(Top) The Penampang Kadazans in their traditional dress performing the sumazau dance (Bottom) The Papar Kadazans in their traditional dress during Kaamatan celebration | |
| Total population | |
|---|---|
| 38.7% of 51.9% Sabah Bumiputeras (2025) [1] ≈568,575 (2010) [notes 1] | |
| Regions with significant populations | |
(Sabah, Labuan) [7] [8] | |
| Languages | |
| Coastal Kadazan, Klias River Kadazan, and Eastern Kadazan, Malaysian (Sabah Malay dialect) and Sabahan English | |
| Religion | |
| | |
| Related ethnic groups | |
| Kadazan-Dusun, Sino-Kadazan, Dusun, Rungus, Murut, other Austronesian peoples |
The Kadazan people, or simply the Kadazans, are an Austronesian ethnic group indigenous to Sabah, Malaysia. They primarily live in the West Coast Division, in the districts of Penampang, Putatan and Papar, the surrounding areas, and various locations in the Interior Division, such as Beaufort and Membakut, as well as, to a lesser extent, the eastern Kadazans of Labuk-Kinabatangan. [9] [10] [11]
The Kadazans form another major indigenous ethnic group within the western coast of the Sabah region with rich traditional heritage, distinct dress, language and customs based on different districts, with an estimated 568,575 (mixed with the Dusuns) spread across the state. [5] They are among the earliest indigenous people within northern Borneo exposed to the early Christian mission and faced various interactions with the Sultanate of Brunei in the 18th century and later the British that resulted in their rapid subsequent modernisation in the late 19th century, when many of the British administration towns within North Borneo were constructed close to many of the Kadazans' homelands. [12] [13] The majority of Kadazans are Roman Catholics although traditional culture remains important to the community, [14] with their Adats are recognised by the Native Court of Sabah. [15]
As a result of integration in culture and language, as well as for political initiatives, the new term "Kadazan-Dusun" was created to combine Kadazan and Dusun as one group. [16] [17] Together, they are the largest indigenous ethnic group in Sabah. They have been internationally recognised as an indigenous group in the northern part of the island of Borneo since 2004 by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO). [18]
The term Kadazan is believed to have emerged much earlier, as this term was widely used around the 1880s by Roman Catholic Christian missionaries, as documented by Fr. J. Staal. [19] The origin of the "Kadazan" term came from the Tangaah word "kakadayan" which was eventually referred to in the coastal dialect as "kakadazan", [20] which carries the meaning of "town" in the English language. [21] Another theory is that the term was derived from the Malay word "kedaian" or "kedai", which translates as "shop". [21] [22] [23] The Kadazans of Penampang and Papar were officially referred specifically by the tax collector of the Sultanate of Brunei as the "Orang Dusun" in Malay, [24] a noun phrase which literally means "people of the orchard", [25] owing to their agricultural occupations, similar to the Dusuns, although in reality, the Dusuns within the area were actually Kadazans. [26]
Before the 1960s, the "Kadazans" were earlier grouped into part of the larger Dusunic groups in the North Borneo Census since the term "Dusun" was used by the British protectorate and colonial authorities to represent all the Dusunic-speaking tribes and sub-tribes. [27] [28] [29] [30] The present-day ethnic of Kadazans were originally the Tangaah, Tangara, Tanggara, or Tanga Dusuns who refused to be grouped into the larger Dusuns due to past issues throughout the British era. [notes 2] [36] The Kadazans are also distinguished from the Dusuns, especially through their "v" and "z" dialect, whereas the Dusuns commonly use the "r", "w", and "y" dialect. [37] [38] [39] In the 1991 Sabah Census, there were around 104,924 Kadazans and 216,910 Dusuns, with the ethnicities categorised separately before they were merged together in the 1980 Census. [40]
Since the 15th century, a Dusun sub-ethnic group of Tangaah Dusuns (Kadazans) had been living along the Kinarut and Putatan rivers, Papar River, as well as within the upper Moyog River of Penampang within the northwestern coast of Borneo. [30] [42] [43] Their locations are within the flat plains and lowland areas of Papar and Penampang, with wet rice cultivation once the main occupation among them whereas most of the Dusuns are located within hills and upland valleys. [16] [44] The Kadazans of Penampang are originally divided based on the topographical landscape, with Potiang as the highlanders, Tangaah as the middle inhabitants, and the Kadazans as the lowlanders or people of the plains living near the coast before all three are merged into one identity as the Kadazans. [44] [45] The thalassocracy rule of the Sultanate of Brunei greatly influenced the traditional life of the tribe that soon became known as the Kadazans. [46] [47]
Their first encounter with the British was in the late 19th century, and the animist-pagan Kadazans were among the earliest North Bornean indigenous ethnic groups to be exposed to Christian missionary schools throughout the British rule, [26] [30] [48] the first interaction being within the Putatan River. [49] [50] English historian, novelist, and travel writer Owen Rutter wrote in 1922 that the indigenous people residing in Papar, Penampang, and Membakut preferred to call themselves "Kadazan" and be distinguished from the Dusuns, [51] [52] although administratively at the time all Kadazans were categorised as Dusuns by the British. [27] It was through the establishment of the Kadazan Society of Penampang throughout the administration of the Crown Colony of North Borneo in 1953 that this terminology was corrected and replaced by "Kadazan". [27] [53] When North Borneo, Sarawak, Singapore and Malaya formed the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, all the Penampang and Papar indigenous ethnics that had been identified as Dusuns since then were administratively referred to as Kadazan, and the Kadazan Cultural Association (KCA) began to be formed in 1966 to represent the Kadazan ethnics. [27] The Kadazans were especially represented through the efforts of the first chief minister of Sabah, Donald Stephens, who is the president of KCA and a Kadazan himself. [54] [55] [56] [57]
Following attempts' to use the Kadazan term as the sole term to represent the Dusunic identity and subsequent Kadazanisation, a dispute then arise with the entire Dusun community over the ethnic term. [58] [59] The following year, in 1967, the United Sabah Dusun Association (USDA) was formed as the sole representation for the entire Dusuns to distinguish them from the Kadazans. [60] The two main indigenous ethnics have been separated through two representations since then: the Kadazan and the Dusun. Through mediation and finally under the efforts of Chief Minister Joseph Pairin Kitingan, both the KCA and the USDA indigenous ethnic representation were merged into a single entity called the Kadazan Dusun Cultural Association (KDCA) in 1989. [60]
The Kadazan people, together with the Dusun, Rungus, and Bajau are believed to have origins linked to the Austronesian migration known as the Out-of-Taiwan theory. [61] [62] According to this theory, the ancestors of the Kadazan were among the early Austronesian-speaking peoples who migrated from Taiwan Island thousands of years ago. These migrants, often referred to as the Taiwanese aborigines, gradually spread southward across the Philippines and into Borneo. [63] Linguistic, genetic, and cultural evidence supports this connection, indicating that the Kadazan share common roots with the indigenous peoples of Taiwan, such as the Paiwan and the Bunun. [64] [65] Over time, these ancestral groups adapted to the local environments of Borneo, giving rise to the distinct cultural identity of the present-day Kadazan community. A study has stated:
Over the next thousand years to 1500 BC, the Austronesians spread south through the Philippines to the Celebes, the Moluccas, northern Borneo and eastern Java. One branch went east from the Moluccan Island of Halmahera about 1600 BC to colonise eastern Melanesia (1200 BC) and Micronesia (500 BC). The migration continued well into Polynesia by 1 AD, and reached Hawaii and Easter Island by the year 500. The Austronesians finally reached the last uninhabited land on earth, New Zealand, sometime around 1300. [66]
In conclusion, the origins of the Kadazan people are closely tied to the broader Austronesian migration from Taiwan, as outlined in the Out-of-Taiwan theory. This theory is supported by linguistic, cultural, and genetic links between the Kadazan and indigenous Taiwanese groups such as the Paiwan and the Bunun. [64] [65] The gradual southward expansion of Austronesian-speaking peoples over thousands of years, including their settlement in northern Borneo, laid the foundation for the development of distinct indigenous communities like the Kadazan. As these early migrants adapted to their new environment, they formed a unique cultural identity that continues to thrive in present-day Sabah. [67]
Similar to the story of Huminodun, Nunuk Ragang is a story that has been passed down orally, possibly by generations of the bobohizan . The site of the tree is said to be roughly located at Tampias Village, where two rivers (Liwagu and Gelibang) meet to the east of the Ranau and Tambunan districts. [69] Nunuk' is a Dusun word for the banyan tree, while Ragang also comes from the Dusun word aragang, which means "red". [70] [71] Nunuk looked like a giant mangrove tree with highly developed buttress stems with deep indentations, which provided good natural shelters. [72] The Nunuk Ragang, or "the red banyan tree", as told by an old folk, Widu Tambunan, measured six outstretched arms in circumference, with the top of its canopy estimated to be able to shelter seven joined houses, in which a house measured 12 by 20 feet. [73] Its numerous branches and giant thick foliage provided for ideal shelter and habitat for wildlife, birds, insects, and even spirits, according to local beliefs. It is believed that the roots of the giant tree produced red latex that had great medicinal value. In fact, the Nunuk's latex is still used to treat rashes and other minor skin diseases in the modern era. [74]
Evacuation from the Nunuk Ragang area due to the Minorit Push of the latter was decided through a meeting between the bobohizan and the people. The leaders made an agreement that the tagahas (strong) people were given a role to be the rear guards while others were immediately leaving the place. [75] River tributaries became their principal guidance for the direction of migration. Each group's direction of migration is guided by the flow of the Liwagu River. A Bobohizan said that, had the people not moved out of Nunuk Ragang, they would not exist today. The Kadazan and Rungus migrated out of Nunuk Ragang through the Labuk River. [76] Both the Kadazan and the Rungus went northwards and later arrived in Tempasuk, Kota Belud, through the Marak-Parak valleys of Kota Marudu. This is where they made the decision to split, resulting in one group arriving in Matunggong and the other arriving on the West Coast, particularly within Penampang and Papar. [77]
Initially, the Kadazan and the Rungus shared a settlement near Nunuk Ragang, an area that had the presence of white sand, or tangar-tangar, and was situated between two rivers, which they called pirungusan. [78] Hence, the Kadazan were referred to as the Tangaa or Tangara, and the Rungus derived their name from the word pirungusan. [79] Consequently, the Kadazan and the Rungus share similarities in their languages today because they once lived in the same village near Nunuk Ragang. As the Kadazan are now presently settled within the West Coast, they encountered the Bruneians and other settlers with barter trade occurred through in which the Kadazan had their gongs, copperware, brassware, silverware, necklaces, and bangles from the Bruneians. [80] [81] [82]
In the Rungus version of the origin story, the population within Nunuk Ragang grew rapidly at the time of Aki Nunuk Ragang, the most well-known bobolizan in advancing the teachings of the Rungus "Labus" traditional beliefs of animism. [83] He had three children, namely Rungsud (the eldest), Longguvai (spelt as Longuvai in Kadazan and Longguwai in Dusun), [notes 4] and Turumpok, who remained within the place. The Tanggara and Rungus tribes' relationships are very close to each other, not only because they lived nearby, but also because one of the Rungus tribes, Gonsomon, is a descendant of the Tanggara, namely Bulun, son of Longuvai. [86] When the latter began to migrate to an area of Pampang (what is known today as Penampang), Longuvai established a settlement near a shop referred to by the Rungus as tulun antad sid kakadazan, which means "people from the shop areas". [86] Apart from Penampang, the Tanggara tribe also has ties to the Dusun tribes in Papar, Membakut, and Labuk and to the Gonsomon Rungus tribe in Kudat. It is also believed that the Tanggara tribe under Longuvai has ties to the Dumpas, Kunatong, Mangkaak, Sukang, and Poruzou tribes in Kinabatangan, Kuamut, Sugut, and Tongod as well. [86] The language of the Gonsomon Rungus is originally almost the same as the Kadazan language, where it is believed that the original language used before the separation of Aki Rungsud and Aki Longuvai was Rungus. [75]
Kadazan culture is heavily influenced by their traditional occupation of rice farming, [89] which is deeply intertwined with their spiritual beliefs, centring on the paddy spirit of Bambaazon and involving significant rituals performed by female shamans called bobohizan to ensure an abundant harvest and protect the crops. [90] This harvest is celebrated through the major festival of Kaamatan , [89] which honours the paddy spirit and gives thanks for abundance. The prominence of rice in both cuisine and ritual reflects its profound impact on Kadazan identity, tradition, and social cohesion, which also culminates in various delicacies and alcoholic drinks prepared through differing home-brewed fermentation processes. [91]
During the harvest festival which takes place annually in May, the most celebrated event is the crowning of the beauty pageant of Unduk Ngadau . Young women ( sumandaks ) of Kadazans, and others from the Dusun, Murut and Rungus descent from different districts compete for this title at the KDCA Compound. The beauty pageant is held to commemorate the spirit of Huminodun , a mythological character of unparalleled beauty who is said to have given her life in exchange for a bountiful harvest for her people. [92] Between the area of Penampang–Putatan–Papar, especially prior to the middle of the 20th century, there were widespread customs among the local Kadazans within the area on the commemoration of a childless person. [93] The wooden monument is usually erected on the land of a person who had died without leaving a child to inherit his or her land; [94] among the older sininggazanak are the ones at Tampasak Village and Tanga of Kinarut in Papar District, at Tombovo of Penampang District, and at Kopuian Village and Sodomon of Putatan District. [95]
The Kadazans have developed their own unique dance and music which has been recognised as part of Malaysian national heritage. [96] Sumazau is the name of the traditional ethnic dance of the Kadazans that was performed between a male and female, as well as groups of couples, which is usually accompanied by a symphony of six handcrafted gongs , which are individually known as tagung. [97] A ceremonial cloth sash is worn by both genders during the dance with gong accompaniment, which is typically performed during joyous ceremonies and occasions, the most common of which being wedding feasts. Among the Kadazans in Penampang, the dance is known as Penampang Sumazau; among those in Papar, as Sazau Papar; while among Membakut Kadazans, it is known as Paina Sumazau of Membakut. [98]
The main musical instrument for the Kadazans is the sompoton , an aerophone which is traditionally made from a dried gourd and bamboo pipes. [99] It is played by blowing into it, which subsequently produces a soft and harmonious sound. Other musical instruments include the gong and kulintangan . [99] [100] [101] Based on the traditional Kadazan-Dusun animist-pagan legend, the bobohizan were earlier taught the art of rites, ritual practices and ceremonies, taboos and traditional cultures, including the art of gong-beating and the traditional sumazau dance. [102] [103] [104] The bobohizan during the era of Nunuk Ragang taught the people to fashion bamboos into various lengths, shapes and sizes and arranged them into an ensemble of seven musical instruments, the seventh item being the gandang (drum), and the bamboo instrument is known as the togunggak. The bobohizan taught the people the rhythms of the tagung ensemble, such as magagung, botibas, and dunsai. [103]
In the 18th century, when the coastal part of northern Borneo was part of the Sultanate of Brunei, traders from the area introduced brass gongs (tagung) to the coastal areas of northern Borneo and later to the interiors. [81] [105] The Kadazan indigenous in the western coast were fascinated by these new musical items, as they perceived the instrument to be elegant, with the melodious sound produced by the brass gong. [106] It was soon acquired by the indigenous as part of family heirlooms, and the gongs were arranged into the typical ensemble of seven instruments to replace the bamboo togunggak. Since then, the gong beats and rhythms have been improved for a variety of uses. [107] [108] As for weddings, festive occasions and welcoming receptions for dignitaries, the rhythm of the gong beat is exhilarating, melodious, lively and smooth. Sometimes the botibas rhythm is performed as a variation. [109] During funerals, the dunsai rhythm is very solemn and fearsome, serving as a symbol of respect for the dead. [110] The beat of gong was used to be a signal for emergencies. [111]
Another musical instrument, the kulintangan, akin to the xylophone, would be played as an accompaniment to the magagung. [100] Kulintangan, or miniature gongs, consists of a nine-piece ensemble, and according to preference, it may be performed simultaneously with the gongs to enhance the gong music. The latest types of gongs are made entirely of flat iron sheets, which are produced in the Rungus district of Kudat, [111] and sold during the weekend market (tamu) in Donggongon of Penampang. [112]
Traditional Kadazan attire holds deep cultural significance, serving as a visual representation of status, identity, and ceremonial function. The elegance and structure of the garments reflect not only indigenous values but also historical influences, particularly from the Bruneians, the Iranun, the Maranao, and the British. [113] [114] These influences are evident in the use of velvet-like black fabric, gold trimming, and accessories that are of foreign origin. The Penampang Kadazan and Papar Kadazan garments are different from each other, each incorporating unique tailoring, motifs, and textiles that reflect local identity while preserving shared heritage. [115] [116]
The Kadazan of Penampang traditionally wear a two-piece gown known as the Sinuangga do binongkoh, a striking black velvet blouse and skirt ensemble for women, adorned with gold trimming, and it is accompanied by three silver British North Borneo trade dollar coin belts (himpogot), [118] three brass girdles (tangkong), and modern women's accessories. [106] [119] [120] The tangkong belt are prized heirlooms, often inherited through generations, and are considered valuable cultural assets. [121] [122] Aged tangkong are especially sought after and beyond their monetary value, the tangkong are believed to act as talismans to its owner, offering spiritual protection to the wearer during rituals and public appearances. The ensemble is further embellished with ornamental gold-coloured buttons, or bamban amas, which were historically plated with real gold, a detail that once reflected the wealth and social standing of the garment's owner. These original buttons, now rarely found, mostly appeared on the earliest forms of the sinuangga' do binongkoh and are no longer widely available on the market. [123]
In contrast, the Kadazan of Papar wear the Siya' do binoikian, which also features black fabric but with distinct tailoring and ornamentation unique to the Papar region. Papar Kadazan women wear an intricately embroidered blouse and a short skirt, namely gonob, featuring colourful handwoven textile, or langkit which is originated from Mindanao, Philippines, [113] through the trade interactions with the Iranun and has been successfully preserved by the Iranun, [124] Rungus, [114] and the Lotud Dusun on the West Coast, [125] as this crafted textile is either disappearing or no longer being produced in the island of Mindanao. [113] [126] Traditional silver jewellery like the bolilit (coiled bangles) and coin belts are commonly worn to complement the garment. Unlike the emphasised three silver coin belts worn by the Penampang Kadazan, Papar Kadazan women may wear as many or as few as they prefer. The regal-looking costume is completed with an expensive and distinctive handwoven hat known as the siung/ siyung . [116]
The priestesses of the Kadazans possess a high status, and this can be seen through their fashion. [103] Styling themselves in such a manner serves to distinguish them from ordinary people and emphasise their elevated social position. [127] A sash that has intricate patterns is worn diagonally over each shoulder which are secured by a silver belt and form a diagonal cross across the torso. The diagonal cross may signify discipline, responsibility and the weight of spiritual duty. [128] The intersecting lines may also be seen as representing the interconnection between realms, the earthly and the spiritual, brought together through her role. [129] They are visual reminders of her dignity, commitment and the sacred balance she helps to maintain within the community. [128] This manner of wearing a sash is similar to that of the Rungus ethnic, [130] except a beaded sash is used by the latter, namely the pinakol . [131] On the head, a tall headdress, adorned with numerous bead strings and feathers, is worn. [128] Its imposing height and intricate detailing mark her elevated status within the community. More than a decorative item, the headdress embodies the wisdom, maturity and deep ritual knowledge she carries, qualities earned through years of spiritual practice, a close connection to nature and communion with ancestral spirits. [132] [133]
The bobohizan's full garment, especially the headdress, may only be worn by a bobohizan and is not to be appropriated, as it is considered unethical. Men usually wear a matching black garment with gold embroidery, along with a kaking (sash) and sigah (folded headcloth) that represents regional and cultural identity as well as the status and masculinity of the wearer. [117] [118] These garments are commonly worn during major cultural events such as Kaamatan, rituals and weddings, reaffirming a sense of unity, continuity and pride in Kadazan heritage. [117]
In a traditional Kadazan marriage, a dowry (known locally as nopung) [134] is paid to the bride's family, and an elaborate negotiation is arranged between the groom's and bride's families. [135] As a traditional gesture of politeness and civility, the dowry is metaphorically laid out with matchsticks on a flat surface, and representatives from each side push and pull the sticks across a boundary to denote the bargaining of the dowry. [99] Dowries traditionally consisted of water buffaloes, [136] pigs, [89] sacks of rice and even urns of tapai (local rice wine). [134] Some families give tagung (locally made gongs) and tajau (large engraved jars), [14] but this was more common in the past, as these items are now considered very rare. Modern dowry negotiations also include cash and land ownership deeds, which include the costs of the wedding, with any additional expenses beyond the price of the dowry to be paid by the bride's family. [134] Kadazan women from Penampang and Dusun women from the Keningau, Ranau, and Tuaran districts are widely regarded as having the most expensive dowries. Based on the customs of the traditional Kadazans, the miohon pinisi is the traditional wedding ceremony, with "miohon" carrying the meaning of "exchange", while the "pinisi" is a little lump of cooked rice, which is a symbolic gesture as the beginning of new life for the married couple. [137] [138]
Marriage between individuals with close familial ties is strictly prohibited as part of the traditional customs and norms of the Kadazan community since it is believed to invite misfortune not only between the two but also to their families and the broader community. [139] While it was traditionally customary for the Kadazan to marry within a village or a neighbouring village, a downshift in xenophobia over the past few decades has eased the difficulty once associated with interracial marriage with some Kadazans also married to Muslim spouses, which however resulted in a mandatory conversion to Islam under Malaysia's state Islamic jurisprudence of Sharia rules. [140] Such unions with the latter have often induced outrage and rejection from families and are known to fiercely divide traditional Kadazans due to the rising threat to their identity. [141] [142] Since the 1960s, the religion of Islam was used as a political means to increase the Muslim populations in Sabah. [142] [143] [notes 5] Ruling Muslim political parties have openly extended political and economic privileges to Christian Kadazans who agree to convert to Islam, as well as to non-Christian Kadazans, in the hope for the non-Muslim populations to embrace the latter religion, [146] while maintaining a strict, permanent non-negotiable disregard of the 20-point agreement that forms the basis of Malaysia Agreement for those who wish to return to their former religion. [142] The resultant controversial demographic shift has, in those years, further compounded the dwindling numbers of the Kadazan-Dusun community and consequently made it more challenging to preserve the culture and heritage, while at the same time contributing to the increase of Islamophobic views on the latter religion. [142]
Traditional Kadazan cuisine mostly involves boiling or grilling, which employs little use of oil, [147] and with locally unique modifications and nuances as well as particular usage of locally available ingredients, particularly bamboo shoots, sago, and freshwater fish. Contemporary Kadazan food has been influenced by Chinese, Malay, Filipino and other native cuisine as well as international trends, [148] [149] [150] and often sees the use of traditional ingredients interpreted in new and novel ways. [151] For example, the bambangan is available as an ice cream flavour. [152] Chicken lihing soup, [153] or sup manuk nansak miampai lihing in Kadazan language, is popular among Chinese and Kadazan communities alike. [154] Lihing is also used in marinades, local variants of sambal relishes and used as a flavouring for stir-fried noodles. From simple appetisers of unripe mango dressed with soy sauce and chilli flakes to a variety of pickled foods collectively known as noonsom. [147] Tangy and pungent flavours from souring agents or fermentation techniques are key characteristics of Kadazan cuisine such as the pinongizan and alongside other local fermented delicacies like noonsom, hinava , and liniking. Hinava tongii is a dish which is similar in concept to the South American ceviche , is a salad made with pieces of raw fish which is marinated in citrus juice (calamansi or lime), ginger, onion and other ingredients like bitter gourd and grated bambangan ( Mangifera pajang ) kernel. [155] The grated kernel has a similar texture to the strands of desiccated coconut flesh. [156] This dish is served in certain Sabah coffeehouse and restaurants, especially those serving a traditional Kadazan menu. [157] [158] The Kadazans are known for their pinompoh, a traditional kuih snack made from sago, grated coconut, sugar, and salt and also their tavadak soup (winter melon soup).
The nanggiu is a refreshing traditional treat of Kadazan sweet dessert, close to the Malay air batu campur (ABC), cendol , the Filipino samalamig , or the Vietnamese chè thái, which is made from sago pearls cooked in sweet coconut milk with pandan leaves, offering a cool dessert often enjoyed throughout the hot weather. [159] Hinompuka is another traditional Kadazan sweet rice cake/kuih snacks from Penampang typically enjoyed during teatime or festive occasions and family gatherings which is made from glutinous rice flour mixed with grated coconut and palm sugar, the mixture is wrapped in banana leaves and then steamed until fully cooked. [160] [161] The use of banana leaves not only helps retain moisture but also imparts a subtle earthy aroma to the dessert. With its rich, chewy texture and natural sweetness, hinompuka remains a cherished delicacy among the Kadazan community, often served alongside other traditional snacks during various social events, particularly festive gatherings and celebratory occasions. [162] Its rich flavour and cultural significance make it a popular treat at birthdays, weddings, and communal feasts. [163] The Kadazans of Papar are known for their hininggazang and pinompol/pinompo, a snack made from sago flour with sliced bananas, grated coconut, and sugar; the latter is a sweet and soft snack with a crusty fried texture and is mixed with sago powder and sugar, usually mixed with cheese, mayonnaise, and bananas. [164] Another popular traditional dish is pinasakan, a preserved fish stew commonly made using saltwater or freshwater fish, typically small species. [148] The fish is simmered for hours with takob-akob (a sour, dried fruit) or the pulp of the bambangan, along with turmeric, salt, and sometimes grated wild ginger. [165] Pinaasakan sada or sada pinarasakan (boiled stir-fry mackerel scad fish, also popular among Ranau, Kundasang, Bundu Tuhan, Beluran and Sandakan Dusuns) are another delicacy for the Kadazan, [166] with several versions such as the pinasakan sada sapat and pinarasakan sada bambangan. [167] It is known for its distinctively sour and slightly oily flavour, and is usually eaten with plain rice as a staple accompaniment. [156]
One of the most well-known Kadazan dishes is bambangan, which is a traditional dish made from a wild mango species native to Borneo, especially popular among the Kadazan. [156] It can be eaten fresh or marinated; the marinated version, noonsom bambangan, involves salting the flesh and mixing it with the grated kernel, then storing it in jars to ferment over time. This process gives it a strong, tangy aroma and flavour, with the dish typically served as a side dish with rice and meat, with bambangan being an essential part of communal meals and festive occasions. [156] Tuhau, which is originated from the Dusuns of Tambunan, Keningau, and Ranau is a fragrant and pungent traditional dish made from the stems of wild ginger ( Etlingera coccinea ), [156] a plant native to the forests of Borneo, which is commonly prepared as a raw salad by finely slicing the stems and mixing them with chillies, salt, and sometimes lime juice. [168] Alternatively, it may be marinated in vinegar and salt, where it is often served as a side dish and is valued not only for its strong aroma and distinctive taste but also for its cultural significance in everyday Kadazan meals and festive occasions. [156] [168] An exotic food of the Kadazans known as butod ( Rhynchophorus vulneratus ) is commonly served during the ethnic festivals, with recent modern infusions mixed with sushi and pizza served within Kadazan restaurants and coffeehouse around Sabah. [169] Sinalau vogok are often sold among Kadazan roadside stalls or food vendors, which is known for its smoky flavour, are made from regular pork (different from the sinalau bakas of wild boar) and mixed with chilli, salt, or soy sauce, it is often served with rice or as a snack. [170]
The Kadazan people are also renowned for their lihing drink, a traditional sweet rice wine that plays an important role in their cultural and ceremonial life. [171] It is brewed using glutinous rice and natural yeast known locally as sasad, which initiates fermentation over several weeks. [172] The resulting beverage is mildly alcoholic, golden in colour and has a distinctively sweet, aromatic flavour where it is commonly served during important events such as weddings, harvest celebrations, and ritual offerings, where it symbolises hospitality, prosperity, and spiritual connection with the ancestors and is one of several varieties of indigenous rice wine found in Sabah, but the lihing is particularly associated with the Kadazan communities of Penampang and surrounding areas. [173] [174] Montoku is another traditional distilled liquor made from fermented rice, commonly produced and consumed by the Kadazan and other indigenous groups in Sabah which is stronger and more potent than the lihing, [172] the drink is a clear spirit traditionally brewed using time-honoured methods passed down through generations. While it was once widely made in rural households, montoku has become increasingly rare in modern times due to stricter alcohol regulations, declining interest in traditional brewing, and the growing preference among younger generations for commercially available European beverages such as red wine and beer. Nonetheless, the rice wine continues to be served during cultural festivals and ceremonial occasions as a symbol of heritage and communal identity. [174]
The majority of the Kadazan are Christians of Catholic adherents, [178] with some Protestants mainly from the Anglican and Lutheran section. [179] [180] Islam is also practised by a minority, especially those who had intermarried with Muslim majority ethnic groups such as the Brunei Malays, Bajau, Bisaya, and Kedayan. [140] Prior to their conversion to Abrahamic religions, the dominant religion among the Kadazans was Momolianism (Traditional North Bornean religion), which is rich in Adats, [181] with some scholars equating it to animism. [182] [183] It was the predominant religion prior to the arrival of Christian missionaries during the British North Borneo administration in the 1880s through the Mill Hill Missionaries. [184] [185] The Protestant influence is due to later British influence during the 20th century. [180] The Kadazan belief system centres around a single omnipotent deity known as Kinoingan. [186] Rice cultivation is the centre of Kadazan life and as such, various rites and festivals are celebrated and revolve around paddy cultivation. [44] The annual harvest festival of Kaamatan is essentially a thanksgiving ceremony and the most recognisable festival attributed to both of the Kadazan and Dusun, and, in ancient times, also serves to appease the paddy spirit, Bambaazon. [187] [188] Special rituals are performed before and after each harvest by a tribal priestess or spirit medium known as a bobohizan . [187] [189]
The majority of both the Kadazan and Dusun people believe that the spirits of their ancestors dwell on the top of Mount Kinabalu. [193] [194] The Kadazan-Dusun call this mountain Kinabalu, which is derived from two words, aki, which carries the meaning of "ancestor", and nabalu or nabahu, which means "coffin". Thus, Kinabalu consequently means "abode of the dead". [194] A bobohizan does a ritual every year to appease the guiding spirit of the mountain with the purpose of conducting such rituals is to placate the spirit of Mount Kinabalu as well as the ancestral spirits. [193] The religious ceremonies are understood to be a means of seeking the spirit's sanction and soliciting their protection during a climb. [195] The Kadazan community, as a ritual isolate, is in constant interaction with the spirit world which involves a number of sacrificial rituals to create a balanced ritual state between the Kadazan and the spirit world. [72] [103] The Kadazan believe in four principal spirits, namely the Almighty Creator God (Minamangun), a living person's spirit (koduduvo), the ghostly spirit of the dead (tombivo), and the evil spirit (ogon). [196]
Among the animist-pagan Kadazans, the bobohizan is a traditional priest and ritual specialist who acts as an intermediary between the human world and the spiritual realm, performing healing, agricultural and funerary rites. [197] A chosen apprentice is believed to be chosen by an unseen nature spirit, or divato, to become a bobohizan. [103] A divato is also a protective guardian spirit unique to each bobohizan, believed to guide and safeguard them through both the spiritual and physical realms. [198] The calling typically reveals itself through vivid recurring dreams, visions, spiritual disturbances or unexplained illness. [199] These signs are interpreted by senior bobohizan, or village elders, as evidence of a spiritual summons. [103]
The following is the testimony from the recent generations of bobohizan:
I never felt that I was "the chosen one", but even I am amazed at how fast I am able to pick up the ancient languages in our inait and customs in our rituals, in such a short amount of time. We have no textbooks to refer to. You learn by listening and observing the elders. Some bobohizan take years to master some rituals, but I can pick it up in one go. I only accepted that I was the chosen one in two very memorable dreams. In my first dream, I was walking into the House of Skulls at Monsopiad Cultural Village. It was filled with many bobohizan, dressed in full traditional attire, sitting at the sides with their feet stretched forward. One of them called me to sit and said, Bah, kasi mula lah — "You can start now". I immediately began the Magavau inait and the rest joined in. I woke up after the second verse. The second dream came two weeks later. I was walking aimlessly and an old lady appeared before me. Without a word, she handed me the bobohizan padang (sword). The moment the padang touched my hands, I woke up. The elders told me those dreams were a strong sign I was meant for this path. [198]
The chosen individual may be approached by one or more divato, each guiding the apprentice in specific types of rituals or spiritual duties. These spirits are often associated with elements of nature, such as rivers, forests, or mountains, and may serve as both protectors and sources of ritual power. [192] [201] Once the calling is confirmed, the individual enters a long period of oral apprenticeship under a senior bobohizan. The apprentice learns ritual procedures, chants, taboos and the symbolic language of the spirit world. [132] Bobohizan are sometimes regarded as having different ranks or degrees of knowledge, depending on their level of mastery and the types of spirits they work with. Those with deeper knowledge or broader ritual authority may preside over more complex ceremonies or train others. An apprentice becomes a full bobohizan only after gaining the approval of their mentor and the recognition of the community. There is no formal ordination ceremony, their role is affirmed once they begin performing rituals independently and is accepted by the people as a legitimate spiritual authority. While lineage is not a requirement, some bobohizan may descend from an earlier bobohizan. [129] However, the calling is open to any person believed to have been chosen by the spirits, regardless of family background. [202]
The bobohizan are usually unmarried or widowed women, as this allows them to focus entirely on spiritual service. [203] [204] They are expected to uphold personal discipline and moral conduct. [205] Though respected, many live modestly, relying on voluntary offerings and community support rather than formal payment. [199] When asking for help from a bobohizan to cure someone's prolonged or severe illness, he or she is usually called upon. The bobohizan would be informed with the relevant information by a sick person, this gives them a good background in locating the cause of the sickness. Bobohizan can also do preliminary consultations with the susukuon, or good-spirited consultant. [132] Before a bobohizan goes to the house of a sick person the next day, she consults her susukuon the night before as a way of finding the best way possible, determining the right offerings she can use in the healing ritual. She then knows whether a chicken, a pig or even a buffalo is needed for a sacrifice. Sometimes, it may only take a simple inait, or an incantation, to heal the sick. [200]
There are a number of inait, or incantations, that a bobohizan has to select based on the cause of a sickness. The basic ritual is the popo'intong or sumuku to get in touch with the good-spirited consultant for further guidance. [206] They would chant other types of incantations such as searching for the strayed spirit of a sick person and preparing for its homecoming, appeasing an evil spirit that causes a person's sickness with offerings, reaching the stage of rundukon, [207] or being in a state of trance to engage in dialogue with an evil spirit, acting as an oracle for communication in attempt to know its intention. [208] It is the longest ritual of a bobohizan that could last almost 24 hours. They can also read an incantation to "cleanse the debris" that has been induced into a person's body by an evil spirit, cure a person from effects of black magic and liberate a sick person from disturbances caused by the dead. [199] After being treated by a bobohizan, for a day, or even three, one is not allowed to go out of the house.
In preparation for the ceremony, the village priestess carefully selects stalks of paddy and ties them together just before the harvesting period starts. These stalks are left in the field and not to be cut or tampered with until the harvesting is completed. The selected stalks of paddy symbolise the spirit of paddy of bambarayon, [209] or in Kadazan language, the bambaazon. [210] As soon as the harvest is over, these stalks are cut by the priestess and taken into the house of the owner of the field with the spirit would be in the house. [209] Magavau then takes place when the paddy is winnowed and stored away in the barn. [211]
The magavau can be seen as a sacred Kadazan ritual that serves both as ancestral reverence and the appeasement of bambaazon, the rice spirit believed to guard the harvest and ensure the community's spiritual harmony. [212] The ritual of magavau begins just after sunset with the priestess and her attendants sit on the floor in the living room and start chanting an incantation or ancient mantra, or inait, to bambaazon which continues further into the night. Thereafter, the priestess and attendants stand up and slowly circle around the living room while chanting. [213] After a while, they start to sing songs of praise to bambaazon. At this stage, the men join the circle, singing together with the priestess and attendants. As they sing, they stamp their feet on the floor rhythmically and, at regular intervals, uttering the awe-inspiring pangkis, which is the triumphant cry of the Kadazan. [212] [214] This ritual goes on until the break of dawn, when preparations are made to feed bambaazon with fermented rice, with ingredients similar to the rice wine tapai, prepared especially for bambaazon in the previous evening, and tapai. The ritual concludes with merrymaking as a mark of thanksgiving. Bambaazon stays in the house, guarding the paddy in the barn until the next planting season, when another ritual known as monogit is performed to take "her" to the paddy field. [215]
Here is an instance of an incantation or mantra in Kadazan language:
Odoi kada' kati' gangang arai,
kotunguan ko do pa'is,
otimbaar ko do sadap,
odoi kososodop zou do mogiginipi,
kosou ku do nokotimung kito do pamakanan do karamaian diti,
nga' ino noh maan zou,
do mamagavau do paai diti,
do ounsikou nodi kaka do Bambaazon,
do kosuni vagu' do to'un tiso,
do ka'anu no vagu' kotimung kito,
om ogumu' nodi do pamakanan tokou, mantad do paai.
The Kadazan dialect has adopted several loanwords, particularly from other northern Borneo indigenous languages and also Malay. [216] The use of the language has been declining due to the use of Malay by the Malaysian federal government and the use of English by missionaries, which was done through the method of language shift enforced by the work of both the colonial and federal governments. [217] The government of Sabah has initiated several policies to prevent the continuous decline, which is also happening to other groups of indigenous languages of Sabah. [218] This included the policy of using Kadazan and other indigenous languages in public schools, with efforts having also been made to allow the language to become official within Sabah. [219] [220] In an earlier 2005 United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) report, the Kadazan-Dusun language was classified as an endangered language, since it is spoken by a mere 300,000 people. [18] The language has apparently joined the 7,000 other languages worldwide that face the threat of extinction. [37] In countering the threat, Philip Lasimbang, Chair of the Board of Directors of the Kadazandusun Language Foundation (KLF), stated that the Kadazan-Dusun language will never go extinct since it has entered the education system of Malaysia, is being formalised, and has been institutionalised. [221] The similarities between the Kadazan and Dusun languages are sufficient for speakers of these two languages to understand each other easily. [220] In a nutshell, the most salient distinction between these two languages are the differences in their phonemic charts. [222] [223]
Being indigenous to Sabah and within the federation of Malaysia, the Kadazan are conferred the same political, educational and economic rights as the predominant Malay population of Malaysia. [224] The term ascribed to this is "Bumiputera" (from Sanskrit "bhumiputra"), a Malay word which translates to "sons of the land". [225] Presently, the Kadazan are associated with another similar indigenous tribe, the Dusun and various other indigenous peoples, under the blanket term Kadazan-Dusun. This is officially recognised as the result of political machinations, specifically a resolution of the 5th KCA (Kadazan Cultural Association, which was then renamed to Kadazan-Dusun Cultural Association (KDCA)) Delegates Conference held between 4 and 5 November 1989. [60] It was decided as the best alternative approach to resolve the "Kadazan or Dusun" identity crisis that had crippled and impeded the growth and development of the Kadazan-Dusun multi-ethnic community socio-culturally, economically and politically – ever since "Kadazan versus Dusun" sentiments were politicised in the early 1960s. [54] [58] Many consider their traditional geographical influences as the major difference between the two ethnic groups since the Kadazans are mainly inhabitants of the flat valley deltas, conducive to paddy field farming, while Dusuns are traditionally inhabitants of the hilly and mountainous regions common to the interior of Sabah with terrace farming and known for their hill rice. [148] [226] [227] [228]
The total percentage is mixed with the Dusuns.
In 2015, a controversy raged when the Borneo states discovered that the Malaysian federal government had removed all East Malaysian ethnicities and lumped everyone under the derogatory term "lain-lain" (others). The controversial term was removed after strong protest from the Sabah and Sarawak state governments which eventually saw the people of both Borneo states being allowed to state their ethnicity on government forms. In its 2020 Yearbook, based on a 2010 census, the state's total population was categorised by ethnicity – Kadazan/Dusun, Bajau, Murut, Bumiputera lain, Cina, India and "lain-lain" (others). The latest 2021 report, however, has removed the specific ethnic categories and instead lumped them up under 'Bumiputera lain' while maintaining the "Cina", "India" and "lain-lain" categories.
Kadazan consists of fricatives [v] and [z] which are absent in Dusun. On the other hand, /w/, / y/ and /r/ are present in Dusun but not in Kadazan.
In Tangaa, the letter 'Y' becomes 'Z'.
Toward the end of 1885, Mgr. Jackson asked Fr. Prenger to leave Sandakan and appointed him to be assistant to Fr. Pundleider in Bundu, Kuala Penyu. In June 1885, Fr. Prenger and Fr. Ignazio rowed up the Putatan river, he came to a village on the bank. That was the first time priests visited Putatan, a Kadazan village.
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