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Euroscepticism is a minority view in Ireland. Opinion polls held in the country between 2017 and 2024 indicated between 70% and 90% support for continued membership of the European Union (EU), [1] [2] and a 2021 'Eurobarometer' report indicating that 75% of poll respondents had a "positive image of the EU". [3]
Irish Eurosceptics say that the EU undermines Irish sovereignty, that it lacks democratic legitimacy, it is neoliberal and works for the benefit of the business elite and it is a threat to Irish neutrality. [4]
Some Irish Eurosceptics oppose elements of the EU and its policies and seek reform, while others seek an Irish withdrawal from the EU altogether. [4] This proposed withdrawal is sometimes referred to as "Irexit", based on "Brexit", the common term for the British withdrawal from the EU. [5] [6] [7]
Euroscepticism in Ireland is traditionally found in more left-wing and Irish republican groups. The biggest of these have been Sinn Féin and People Before Profit–Solidarity, [8] [9] [10] who each have members in elected office. Sinn Féin long opposed European integration, [4] but now describes itself as "critical, but supportive, of the EU" and does not advocate withdrawal from the Union. [11] [12] The Green Party have also shifted from being Eurosceptic to pro-EU. [4] More recently, small right-wing Eurosceptic parties have formed in Ireland, but they lack representation in any elected positions.
Ireland pursued an isolationist policy from the 1920s to the 1950s. [13] [14] In the mid-1950s, then opposition leader and former Taoiseach, Éamon de Valera noted that Ireland would have less representation and influence in a European Parliament than it had in the British parliament before independence, saying Ireland "did not strive to get out of that British domination [...] to get into a worse [position]". [15]
Membership of the EEC was however sought by successive Irish governments, and Ireland acceded to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1973. This followed a referendum with a near record turnout of 71% (the highest turnout since the vote to adopt the Constitution itself in 1937) and saw a five-to-one vote (83.1%) in favour of joining. [16] Then President Éamon De Valera opposed the state's entry. [17]
A Red C poll, commissioned by European Movement Ireland (EM Ireland) in January 2013, found most Irish people would opt for Ireland to remain inside the EU (66%) even if the UK decided to leave. Just 29% of those asked said that Ireland should leave if the UK did. [18]
In a 2015 opinion poll, commissioned by EM Ireland, 84% said they "believe that Ireland has, on balance, benefited from membership" and 77% said Ireland should remain in the EU even if the UK left, while only 33% agreed that there should be an EU army. [19]
Following the Brexit referendum, a poll commissioned by public relations firm PR360 found that 77% of those polled believed EU membership was a good thing. It also found that, if a referendum on EU membership were held in Ireland, 80% would vote remain, 13% vote leave, with 7% undecided. [20]
Another poll conducted by Ipsos after the Brexit referendum found that 81% thought the UK had made the wrong decision to leave, 12% thought the UK was right to leave and 7% said they didn't know. [21]
A poll conducted by Red C in January 2017 found that 70% were in favour of EU membership while 28% said they would vote for an 'Irexit' if there was a "hard border" with Northern Ireland. [1] Additional Eurobarometer and Red C polls in the first half of 2017 found that a significant majority agreed that Ireland should remain in the European Union, with the former poll suggesting 90% support for freedom of movement of EU nationals, and 85% support for economic and monetary union. [22] [23]
In February 2018, a poll by Amárach Research of 1000 voters indicated 79% support for EU membership and only 10% support for an "Irexit". [24]
A poll by EM Ireland in May 2018 indicated over 90% support for continued EU membership. [25]
Poll results published by Sky News in February 2019 indicated that, in the event of a no-deal Brexit, 81% of the Irish people polled "would cut economic ties with the UK rather than with the EU". [26]
A Eurobarometer poll conducted across the EU in March 2019 showed that if a referendum on EU membership were held tomorrow, 83% of people in Ireland would vote to remain. This was the second highest result in the EU, with only the Netherlands ranking higher. [27] Another Eurobarometer poll, in early 2021, also indicated continued "high levels of public support" for the EU, [3] [28] with a 2022 poll indicating that only 7% of those asked believed that Ireland should leave the EU. [2]
In 2023, EM Ireland undertook a poll in both jurisdictions on the island of Ireland, which reportedly indicated that 88% of respondents in the Republic of Ireland and 79% of respondents in Northern Ireland supported EU membership. Of those who had voted for Brexit in Northern Ireland, 71% supported the Republic of Ireland remaining a member of the EU and 64% believed that Northern Ireland was "doing worse" post-Brexit. [29]
A 2024 poll undertaken by Amárach Research on behalf of European Movement Ireland indicated that 84% of people in the Republic of Ireland supported continued EU membership, and 76% of people in Northern Ireland supported membership. [30]
The 2000s saw the birth of a number of small organisations with eurosceptic positions, including Éirígí, [31] Saoradh, Identity Ireland, [32] Libertas Ireland, Cóir [33] and the National Party. [34] Some of these (like Identity Ireland, 115 members) report a very small base of members, [35] while others (like Cóir) were limited-lifespan lobby groups involved in the Lisbon Treaty campaign and whose campaign included references to Ireland's independence struggle. [36] [33] A conference in the RDS, Dublin in February 2018 was claimed by organisers to have been attended by "600 Irexit supporters and young people". [37]
The 2014 European Parliament election saw some support for candidates with eurosceptic connections, with 4 of the available 11 seats going to members of the "soft eurosceptic" [38] GUE-NGL grouping and 1 seat to a Fianna Fáil candidate Brian Crowley, who later joined the European Conservatives and Reformists group. [39] However, the latter did not attend any votes in the European Parliament. [40]
This followed a number of events, including changes in the post-2008 Irish economic outlook, and the Lisbon Treaty vote, which some commentators linked with a 'scepticism' of some aspects of the union. [41]
In Ireland, ratification of significant amendments to the Treaties of the European Union require an amendment to the Constitution, [42] and hence a referendum vote. In the 2000s, there were referendums on the ratification the Treaty of Nice and the Treaty of Lisbon. In each case, a first referendum failed to pass but, following renegotiation and the debunking of certain claims made during campaigning, [43] [44] a second one was successful (with around two-thirds majority in favour in both cases).
The calling of second referendums drew criticism from some quarters. People Before Profit for example, had opposed the Lisbon treaty saying "Enshrined in this Treaty are the failed neo-liberal policies which have caused the recent economic crisis. This is a Treaty for big business". [45]
Following the post-2008 Irish economic downturn, some commentators noted that the response by the European troika to economic developments might lead to some changes in the "political landscape" and changes in perception of institutions like the European Commission and European Central Bank. [46] [47] Other economic commentators, like David McWilliams, argued that membership of the eurozone was bad for the Irish economy. [48] As of 2015 however, perceptions of EU membership as a whole remained favourable. [19]
Direct Democracy Ireland have questioned whether withdrawal from the eurozone would lead to improved economic growth in Ireland. [49]
Anticipation of the potentially negative effect of Brexit on the Irish economy [50] led to some speculation about a possible 'Irexit' both before and after the British referendum. [51] [52] [53] Cliff Taylor of The Irish Times said that the question arose because Ireland's participation in the single market is "vital" to the economy, and that Ireland's interactions with British economy were similarly "vital", leaving the economy of Ireland in a potentially awkward position. [6]
In November 2016, Harry McGee of The Irish Times reported that "a small but growing band of public figures [were] questioning the basis of Irish EU membership", [54] identifying the Socialist Workers Party and Socialist Party as groups that would support an exit. [54] After the Brexit vote however, polls indicated that 80% of those asked would not support a similar Irish exit. [20] Following Brexit, some British politicians who had supported it, claimed Ireland would also leave the EU, with Kate Hoey claiming (without evidence) that Ireland "'will probably decide to leave' in the short term". [55]
In September 2018, the Irish Freedom Party (also known as "Irexit Freedom to Prosper"), was formed to campaign for an Irish exit from the EU and to field candidates in the 2019 European Parliament election. [56] Its two candidates, neither elected, were party leader Hermann Kelly, who received 2,441 first preference votes (0.67%) in the Dublin constituency, [57] and chairperson Professor Dolores Cahill, who polled with 1.47% of first preference votes in the South constituency. [58]
Euroscepticism, also spelled as Euroskepticism or EU-scepticism, is a political position involving criticism of the European Union (EU) and European integration. It ranges from those who oppose some EU institutions and policies and seek reform, to those who oppose EU membership and see the EU as unreformable. The opposite of Euroscepticism is known as pro-Europeanism, or European Unionism.
Sinn Féin is an Irish republican and democratic socialist political party in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.
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United Ireland, also referred to as Irish reunification or a New Ireland, is the proposition that all of the island of Ireland should be a single sovereign state. At present, the island is divided politically: the sovereign state of Ireland has jurisdiction over the majority of Ireland, while Northern Ireland, which lies entirely within the Irish province of Ulster, is part of the United Kingdom. Achieving a united Ireland is a central tenet of Irish nationalism and Republicanism, particularly of both mainstream and dissident republican political and paramilitary organisations. Unionists support Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom and oppose Irish unification.
Euroscepticism in the United Kingdom is a continuum of belief ranging from the opposition to certain political policies of the European Union to the complete opposition to the United Kingdom’s membership of the European Union. It has been a significant element in the politics of the United Kingdom (UK). A 2009 Eurobarometer survey of EU citizens showed support for membership of the EU was lowest in the United Kingdom, alongside Latvia and Hungary.
Article 50 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) provides for the possibility of an EU member state leaving the European Union "in accordance with its own constitutional requirements".
The Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Bill 2008 was a proposed amendment to the Constitution of Ireland that was put to a referendum in 2008. The purpose of the proposed amendment was to allow the state to ratify the Treaty of Lisbon of the European Union.
The Twenty-eighth Amendment of the Constitution Act 2009 is an amendment of the Constitution of Ireland which permitted the state to ratify the Treaty of Lisbon of the European Union. It was approved by referendum on 2 October 2009.
The ratification of the Treaty of Lisbon was officially completed by all member states of the European Union on 13 November 2009 when the Czech Republic deposited its instrument of ratification with the Italian government. The Lisbon Treaty came into force on the first day of the month following the deposition of the last instrument of ratification with the government of Italy, which was 1 December 2009.
Relations between the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (UK) are governed, since 1 January 2021, by the EU–UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA).
The Thirtieth Amendment of the Constitution Act 2012 amended the Constitution of Ireland to permit Ireland to ratify the 2012 European Fiscal Compact and to preclude measures taken under the Compact from being held to be inconsistent with the Irish constitution. It was approved by referendum on 31 May 2012, by 60.3% to 39.7%, on a turnout of 50% and was signed into law by President Michael D. Higgins on 27 June 2012.
The 2016 United Kingdom European Union membership referendum, commonly referred to as the EU referendum or the Brexit referendum, was a non-binding referendum that took place on 23 June 2016 in the United Kingdom (UK) and Gibraltar under the provisions of the European Union Referendum Act 2015 to ask the electorate whether the country should continue to remain a member of, or leave, the European Union (EU).
Brexit was the withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU). Following a referendum held in the UK on 23 June 2016, Brexit officially took place at 23:00 GMT on 31 January 2020. The UK, which joined the EU's precursors the European Communities (EC) on 1 January 1973, is the only member state to have withdrawn from the EU. Following Brexit, EU law and the Court of Justice of the European Union no longer have primacy over British laws. The European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 retains relevant EU law as domestic law, which the UK can amend or repeal.
Withdrawal from the Eurozone denotes the process whereby a Eurozone member-state, whether voluntarily or forcibly, stops using the euro as its national currency and leaves the Eurozone.
Frexit is the hypothetical French withdrawal from the European Union (EU). The term is similar to Brexit, which denotes the UK leaving the EU. The term was mostly used during the campaign leading to the French presidential election of 2017.
After the British EU membership referendum held on 23 June 2016, in which a majority voted to leave the European Union, the United Kingdom experienced political and economic upsets, with spillover effects across the rest of the European Union and the wider world. Prime Minister David Cameron, who had campaigned for Remain, announced his resignation on 24 June, triggering a Conservative leadership election, won by Home Secretary Theresa May. Following Leader of the Opposition Jeremy Corbyn's loss of a motion of no confidence among the Parliamentary Labour Party, he also faced a leadership challenge, which he won. Nigel Farage stepped down from leadership of the pro-Leave party UKIP in July. After the elected party leader resigned, Farage then became the party's interim leader on 5 October until Paul Nuttall was elected leader on 28 November.
Euroscepticism, i.e. the opposition to policies of supranational European Union institutions and/or opposition to membership of the European Union, is a significant element in the politics of the Czech Republic, with several parties and political figures favouring leaving the union. According to a survey by CVVM in April 2016, 25% of Czechs were satisfied with European Union membership.
The United Kingdom was a member state of the European Union (EU) and of its predecessor the European Communities (EC) – principally the European Economic Community (EEC) from 1 January 1973 until 31 January 2020. Since the foundation of the EEC, the UK had been an important neighbour and then a leading member state, until Brexit ended 47 years of membership. During the UK's time as a member state two referendums were held on the issue of its membership: the first, held on 5 June 1975, resulting in a vote to stay in the EC, and the second, held on 23 June 2016, resulting in a vote to leave the EU.
In 2016, the impact of Brexit on the European Union (EU) was expected to result in social and economic changes to the Union, but also longer term political and institutional shifts. The extent of these effects remain somewhat speculative until the precise terms of the United Kingdom's post-Brexit relationship with the EU becomes clear. With an end to British participation in the EU's policies on freedom of movement of goods, persons, services, and capital, and the European Union Customs Union, as well as sharing criminal intelligence and other matters, there is a clear impact with consequences for both institutions.
Danish withdrawal from the European Union is the hypothesis that Denmark might leave the European Union (EU). Leaving the EU is officially supported by just two of the political parties represented in the Danish Parliament, with less than 8% of the total seats.
Once seen as being firmly in the eurosceptic camp, Sinn Féin now describes itself as being critical, but supportive, of the EU [..] "We are euro-critical and we have nothing in common with Ukip," said [Sinn Féin MEP Lynn] Boylan
Eamon de Valera on [..] return from Strasbourg in 1955 where he had been attending a meeting that was part of the construction of the future Europe [...] said: 'We did not strive to get out of that British domination of our affairs by outside force, or we did not get out of that position to get into a worse one'.
The 71 per cent turnout in the May 1972 poll was the biggest for a referendum since the vote on the Constitution itself in 1937. The Yes vote was even more impressive [.. with ..] a crushing five-to-one defeat for the No campaign
According to the poll, 84% of adults here also believe that Ireland has, on balance, benefited from membership. [..] These figures are higher than those in a similar poll carried out in 2013
Identity Ireland [..] favours EU withdrawal, a return to the punt and an end to mass immigration
the National Party [..] nine principles espouse a nationalist, anti-abortion, anti-EU, anti-immigration platform
Cóir campaigners were also out in force outside the GPO [..with banners reading..] "People died for our freedom, vote No"
IBEC is calling on Coir to remove the posters following an interview by Coir spokesman Brian Hickey [..] in which he said that the Lisbon Treaty would "have no effect" on the Irish minimum wage