieutenant governors, complement these areas of focus by acting as a grassroots rallying point for members.
The history of monarchy in Canada stretches from pre-colonial times through to the present day. The date monarchy was established in Canada varies; some sources say it was when the French colony of New France was founded in the name of King Francis I in 1534, while others state it was in 1497, when John Cabot made landfall in what is thought to be modern day Newfoundland or Nova Scotia, making a claim in the name of King Henry VII. Europeans in the 16th and 17th centuries often considered the territories belonging to different aboriginal groups to be kingdoms. Nevertheless, the present Canadian monarchy can trace itself back to the Anglo-Saxon period and ultimately to the kings of the Angles and the early Scottish kings; monarchs reigning over Canada have included those of France, those of the United Kingdom, and those of Canada. Canadian historian Father Jacques Monet said of Canada's Crown, "[it is] one of an approximate half-dozen that have survived through uninterrupted inheritance from beginnings that are older than our Canadian institution itself."
Debate between monarchists and republicans in Canada has been taking place since before the country's Confederation in 1867, though it has rarely been of significance since the rebellions of 1837. Open support for republicanism only came from the Patriotes in the early 19th century, the Red River Métis in 1869, and minor actions by the Fenians in the 19th century. However, paralleling the changes in constitutional law that saw the creation of a distinct Canadian monarchy, the emergence in the 1960s of Quebec nationalism, and the evolution of Canadian nationalism, the cultural role and relevance of the monarchy was altered and was sometimes questioned in certain circles, while continuing to receive support in others.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, the Canadian monarchy operates in Saskatchewan as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. As such, the Crown within Saskatchewan's jurisdiction is referred to as the Crown in right of Saskatchewan, His Majesty in right of Saskatchewan, or His Majesty the King in right of Saskatchewan. The Constitution Act, 1867, however, leaves many royal duties in Saskatchewan specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the Lieutenant Governor of Saskatchewan, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the conventional stipulations of constitutional monarchy.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, Canada's monarchy operates in Ontario as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. As such, the Crown within Ontario's jurisdiction may be referred to as the Crown in Right of Ontario, His Majesty in Right of Ontario, the King in Right of Ontario, or His Majesty the King in Right of Ontario. The Constitution Act, 1867, leaves many functions in Ontario specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the lieutenant governor of Ontario, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the constitutional conventions of constitutional monarchy.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, Canada's monarchy operates in Quebec as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy and constitution. As such, the Crown within Quebec's jurisdiction is referred to as the Crown in Right of Quebec, His Majesty in Right of Quebec, or the King in Right of Quebec. The Constitution Act, 1867, however, leaves many royal duties in the province specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the lieutenant governor of Quebec, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the conventional stipulations of constitutional monarchy.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, the Canadian monarchy operates in Newfoundland and Labrador as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. As such, the Crown within Newfoundland and Labrador's jurisdiction is referred to as the Crown in Right of Newfoundland and Labrador, His Majesty in Right of Newfoundland and Labrador, or the King in Right of Newfoundland and Labrador. The Constitution Act, 1867, however, leaves many royal duties in the province specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the lieutenant governor of Newfoundland and Labrador, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the conventional stipulations of constitutional monarchy.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, Canada's monarchy operates in British Columbia as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. As such, the Crown within British Columbia's jurisdiction is referred to as the Crown in Right of British Columbia, His Majesty in Right of British Columbia, or the King in Right of British Columbia. The Constitution Act, 1867, however, leaves many royal duties in British Columbia specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the Lieutenant Governor of British Columbia, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the conventional stipulations of constitutional monarchy.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, the Canadian monarchy operates in Nova Scotia as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. As such, the Crown within Nova Scotia's jurisdiction is referred to as the Crown in Right of Nova Scotia, His Majesty in Right of Nova Scotia, or the King in Right of Nova Scotia. The Constitution Act, 1867, however, leaves many royal duties in the province specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the conventional stipulations of constitutional monarchy.
By the arrangements of the Canadian federation, Canada's monarchy operates in Alberta as the core of the province's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. As such, the Crown within Alberta's jurisdiction is referred to as the Crown in Right of Alberta, His Majesty in Right of Alberta, or The King in Right of Alberta. The Constitution Act, 1867, however, leaves many royal duties in Alberta specifically assigned to the sovereign's viceroy, the Lieutenant Governor of Alberta, whose direct participation in governance is limited by the conventional stipulations of constitutional monarchy.
The monarchy of Canada forms the core of each Canadian provincial jurisdiction's Westminster-style parliamentary democracy, being the foundation of the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government in each province. The monarchy has been headed since September 8, 2022 by King Charles III who as sovereign is shared equally with both the Commonwealth realms and the Canadian federal entity. He, his consort, and other members of the Canadian royal family undertake various public and private functions across the country. He is the only member of the royal family with any constitutional role.
Monarchism is the advocacy of the system of monarchy or monarchical rule. A monarchist is an individual who supports this form of government independently of any specific monarch, whereas one who supports a particular monarch is a royalist. Conversely, the opposition to monarchical rule is referred to as republicanism.
The Succession to the Throne Act, 2013, gave Canada's assent to the United Kingdom's 2013 changes to the rules of succession to the British throne. It was passed by the Parliament of Canada as Bill C-53, and received royal assent on 27 March 2013. The act was brought into force by the Governor-General-in-Council on 26 March 2015.
Raymond Auzias-Turenne.
toffoli.
monarchy canada.