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Shina is a largely archaic name for China. The word was originally used in Japanese and had a neutral connotation, but came to be perceived as derogatory by Chinese people during the course of the First and Second Sino-Japanese Wars. As a result, it fell into disuse following World War II and is now viewed as offensive, with the standard Japanese name for China being replaced by 中国 (Chūgoku). [1] [2]
The Sanskrit word चीन] (Cina), meaning "China", was transcribed into various forms including 支那 (Zhīnà), 芝那 (Zhīnà), 脂那 (Zhīnà) and 至那 (Zhìnà). Thus, the term Shina was initially created as a transliteration of Cina, and this term was in turn brought to Japan with the spread of Chinese Buddhism. Some scholars believe that the Sanskrit Cina, like Middle Persian Čīn and Latin Sina, is derived from the name of the state of Qin, which founded a dynasty ( 秦 , Old Chinese: *dzin) that ruled China from 221 to 206 BC, and so Shina is a return of Qin to Chinese in a different form.
The Sanskrit term for China eventually spread into China, where its usage was closely related to Buddhism. A Tang dynasty (618–907) poem titled Ti Fan Shu (題梵書, literally "topic of a Sanskrit book") by Emperor Xuanzong of Tang uses the term in Chinese 支那 (Zhīnà) to refer to China, which is an early use of the word in China: [3]
《題梵書》 | "Ti Fan Shu (Topic of a Sanskrit book)" |
The Latin term for China was Sinae, plural of Sina. When Arai Hakuseki, a Japanese scholar, interrogated the Italian missionary Giovanni Battista Sidotti in 1708, he noticed that Sinae , the Latin plural word Sidotti used to refer to China, was similar to Shina, the Japanese pronunciation of 支那. Then he began to use this word for China regardless of dynasty. Since the Meiji Era, Shina had been widely used as the translation of the Western term "China". For instance, "sinology" was translated as "Shinagaku" (支那學).
At first, it was widely accepted that the term Shina or Zhina had no political connotations in China. Before the Chinese Republican era, the term Shina was one of the names proposed as a "generalized, basically neutral Western-influenced equivalent for 'China'". Chinese revolutionaries, such as Sun Yat-sen, Song Jiaoren, and Liang Qichao, used the term extensively, and it was also used in literature as well as by ordinary Chinese. The term "transcended politics, as it were, by avoiding reference to a particular dynasty or having to call China the country of the Qing". With the overthrow of the Qing in 1911, however, most Chinese dropped Shina as foreign and demanded that Japan replace it with the Japanese reading of the Chinese characters used as the name of the new Republic of China Chūka Minkoku (中華民國), with the short form Chūgoku (中國). [4]
Nevertheless, the term continued to be more-or-less neutral. A Buddhist school called Zhīnà Nèixuéyuàn (支那內學院) was established as late as in 1922 in Nanjing. In the meantime, Shina was used as commonly in Japanese as "China" in English. Derogatory nuances were expressed by adding extra adjectives, e.g. Japanese : 暴虐なる支那兵, romanized: bōgyaku-naru Shina-hei, lit. 'cruel Shina soldiers' or using derogatory terms like chankoro (チャンコロ), originating from a corruption of the Taiwanese Hokkien pronunciation of Chinese :清國奴; Pe̍h-ōe-jī :Chhing-kok-lô͘; lit.' Qing dynasty 's slave', used to refer to any "chinaman" or "chink". [5]
Despite interchangeability of Chinese characters, Japan officially used the term Shina Kyōwakoku (支那共和國) from 1913 to 1930 in Japanese documents, while Zhōnghuá mínguó (中華民國) was used in Chinese ones. Shina kyōwakoku was the literal translation of the English "Republic of China" while Chūka minkoku was the Japanese pronunciation of the official Chinese characters of Zhōnghuá mínguó. The Republic of China unofficially pressed Japan to adopt the latter but was rejected.
Japan rejected the terms Chūka minkoku and its short form 中國 (Chūgoku) for four reasons:
The Second Sino-Japanese War fixed the impression of the term Shina as offensive among Chinese people. In 1946, the Republic of China demanded that Japan cease using Shina.
In China, the term Shina has become linked with the Japanese invasion and Japanese war crimes, and has been considered an offensive ethnic slur ever since. The Japanese for exclusive use as a racist term, since the character 支 (Japanese shi; Chinese zhī) means 'branch' which could be interpreted to suggest that the Chinese are subservient to the Japanese, the characters were originally chosen simply for their sound values, not their meanings.
In modern Japan, the term Chūka Minkoku (中華民国) refers to the Republic of China, while Chūka Jinmin Kyōwakoku (中華人民共和国) refers to the People's Republic of China; the terms use the same Chinese characters (with Japanese shinjitai simplifications) used officially in both the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China. Likewise, in most cases, words previously containing Shina have been altered; for example, the term for sinology was changed from Shinagaku (支那学, "Shina studies") to Chūgokugaku (中国学) or Chūkagaku (中華学, "Chinese studies"), and the name for the Second Sino-Japanese War has changed from terms such as Shina jihen (支那事變, "The China Incident") and Nisshi jihen (日支事變, "The Japan-Shina Incident") to Nitchū sensō (日中戦争, "Japan-China War").
Writing Shina in Japanese is considered socially unacceptable and subject to kotobagari , especially the kanji form; if Shina is used, it is now generally written in katakana (シナ) rather than with the kanji (支那), which in Japanese serves as a way to spell offensive words (cf. English "f*ck"). As such, the term has survived in a few non-political compound words in Japanese, and even (rarely) in Chinese. For example, the South and East China Seas are called Minami Shina Kai (南シナ海) and Higashi Shina Kai (東シナ海), respectively, in Japanese (prior to World War II, the names were written as 南支那海 and 東支那海). Shinachiku (支那竹 or simply シナチク), a ramen topping made from dried bamboo, also derives from the term Shina, but in recent years the word menma (メンマ) has replaced this as a more politically correct name. Some terms that translate to words containing the "Sino-" prefix in English retain Shina within them, for example シナ・チベット語族 (Sino-Tibetan languages) and シナントロプス・ペキネンシス (Sinanthropus pekinensis, also known as Peking Man). Meanwhile, one of the Chinese names for Indochina is yìndù zhīnà (印度支那).
Even so, it is still sometimes seen in written forms such as Shina soba (支那そば), an alternative name for ramen, a dish which originates from China. Many Japanese are not fully aware of Chinese feelings towards the term, and generally find Shina merely old-fashioned and associated with the early and mid-20th century, rather than derogatory and racist. This difference in conception can lead to misunderstandings. The term is a slur when used toward Ryukyuans by mainland Japanese people. [6]
Sinologist Joshua A. Fogel mentioned that, "Surveying the present scene indicates much less sensitivity on the part of Chinese to the term Shina and growing ignorance of it in Japan". He also criticized Shintaro Ishihara, a right-wing nationalist politician who went out of his way to use the expression Shinajin (支那人) and called him a "troublemaker". [1] He elaborated further:
Many terms have been offered as names for countries and ethnic groups that have simply not withstood the pressures of time and circumstance and have, accordingly, changed. Before the mid-1960s, virtually every well-meaning American, black or white and regardless of political affinity, referred to blacks as 'Negroes' with no intention of offense or slight. It was simply the respectful name in use; and it was superior to the openly reviled and offensive term "colored," still in legal use by people in the South (to say nothing of the highly offensive term in colloquial use by this group) ... By the late 1960s, few if any liberals were still using 'Negro' but had shifted to 'black,' because that was declared the ethnonym of choice by the group so named. [1]
Japanese Canadian historian Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi mentioned that there are two classes of postwar Japanese that have continued to use derogatory terms like Shina: poorly educated and/or elderly persons who grew up with the term go on using these from force of habit. [2]
Some right-wing Japanese appeal to etymology in trying to ascribe respectability to the continued use of Shina, since the term Shina has non-pejorative etymological origins. Wakabayashi disagreed: "The term Jap also has non-pejorative etymological origins, since it derives from Zippangu (ジパング) in Marco Polo's Travels ... If the Chinese today say they are hurt by the terms Shina or Shinajin, then common courtesy enjoins the Japanese to stop using these terms, whatever the etymology or historical usage might be." [2]
During the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong, the Japanese government classified Hong Kong residents as Shinajin (支那人), as the term was used to refer to all who were ethnically Chinese. Hongkongers that were considered useful to the Japanese government, as well as prominent local figures such as bankers and lawyers, were recorded in a census document called the "Hong Kong Shinajin Magnate Survey" (Japanese : 香港在住支那人有力者調查表, romanized: Honkon zaijū Shinajin yūryokusha chōsahyō). [7] In 2016, a Hong Kong reporter was called Shinajin by Japanese nationalist politician Shintaro Ishihara. [8]
In Hong Kong, "Cheena", the Cantonese pronunciation of "Shina", is used in a derogative sense under the backdrop of ongoing tensions between Hong Kong and mainland China, even in official capacity, [9] for example by Hong Kong localist politicians Yau Wai-ching and Sixtus Leung during their controversial oath swearing as elected members of the Hong Kong legislature. [10] [11] [12] [13] Ray Wong, founder of the localist group Hong Kong Indigenous, said that he uses Cheena to refer to mainland China because the Chinese Communist Party is his "personal enemy". [14]
On 15 September 2012, a Hong Kong online community organized a protest against mainlanders and parallel traders. During the protest, some demonstrators chanted "Cheena people get out!" On 24 September 2013, the Hong Kong political group Hongkongers Priority breached the front entrance of the Chinese People's Liberation Army Forces Hong Kong Building, the first such incident since the handover of Hong Kong. [15] Billy Chiu, the leader of Hongkongers Priority, later announced on social media that Hongkongers Priority had successfully broken into the "Cheena Army Garrison". [16] In October 2015, an HKGolden netizen remade the South Korean song "Gangnam Style", with lyrics calling mainland Chinese "locusts" and "Cheena people", titled "Disgusting Cheena Style" (Chinese :核突支那Style). [17]
Inside Hong Kong university campuses, mainland Chinese students are often referred to as "Cheena dogs" and "yellow thugs" by local students. [18] [19] On 18 September 2019, the 88th anniversary of the Japanese invasion of northeast China, a celebration poster was put up on the Democracy Wall of the University of Hong Kong, glorifying the Japanese invasion while advocating for democracy in Hong Kong. [18] Hong Kong journalist Audrey Li noted the xenophobic undertone of the widespread right-wing nativism movement, in which the immigrant population and tourists are used as scapegoats for social inequality and institutional failure. [18] [20]
In Hong Kong, some people consider hate speech and even discrimination toward mainland Chinese morally justified [21] by a superiority complex influenced by Hong Kong's economic and cultural prominence during the Cold War, and nostalgia toward British rule. [20] Some protesters choose to express their frustrations on ordinary mainlanders instead of the Chinese government. With rising tribalism and nationalism in Hong Kong and China, xenophobia between Hong Kongers and mainlanders is reinforced and reciprocated. [22] [23] Some critics of Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement argue that the prevalence of ethnic hatred and xenophobia amongst its supporters is mostly ignored by the media, which often frames the situation as simply a fight between democracy and authoritarianism. [18]
The Chūgoku region, also known as the San'in-San'yō region, is the westernmost region of Honshū, the largest island of Japan. It consists of the prefectures of Hiroshima, Okayama, Shimane, Tottori and Yamaguchi. In 2010, it had a population of 7,563,428.
Gweilo or gwailou is a common Cantonese slang term for Westerners. In the absence of modifiers, it refers to white people and has a history of racially deprecatory and pejorative use. Cantonese speakers frequently use gwailou to refer to Westerners in general use, in a non-derogatory context, although whether this type of usage is offensive is disputed by both Cantonese and Westerners.
Kotobagari is a sardonic term which refers to the reluctance to use words that are considered potentially offensive or politically incorrect in the Japanese language. For instance words such as rai, mekura, tsunbo, oshi, kichigai, tosatsujō, and hakuchi are currently not used by the majority of Japanese publishing houses; the publishers often refuse to publish writing which includes these words.
Profanity in Mandarin Chinese most commonly involves sexual references and scorn of the object's ancestors, especially their mother. Other Mandarin insults accuse people of not being human. Compared to English, scatological and blasphemous references are less often used. In this article, unless otherwise noted, the traditional character will follow its simplified form if it is different.
Guizi is a pejorative Chinese slang term referring to foreigners, with a history of xenophobic connotations.
Hongkongers, Hong Kongers, Hong Kongese, Hongkongese, Hong Kong citizens and Hong Kong people are demonyms that refer to a resident of Hong Kong, although they may also refer to others who were born and/or raised in the territory.
Hong Kong independence is the notion of Hong Kong as a sovereign state, independent from the People's Republic of China (PRC). Hong Kong is a special administrative region (SAR) of China and is thus granted a high degree of de jure autonomy, as stipulated by Article 2 of the Hong Kong Basic Law ratified under the Sino-British Joint Declaration. Since the transfer of the sovereignty of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the PRC in 1997, a growing number of Hongkongers have become concerned about what they see as Beijing's encroachment on the territory's freedoms and the failure of the Hong Kong government to deliver "genuine democracy". Advocating for Hong Kong independence became illegal after the Hong Kong national security law in 2020.
In January 2012, Peking University professor Kong Qingdong made televised remarks suggesting that many Hongkongers were disloyal to China and still harboured a colonial mentality. Kong Qingdong called Hongkongers "dogs" in response to an online video posted about a mainland Chinese child eating on the subway, which is prohibited by MTR regulations. Similar laws like this did not exist in mainland China until 2020. This prompted a series of campaigns against Kong Qingdong in Hong Kong. About 150 people gathered at the Central Government's Liaison Office on 22 January to protest Kong's remarks.
The Hong Kong-Mainland China conflict refers to the tense relations between Hong Kong and mainland China. Various factors have contributed to this tension, including different interpretations of the "one country, two systems" principle; the policies of the Hong Kong and central governments to encourage mainland visitors to Hong Kong; and the changing economic environment. There is resentment in Hong Kong towards the mainland over convergence and assimilation, as well as the increasing interference from the government of China and its ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in Hong Kong's internal affairs.
Horace Chin Wan-kan, better known by his pen name Chin Wan, is a Hong Kong scholar advocating localism, best known for his publications On the Hong Kong City-State series. He is the founder and leader of the Hong Kong Resurgence Order and is the ideological leader of the "Hong Kong Autonomy Movement," dubbed as the "godfather of localism" in Hong Kong. Until mid-2016, Chin was an assistant professor at the Department of Chinese of Lingnan University.
Ray Wong Toi-yeung is a Hong Kong activist. He founded the localist camp Hong Kong Indigenous with other activists who were dissatisfied with the efficacy of Hong Kong's mainstream democratic movement during the 2014 Hong Kong protests. He took an active part in the Mong Kok civil unrest on Lunar New Year's Day 2016 and was arrested later that month.
In Hong Kong, localism is a political movement centred on the preservation of the city's autonomy and local culture. The Hong Kong localist movement encompasses a variety of groups with different goals, but all of them oppose the perceived growing encroachment of the Chinese central government on the city's management of its own political, economic, and social affairs. While the movement's milder elements advocate for greater autonomy while remaining as part of China, the more radical elements call for a return to British rule or full independence as a sovereign state. Some also advocate for a more aggressive and militant stance against the mainland government in defending local interests. For that reason, they are labelled as "radicals" and "separatists" by the Chinese government. Issues of concern to the localist camp include land use and development, cultural and heritage conservation, parallel trading, and the increasing number of mainland immigrants and mainland tourists. Although grouped together with liberals, they have a distinct view as they advocate for Hongkongers' right to self-determination. In the aftermath of the 2019–2020 Hong Kong protests, localists were largely absorbed into the pro-democracy camp.
Localist camp or localist and self-determination groups refers to the various groups with localist ideologies in Hong Kong. It emerged from post-80s social movements in the late 2000s which centred on the preservation of the city's autonomy and local lifestyles and opposed the perceived growing encroachment of the Chinese government on the city's management of its own political, economic, and social affairs.
The Alliance of Resuming British Sovereignty over Hong Kong and Independence is a localist camp political party in Hong Kong. The party aims to repeal the Sino-British Joint Declaration, resume British sovereignty, then make Hong Kong an independent state.
Hong Kong–mainland China relations refer to the relationship between Mainland China and Hong Kong. According to the 1997 Sino-British Joint Declaration, the United Kingdom handed control of Hong Kong over to the People's Republic of China, making it a special administrative region. In principle, Hong Kong became an autonomous administrative division based on the Hong Kong Basic Law.
"Liberate Hong Kong, revolution of our times" is a slogan used by social movements in Hong Kong. The slogan was first used in 2016 by Hong Kong Indigenous spokesman Edward Leung as his campaign theme and slogan for the 2016 New Territories East by-election. He emphasised that anyone could take part in innovation and change regardless of age, hence the use of the phrase "revolution of our times." In the legislative election held later that year, Youngspiration, which was cooperating with Hong Kong Indigenous as Leung was banned from running by the Electoral Affairs Commission, also used the slogan for their campaign.
Hong Kong 12, or 12 Hongkongers, are the twelve Hong Kong protesters, previously arrested by the Hong Kong police, detained by the Chinese authorities in 2020 on sea after a failed attempt to flee to Taiwan.
New Prospect for Hong Kong is a political group established in October 2019 consisting mainly of mainland Chinese living in Hong Kong, dubbed "gang piao" in Mandarin.
Locust is an ethnic slur against the Mainland Chinese people in Hong Kong. The derogatory remark is frequently used in protest, social media, and localist publications in Hong Kong, especially when the topics involves the influx of mainland Chinese tourists, immigrants, parallel traders, and the pro-democracy movement.
Hong Kong Nationalism is a book published in September 2014 by the Hong Kong University Students' Union. Edited by the Undergrad, the official magazine of the union, it compiled nine articles from students, scholars and commentators and argued the necessity of nationalism in Hong Kong.
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