According to a 2009 census, their population was estimated at over 250,000,[2] while a 1999 estimate of Kifuliru-language speakers placed the number at 300,000.[4] The Fuliru speak the Fuliru language, a branch of the Bantu subgroup within the Niger-Congo family, closely related to Vira, Shi, Havu, Tembo, and Nyindu.[8] Occupationally, Fuliru primarily work in agriculture and herding, with a notable reputation in pottery and basket-weaving. Their handcrafted baskets are used for storage, decoration, and even as musical instruments.[9]
According to Historian Jacques Depelchin, the Vira and Fuliiru earned reputations as skilled ironworkers, and the ethnonymFuliiru likely derives from these abilities.[16] The verb ku-fula means "to forge" or "to beat iron", and from this comes the noun Fuliiru, meaning "blacksmiths" or "ironworkers".[16]
At the onset of Belgian colonization, the establishment of chieftaincies was the primary method of governance. These chieftaincies were established with due respect to the customs and traditions of each area, particularly based on three principal criteria defined and established by the Belgian colonial administration as essential conditions for the establishment of any chieftaincy. This was done to prevent lawlessness and to avoid violating the ancestral realities that had existed for millennia. Belgian colonial administration's criteria for establishing chieftaincies varied based on the region and the ethnic group in question. The establishment of chieftaincies was often accompanied by the appointment of a local chief (chefs de groupement) or a traditional ruler who was then tasked with maintaining law and order in the area, as well as ensuring the well-being of the local population.[17][18][19][20] However, in multi-ethnic areas, the imposition of a single chief often created friction, as colonial authorities were forced to decide which ethnic group would hold authority. This sometimes led to tensions or even violent conflict. Moreover, colonial structures frequently reshaped identities; individuals could assume new ethnic affiliations depending on the chiefdom under which they resided. For instance, members of the Fuliiru community living within the Bavira Chiefdom might, over generations, come to identify as Vira. Similar dynamics unfolded in surrounding chiefdoms such as Burhinyi, Luwindja, Luindi, and Kaziba.[17][18][19][20] Each ethnic group, however small, was assigned a chiefdom or a sector, if not, a grouping (groupement). The administrative territories were thus constituted within the limits of the chiefdom. The aim was to regroup "ethnic units" in their own geographical entities. This approach by the Belgian colonial administration was based on the principle of indirect rule, which aimed to maintain control over the local population through traditional rulers. This system was viewed as a means of preserving the existing social and political structures of the colonized societies while ensuring their loyalty to the colonial authorities.[17][18][19][20]
The Bembe and Buyu were both grouped in the Fizi Territory, which was further subdivided into five sectors, including Itombwe, Lulenge, Mutambala, Ndandja, and Tanganyika. Conversely, the Bafuliru Chiefdom borders Rwanda and Burundi through the Ruzizi Plain in the Uvira Territory. The sandy soil of the plain is suitable for growing crops such as groundnuts and cotton, with Luvungi, Lubarika, and Luberizi being particularly noteworthy areas for such cultivation. The Fuliru collectivity is situated in two distinct types of plateaus: the Middle Plateau and the High Plateau. The Middle Plateau spans between Luvungi and Mulenge, with the altitude gradually increasing from 100 m to 1800 meters. This plateau comprises several groupements and villages, including Namutiri, Ndolera, Bulaga, Langala, Bushokw, Bushuju, Butole, Lemera, Bwesho, Katala, Mulenge, and others. It is also a favorable environment for growing cassava, coffee, banana, beans and maize. The High Plateau, on the other hand, form a watershed between the tributaries of the Ulindi and the Elila rivers, as well as the torrents that flow into the Ruzizi River and Lake Tanganyika. The High Plateaus are characterized by a rugged landscape with steep slopes and elevations ranging from 1800 to 2700 meters. The main villages located on the High Plateaus include Kagongo, Kishusha, Mulobela, and Kashekezi. These villages are known for their cool climate and are suitable for the cultivation of crops such as Irish potatoes and beans. This plateau is mostly used for grazing cattle and is less populated compared to the Middle Plateau.[21][22]
Bafuliiru groupements (groupings)
Bafuliru Chiefdom is subdivided in groupements (groupings) governed by grouping chiefs (chefs de groupement) who are appointed by the paramount Mwami (chief or king). Groupements are subdivided in localités (villages) which are also ruled by customary chiefs. Bafuliru Chiefdom is composed of five groupements: Runingu, Itara-Luvungi, Lemera, Muhungu and Kigoma.[23][24][25]
The Muhungu groupement consists of the following villages:
Alternatively, Bafuliru are not a homogeneous people; it is an amalgamation of people with diverse backgrounds, a kind of multicultural state, each with distinct origins. To be considered Mufuliru one must be born into one of the thirty-seven progenitor families (clans) of the ethnic group.
The Fuliru people are made up of about 37 clans:[26]
Badaka: The Badaka clan is a smaller clan within the Bafuliru Chiefdom, and is known for their expertise in metalworking and blacksmithing. They have played a significant role in the production of tools and weapons for use by other clans in the region.
Balabwe
Bahatu
Bahamba: The Bahamba clan are one of the significant clans within the chiefdom and played a key role in its political and social history. The Bahambas are well known for their lineage from the royal family and have held leadership positions over the Batumba clan at some point in history. Many clan members hold authoritative positions in local government and community organizations. While they had a historical relation to the royal court, they also had an occupancy in agriculture, trade, and other economic activities.
Bahange
Bahembwe
Bahofwa
Bahundja
Bahungu
Bazige: The Bazige clan are believed to be descendants of Hutus from Burundi who were assimilated through exogamy.
Baiga
Bajojo
Bakame
Bakukulugu
Bakuvi
Balambo: According to Historian Jacques Depelchin, the Balambo trace their origins to the Banandola and are credited with bringing cattle into Fuliiru society. Their ancestor, Ndandola, is said to have migrated from a hill in Bukunzi, crossing the Ruzizi River with a large following of people and cattle.[27] His journey took him to Nyangezi and later Kaziba, where he met MwamiNgweshe. Refusing to remain there, he moved to Luwindja and established himself as chief. This provoked opposition from Ngweshe, Kaziba, and Muganga, who sought to eliminate him, but Ndandola succeeded in defeating them.[27] From Luwindja, his descendants expanded further, with two men—Nyabuvuma and Mulambo—moving toward Lwindi.[27]
Balemera: Often regarded as "pre-historical" rather than historical actors, the Balemera clan is sometimes excluded from local memory as legitimate inhabitants.[28] Oral traditions vary: some portray them as mythical, while others acknowledge them as displaced earlier occupants. A Fuliiru clan myth describes Kahamba Kalingishi, founder of the Bahamba lineage, as "the one who stole the land", suggesting that he seized territory from the Balemera.[28]
Balizi: The Balizi clan are believed to have migrated to the area from present-day Bunyoro in Uganda several centuries ago. They are primarily farmers, and they are known for their cultivation of beans, maize, and cassava.
Bamioni
Banakatanda: The Banakatanda clan is a matriarchal clan, with women traditionally holding positions of power and influence within the clan. Depelchin noted that the clan handles the funeral preparations for a deceased mwami. The process includes preparing the body, wrapping it in cowhide, and laying it on a wooden frame elevated above a fire.[29] But these clan representatives hold responsibilities beyond burial rites. Known as banjoga in Kifuliiru and baluvi in Kivira, these individuals are also charged with identifying and initiating the successor to the deceased mwami.[29] Their role in choosing and consecrating the new leader gives them considerable influence over the mwamiship (the institution or office of the mwami), though not over the mwami himself once installed.[29] Notably, the clans from which these banjoga and baluvi are selected are believed to be the first settlers in the region, which may lend them historical legitimacy and ritual authority in the succession process.[29]
Banakyoyo
Banamubamba
Banamuganga
Basamba
Bashagakibone: The Bashagakibone clan plays a key role in the solemn process of mummification. Drawing upon ancient knowledge passed down through generations, they possess the sacred expertise required to preserve the bodies of deceased chiefs and noble figures. They ensure that the rituals of mummification are carried out according to ancient traditions, honoring the legacy of those who have passed.
Bashimbi: The Bashimbi clan is a group of skilled farmers, rainmakers, and high-level "premiers" within the chiefdom. They are known for their expertise in producing honey, cereals, coffee, and raising livestock, including sheep, cattle, and poultry. The Bashimbi are centered around their traditional village of Kalundu, located near the Mizulo hamlet. The clan's founding father, Kashambi, was renowned as the master-maker of the "bimole" or torch used for fisheries in Lake Tanganyika. The Bashimbi made a pact with the Bafuliru clan, who shared a sonorous resemblance in the names of their clans. According to several oral accounts and ethnological studies of the Fuliru people, these clans recognized each other as real brothers at a particular time in history. The Bafuliru eventually absorbed the more cunning members of the Bashimbi clan. The name "Kashambi" is given to the progeny of the Bashimbi's founding father, who arrived with his adherents and plundered other people's belongings, establishing his dominance through his velocity and colossal throng.
Bashamwa
Bashashu
Basizi: The Basizi clan is believed to be a subgroup of the Bahavu ethnic group and plays a significant role in the chiefdom's religious and spiritual practices. They have helped preserve local customs and traditions
Basozo: The Basozo clan originally came from Bugarama in Rwanda and intermarried with the wider Fuliru population to the point where their distinct identity was practically extinguished. Their cultural roots and customs were largely assimilated into the surrounding Fuliru communities.
Bashago
Batere
Batoké
Batumba: The Batumba clan is a prominent royal lineage clan among the Bavira and Bafuliru. Mutumba was the traditional rulers of the Batumba and considered the most respected members of the clan.
Bavunye
Bavurati
Bazilangwe
History
Origin
The Fuliru have a unique history as one of the only highland Bantu groups to have formed a single, relatively small state that was highly centralized.[30][6] The precise origins of Bafuliiru remain a subject of scholarly debate as they do not possess fixed canonical texts recounting their origins. While myths of origin exist, they have not been transmitted in a standardized literary form.[31] Unlike other genres of oral tradition such as fumu/shumu or migani, origin stories did not inspire the same degree of creative elaboration. Nevertheless, they remain a frequent focus of researchers, who regard them as logical entry points into Fuliiru history.[31] Accounts of origins were often vague or inconsistent. When researchers discovered that oral traditions prioritized other categories of recollection, systematic efforts to collect origin myths diminished.[31] Yet these stories, when analyzed through interpretive frameworks such as those proposed by Claude Lévi-Strauss, provide insights into the development of social institutions, relations of production, and processes of historical change.[31] According to Congolese researcher Shimbi Kamba Katchelewa of the University of Montreal, as cited in Charles Katembo Kakozi's 2005 study Facteurs socio-politiques explicatifs des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs Africains: Étude du cas d'Uvira en RDC à partir d'informateurs vivant à l'étranger, early Bafuliiru occupants originating from Lwindi, presently the Lwindi Chiefdom, established themselves in key locations such as Mulenge, Luvungi, and Lemera between the 10th and 14th centuries.[32] These settlements laid the groundwork for the formation of the "Hamba Kingdom", led by the Bahamba clan.[33]
Oral tradition situates the cradle of Bafuliiru migration in the central basin of the Lwalaba River, specifically at the mouth of the Ulindi River. This point of origin is believed to mark the initial stage of their dispersal into the highlands.[34] Belgian colonial administrator René Loons identified Mwami Kahamba Kalingishi as the founder of the modern Bafuliiru Chiefdom, suggesting that he arrived in the region during the 16th century.[35] However, other scholars, including historians Kingwengwe Mupe and Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza, date the Bafuliiru migration from Lwindi to the 17th century.[36][37][34] Belgian colonial administrator Alfred Moeller de Laddersous, who conducted extensive studies of the Bantu communities in the eastern Belgian Congo, was among the first to document the Bafuliiru's presence in the Ruzizi Plain from the 17th century onwards.[38] However, historian Jacques Depelchin challenged Moeller's concept of "migration", suggesting that the term "expansion" might better describe the Bafuliiru's movement, as their contact with the original homeland persisted well into the 19th century.[39] Depelchin also pointed out that the valley in which the Bafuliiru settled was intermittently used for hunting, and that the region's climate was less favorable for settlement compared to the mountainous areas that the Bafuliiru and Vira preferred.[39]
Historical sources
The Bahamba clan, according to Moeller, migrated from the direction of Lwindi under the leadership of Chief Kikanwe, ultimately settling in what is now their present-day territory, which was uninhabited at the time.[38] Moeller identifies the Bahamba as some of the earliest settlers in the region, settling in an area referred to as "Bufulero". Over time, the Bahamba changed their eponym from Bahamba (or Wahamba) to Bafuliru as a marker of their evolving identity.[38] Depelchin traces the clan's origins to Mwami Kahamba Kalingishi, who is believed to have ruled from 1760 until his death in 1790, after which Chief Kikanwe took over, ruling from 1790 to 1820.[40]
Alternative accounts suggest that the Fuliru and Vira migrated from the northeast, crossing Lwindi and settling in the region.[41][42] According to the scholar Cuypers, this migration could have included a prolonged detour through Maniema rather than a direct movement.[43] Led by an ancestral figure named Nalwindi, the group split into two: the Bafuliru, under Kahamba Kalingishi, settled around the highlands of Lemera, while the Vira, led by Kirungu, established themselves on Munanira's peak, eventually spreading to the valley lowlands and the present-day Uvira Territory.[41][42] Depelchin also observes that both "Buvira" (today's Bavira Chiefdom) and "Bufuliro" (Bafuliru Chiefdom) had multiple bami (also known as "mwami").[44] He firmly states that this part of the country (encompassing Bavira and Bafuliru chiefdoms) has never had one paramount chief, as the Bafuliru retained their own independent paramount chief.[44] By 1907, colonial surveys delineated the Bafuliru's ethnic boundaries, which stretched along Lake Tanganyika and the Ruzizi Plain from Moira to the Luvivi River, encompassing territories that sometimes overlapped with Bavira lands.[41]
Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza points out that Chief Luhama—a central figure in Bafuliru history and founder of the Bahamba dynasty—consolidated power by dividing his domain among his three sons to foster stability and manage local demands for autonomy.[45] Luhama's strategic division granted his eldest son, Nyamugira, to control the land from Moira to the Munyovwe River; his second son, Mutahonga, received areas from the Munyovwe to the Kise River and the eastern slopes of the Ruzizi Valley; and his third son, Lusagara, managed the mountainous regions.[41] This arrangement retained centralized control through family ties, with power transferring from father to eldest son. Eventually, some members of the Bafuliru's Balunga clan joined the Bavira, forming a unique group that did not adopt the Bafuliru's original leadership structures.[41] Among other prominent clans, the Bazige (Bazeke or Bahungu), who were given land by Chief Muluta to their leader Ngabwe, either overcame or were assimilated into the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[41] Oral history suggests the Bazige had an autonomous chiefdom in the present-day Muhungu groupement, which they governed under Kalunga, son of Mukobesi, before being conquered and subjugated by Mahina Mukogabwe (often referred to as Nyamugira Mukogabwe II)—a Fuliru chieftain whose reign spanned the period between 1914 and 1927.[41] This union merged two distinct groups, with Kalunga's lineage recognized to preserve social cohesion, mutual trust, and integration within the Bafuliru. Over time, the Bazige adopted the Kifuliiru language, strengthened by intermarriage and economic exchanges, and ultimately accepted Mukogabwe as their Mwami.[41]
The formal establishment of the Bafuliru Chiefdom came on 18 August 1928, when it was recognized by the colonial authorities.[46][47][48] Kingwengwe Mupe notes that Chief Matakambo, identified as the son of Mahina Mukogabwe, grandson of Nyamugira I—the first Bahamba leader—received his official appointment on 19 March 1933.[36] Later, on 4 March 1940, Nyamugira, another of Mahina's descendants, was also made chief, consolidating Bahamba leadership over the chiefdom.[36] There is some inconsistency in historical accounts, while some sources uphold the claim that the Bahamba clan played an instrumental role in founding the chiefdom, other narratives indicate that they supplanted the Balemera clan to establish their hegemony and royal lineage in the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[36][49] Kingwengwe Mupe argues that the Bahamba clan drove out (and possibly dethroned) the Balemera clan to occupy Uvira Territory. According to Mupe's account, the Balemera clan can be traced back as the indigenous people who first inhabited the region. It is believed that the Bafuliru Chiefdom, which had its stronghold in Lemera, was the very heartland of their ancestral domain.[49][36]
Barundi and Banyarwanda migration to Bafuliiru territories
Driven by internal strife and dynastic rivalries, Barundi left the Kingdom of Burundi in the 19th century and migrated westward. Their journey brought them to the Ruzizi Plain, a region already inhabited by the Fuliiru.[50] After crossing into the Ruzizi Plain, they encountered land claimed by the Fuliiru, who demanded annual tribute in exchange for settlement rights. Oral traditions recount multiple waves of migration. Around 1800, a leader named "Ndorogwe" spearheaded the first exodus in search of pasture lands.[50] While some migrants established themselves near the river, Ndorogwe and his followers continued further south along Lake Tanganyika, reaching Kaboge. After his death, his descendants—most notably Rugendeza and later Kinyoni—continued to recross the Ruzizi River, often motivated by the search for better pasture but also by political rivalries with Burundian rulers such as MwamiNtare II Rutaganzwa.[50]
The Barundi established themselves in Bafuliiru territory under a tribute-based arrangement, offering cattle, salt, and various goods to both Fuliiru chiefs and Burundian monarchs.[50] These tribute obligations frequently sparked tensions, occasionally escalating into violence. Some sources claim that Rugendeza's poisoning may have stemmed from a dispute with Mwami Ntare II Rutaganzwa over unpaid tribute.[50] After Rugendeza's death, leadership fell to his sons Lushimba and Kinyoni. Oral traditions indicate that deaths were often viewed through a lens of witchcraft. Kinyoni, after relinquishing land on the Ruzizi's left bank, aimed to strengthen his lineage's presence in the Bafuliiru valley.[50]
The arrival of European colonial powers in the late nineteenth century intensified the dynamics between Barundi and Fuliiru. Colonial officers, seeking labor and order, often favored the Barundi, who were more accessible in the valleys compared to the Fuliiru who remained in the highlands.[50] This preferential treatment strengthened the Barundi's demographic and political expansion. Colonial records describe Barundi as "readily available for labor and easily taxable", while the Fuliiru were often portrayed unfavorably as rebellious, hot-tempered, and resistant to taxation.[50] This bias facilitated Barundi consolidation in the Ruzizi Plain. At times, colonial administrators resorted to military "occupations" of Bufuliiru to suppress resistance, while simultaneously recognizing Barundi lineages, such as that of Kinyoni, as legitimate chieftainships.[50] Despite frequent tensions, there was no continuous warfare between the Barundi and Bafuliiru. Oral testimonies suggest that before colonial intervention, while disputes over land, tribute, and cattle were common, inter-ethnic relations rarely devolved into full-blown ethnic conflict.[50] The two groups coexisted through trade, intermarriage, and competition over scarce resources. Intermarriage became more widespread, gradually blending the identities of the two groups. A notable example is the Bazige clan, which, despite its Burundian roots, became so integrated into Fuliiru society that many Fuliiru lineages eventually merged with it.[50]
Nevertheless, conflicts remained a recurring theme, particularly in the early 20th century. Cattle-raiding expeditions, led by Fuliiru chiefs such as Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, triggered retaliatory clashes with Barundi groups. Disputes over tribute, land occupation, and the abusive practices of certain chiefs also compelled many Fuliiru to migrate toward Barundi-controlled areas.[50] Notable conflicts included clashes between Barundi and Fuliiru chiefs in 1913 and 1921, as well as intra-Fuliiru clashes between chiefs such as Kabwika and Matakambo. These were not always strictly "ethnic wars" but often intra- and inter-clan disputes in which allegiance shifted according to material interests such as land, cattle, and trade opportunities.[50] By the 1920s and 1930s, the colonial economy began transforming the Ruzizi Plain. The imposition of forced cotton cultivation and the introduction of a cash economy diminished traditional wealth forms like copper bracelets, beads, and hoes, pushing Barundi and Fuliiru to adapt.[50] Many Fuliiru began descending from the Mitumba slopes into the valley in search of opportunities, often clashing with already-established Barundi communities.[50] Colonial officials had mixed views on this migration: while they criticized the Fuliiru's isolation in the mountains, they also feared the impact of their mass movement into the valley, which could destabilize the existing tribute system and undermine Barundi dominance.[50]
The relationship between the Barundi and the Fuliiru evolved in a distinct way compared to the Banyarwanda-Fuliiru dynamic. In Burundi, the traditional Tutsi-Hutu dichotomy had been weakening by the nineteenth century, as many Hutu gained wealth through cattle ownership.[50] Consequently, Barundi migrants couldn't establish a rigid hierarchical system like the one in Rwanda. Instead, their interactions with the Fuliiru were more flexible, based on mutual exchange and intermarriage.[50] Colonial accounts suggested that it became increasingly difficult to distinguish between the two groups, as their customs, political structures, and even clan systems began to merge. However, historical memories of conflict and rivalry continued to shape their oral traditions.[50]
In the years following Congolese independence, tensions between the Fuliiru and Barundi communities flared up again. From 1961 to 1962, violent confrontations took place, remembered as one of the most intense conflicts between the two groups. While the precise causes remain contested, many testimonies suggest that long-standing frustrations played a major role.[50] The Furiiru felt dispossessed of land and economically marginalized, especially during a period of economic recession. Unlike previous disputes, this conflict did not result in widespread loss of life but primarily involved livestock raids.[50] Fuliiru groups from the mountains targeted Barundi herds in the Ruzizi Plain, while Barundi, who settled in the valley, largely refrained from direct retaliation. This suggests that the violence was less about a "tribal war" and more about the social and economic inequalities between mountain-dwelling Fuliiru and valley-dwelling Barundi.[50] The colonial legacy also weighed heavily on the conflict, with Fuliiru oral traditions often recalling that colonial administrators had recognized Barundi Chiefdom within Fuliiru-controlled territory.[50] As independence dawned, demands resurfaced to reverse these arrangements. Many Fuliiru argued that, just as Europeans had returned to their homelands, the Barundi should return to Burundi, crossing back over the Ruzizi River.[50]
The outbreak of the 1964 Kwilu rebellion overshadowed the earlier conflict. In Uvira, widespread discontent with independence and alienation from the central government created fertile ground for rebellion. Politicians sympathetic to Patrice Lumumba's legacy incited opposition, and violence quickly spread.[50] The rebellion indiscriminately targeted government officials and individuals associated with state authority. Ownership of livestock, especially cattle, marked individuals for attack, leading to widespread killings.[50] Both Barundi and Fuliiru, regardless of ethnic background, were forced into flight. A massive exodus across the Ruzizi River ensued, with members of both groups fleeing together toward Burundi.[50] In the aftermath of the rebellion, there was no entrenched bitterness. Instead, efforts at reconciliation emerged. Oral testimonies collected in later decades emphasize a culture of forgiveness and pragmatic coexistence.[50] Villages once divided by the violence of 1964 came to host both groups again. Those who could not be reconciled or felt socially stigmatized often resettled elsewhere or stayed in Burundi.[50] Unlike the memory of the Rwandan Tutsi, who long remembered the role of Fuliiru in the rebellion, the Barundi did not hold lasting resentment toward the Fuliiru. Instead, both groups rebuilt their relations, often through continued intermarriage, trade, and shared agricultural practices.[50]
The conflicts between the Fuliiru and Barundi have often been misunderstood by outsiders, particularly European colonial officials and later scholars. Colonial narratives tended to simplify African conflicts as "tribal wars", overlooking the complexities of tribute systems, land rights, colonial favoritism, and shifting economic conditions.[50] In reality, intra-ethnic conflicts—within the Fuliiru, or within the Barundi themselves—were historically more common than inter-ethnic wars. Testimonies reveal that clashes between chiefs, sub-chiefs, and their followers, often over cattle or land, were far more prevalent than ethnic rivalries. The 1961–1962 and 1964 conflicts, although severe, cannot be understood solely through the lens of tribalism.[50]
During the period of European penetration, the Banyarwanda, now commonly referred to as "Banyamulenge", emerged as a significant group in the region.[51] The term "Banyarwanda" includes Hutus, Tutsis, and Twa people from Rwanda, who share the same common language and cultural heritage. In traditional Rwandan society, a feudal system existed in which Hutus were expected to leave their land available for Tutsis to graze their cows. This arrangement was enforced through a system of clientelism, where Tutsis loaned their cows to Hutus, who in turn were required to lend their land. Wealth was measured by the number of cows one possessed, and the richest Tutsis had the largest herds. At the top of this social hierarchy was the king, known as the "Mwami", who was believed to possess divine powers and symbolized national unity. The king surrounded himself with Tutsi warlords and Hutu advisers who oversaw the distribution of land. Over time, the Tutsis established a system of serfdom that further marginalized the Hutu people. The Belgian colonial administration formalized and solidified this social system, ultimately leading to its being perceived as an ethnic divide between Hutus and Tutsis.[52][53]
During the reign of mwamiKigeli IV Rwabugiri, the Kingdom of Rwanda pursued an aggressive territorial expansion strategy. Rwabugiri's military campaigns, aimed at consolidating control over neighboring regions, placed considerable strain on the kingdom's resources. To support these efforts, Rwabugiri resorted to seizing large herds of cattle.[54] In response, Tutsi populations in the Kinyaga Province fled in an attempt to protect their livestock.[54] These Tutsi populations eventually crossed the Ruzizi River and first settled in the area of Kakamba, located within the current Itara/Luvungigroupement of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom.[55] However, the climate in this region, which was far less conducive to their highland lifestyle and the well-being of their cattle, proved unbearable. Surrounded by mountain ranges and longing for the familiar conditions of their former homeland, the Tutsi gradually migrated toward the slopes, eventually settling in Mulenge.[55] These Tutsi herders were granted grazing land in exchange for an animal tribute to the mwami of the Fuliru. For many years, Mulenge became a quasi-capital for the Banyarwanda, and the term "Banya-Mulenge" came to refer to those who remained in the area.[56] Economic ties included the exchange of staples such as cassava and maize for products like banana beer, milk, or livestock. These transactions often carried a social dimension, as the exchange of gifts was interpreted as an expression of friendship.[57] Attempts by the Tutsi to replicate Rwandan socio-economic institutions such as ubuhake met with limited success. Unlike in Rwanda, where Tutsi elites could exploit Hutu cultivators, Fuliru farmers retained ownership of their land and control of their surplus production.[57] They could choose to sell their crops locally or trade with Banyamulenge in pursuit of cattle, which were highly valued as a means of securing marriage alliances and enhancing social status.[57] By the early 1970s, however, the balance of exchange became increasingly unfavorable for the Fuliru. Whereas thirty baskets of cassava had previously sufficed to obtain a cow, by 1972 the price had risen to fifty-two baskets.[57] This inflation mirrored the destruction of Banyamulenge herds during the 1964 rebellion and wider economic pressures.[57] Fuliru farmers, facing growing scarcity of arable land, found it increasingly difficult to expand cultivation and meet the higher costs of cattle acquisition. Cattle nevertheless remained central to the cultural and economic life of both groups.[57]
For the Banyamulenge, livestock represented wealth, power, and prestige, while their expertise in animal husbandry made them the region's quasi-veterinarians. Many Fuliru entrusted their herds to Tutsi herders, who by custom received milk and occasionally calves from the animals placed under their care.[57] For the Fuliru, cattle were valued primarily as commodities that could provide an escape from subsistence agriculture and a pathway to upward mobility. This divergence in perspective depicts the contrast between the aristocratic ideology of the Tutsi and the mercantile pragmatism of the Fuliru.[57] The destruction of herds during the 1964 rebellion compelled some Tutsi to adopt roles as agricultural laborers for wealthier Fuliru households. Meanwhile, the gradual penetration of capitalist modes of production elevated the importance of cash as a measure of wealth.[57] By this time, cattle ownership, once the ultimate symbol of status, increasingly functioned as a means to acquire cash.[57]
Cultural and social connections with the Vira people
Mwami Lenghe III Rugaza Kabale (father of Mwami Lwegeleza III) in 1987.
Several scholars and local informants suggest that the Fuliiru and Vira are almost indistinguishable in language, culture, and clan structures. Depelchin notes that both groups speak closely related dialects, Kifuliiru and Kivira, which both derive from Kinyindu.[58] The two groups share many clans, with the only significant difference being the chiefly clan, which has contributed to a perception of separation. This overlap has led some to argue that the Vira are not a separate ethnic group, but rather a branch or extension of the Fuliiru.[58] Oral traditions often accentuate this shared identity, suggesting that the differences between the two have been exaggerated in colonial and postcolonial narratives.[58]
Reconstructing the migration and settlement histories of the Fuliiru and Vira is difficult due to conflicting oral testimonies collected during the 1920s and 1930s. Some traditions claim the Vira were the first to arrive, led by Chief Kirungu from Maniema. They settled near Munanira mountain with an army and followers, establishing themselves between Mulenge and the Sange and Sanza rivers.[58] Over time, their descendants came to be known as the Ba-Vira. Other accounts, however, suggest that the Fuliiru were the earlier settlers, with the Vira arriving later under the reign of a chief named Nambako.[58] Colonial administrators, in their pursuit of administrative organization, played a major role in entrenching the separation between the Fuliiru and the Vira by grouping populations along supposed ethnic lines and instituting paramount chiefs to oversee them.[58] This system often exaggerated or fabricated distinctions between groups to simplify governance. For instance, the placement of the Lenge clan within the Vira chiefly hierarchy was more a result of colonial decisions than indigenous consensus.[58] Depelchin argues that the colonizers' efforts to categorize and organize populations helped cement the idea of a separate "Vira" identity, despite linguistic and cultural evidence pointing to a shared heritage with the Fuliiru.[58]
Mwami Lwegeleza III on the occasion of his coronation in 1997.
The establishment of paramount chiefs in Uvira Territory is often seen as more a product of colonial influence than a continuation of pre-colonial traditions. Informants frequently claimed that paramount chieftainship had existed for a long time, but this assertion was likely driven by a desire to protect the authority of current rulers rather than reflecting historical reality.[58] Colonial authorities sometimes appointed chiefs who served their interests, and in the case of the Vira, disputes over the legitimacy of certain leaders arose, with rival factions accusing each other of fraudulent practices or colonial favoritism.[58] These political struggles were also complicated by pre-existing clan rivalries. Depelchin also suggests that the term "Vira" itself may be a later invention. Swahili-Arab traders used this name for the people living near Uvira, possibly derived from the word kivira, meaning "palm tree", indicating that the Vira identity was, at least partially, shaped by external designations tied to geography rather than by an internally distinct sense of peoplehood.[58]
The bond between the Fuliiru and Vira, despite their close linguistic and cultural ties, was characterized by significant internal strife. The Lenge clan's rise to prominence within the Vira, supported in part by their geographical location near Uvira and by their interactions with foreign traders and explorers, was challenged from within their own ranks and by the Bahamba.[58] Disputes over leadership and precedence reinforced a perception of separation between the two groups.[58]
The marginalization of Fuliiru communities
Since the 1960s, the cohabitation between the Banyarwanda and their Congolese neighbors has been plagued by problems, resulting in serious social tensions and violence. The escalation of these tensions and violence has led to lethal conflict of a social, cultural, economic, and security nature. Human rights organizations estimate that as of May 1996, the total number of deaths from the conflict stands around 70,000.[59]
The tension within Bafuliru communities originates from the circumstance where Rwandan refugees, placed by the Belgian colonial administration and the United Nations in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, failed to uphold their designated status upon their arrival. Instead, they profess to be a newly established ethnic group known as "Banyamulenge" (literally 'those who live in Mulenge') through an entirely fabricated ethnogenesis. This emerging identity allowed them to lay claim to land and resources in the area, setting off conflicts with Fuliru, who consider Mulenge as their ancestral homeland.[60] Following the nation's independence, the Banyarwanda, both Tutsi and Hutu, striven to establish recognition of their rights as "indigenous", vouching they possessed two "chefferies" (traditional chiefdoms) unrecognized by other ethnic groups. The Tutsi contended that their migration to the Congo Basin coincided with that of their Fuliru, Vira, Bembe, and Lega counterparts, antedating the establishment of the Congo Free State, and consequently, should be entitled to equivalent ethnic rights as other communities.[61] In 1976, Faustin Tabazi Rugama, a Munyamulenge writer, attempted to legitimize the notion of a tribe called "Banyamulenge" that presumably held sway in Mulenge prior to the Berlin Conference. This "historical and scientific" apologia was unlikely intended to equate the "Banyamulenge" pseudo-tribe with the indigenous Congolese ethnic groups. Under the pressure of Gisaro Muhoza, a Rwandan university administrator and revered as the creator of the term "Banyamulenge", Rugama used the term in his thesis.[62] According to René Lemarchand, Banyamulenge constitute a "Rwandan-origin" community that established themselves in the Kivu region and were not known by this name during the colonial period. Using "Banyamulenge" as an ethnic identify, they campaigned for Congolese citizenship along with land possessed by indigenous Fuliru populace.[63][60]
In the early stages of the First and Second Congo Wars, a large contingent of Banyamulenge traversed into Bafuliru communities to provide support to the Tutsi members of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDLC). This influx of Banyamulenge played a pivotal role in enabling the AFDLC to seize control of the region from local chiefs and civilians who were uprooted from their ancestral lands against their will. The conflict was marked by brutal violence against the civilian population. On 6 October 1996, Banyamulenge rebels launched an assault on Lemera, a town situated in the north-western region of the Uvira Territory in South Kivu Province, resulting in the loss of several dozen lives. A total of 37 individuals, including two medical personnel, lost their lives in a hospital massacre. The armed assailants also pillaged the Lemera Hospital, the largest hospital in the region, located approximately 85 kilometers north of Uvira.[64][65][66]
In October 1998, a large number of people were brutally killed and displaced in Uvira, including the former Mulenge post chief, Ladislas Matalambu, who met his demise on 1 October 1998, at 7:30p.m. Additionally, Alexis Deyidedi, the former administrative secretary of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, was assassinated on 2 October 1998, at 11 p.m. The AFDL troops forced many Bafuliru, Babembe, Warega, and Bavira individuals to flee and take refuge in neighboring countries such as Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, and Mozambique. The displacement caused a ripple effect of the humanitarian crisis, with many facing severe challenges, including inadequate food and water supplies, inadequate medical facilities, and substandard living conditions.[67][68][69]
On 14 May 2000, the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD), a rebel group comprising mainly Banyamulenge child soldiers, perpetrated a massacre in the village of Katogota. The victims, numbering 375 in total, were primarily from the Bafuliru community and were brutally murdered in cold blood. Some were mercilessly gunned down, while others suffered the grisly fate of having their throats slashed, and their bodies were thrown into the Ruzizi River to dispose of the evidence. The rebels also set fire to their homes, leaving many others to burn to death. The horrors of the Katogota massacre caused many to flee their homes, including up to 3,500 Congolese, mainly from the Bafuliru and Babembe communities, who sought refuge in Burundi on 10 June 2004, to escape ongoing ethnic persecution.[70][71][72][73]
Ongoing violence
The ongoing violence in the Bafuliru communities has been exacerbated by political instability, resource scarcity, and deep-seated mistrust between the various groups. The situation is further complicated by the involvement of different armed groups, including militias and rebel factions, who compete for control over the region's resources and strategic locations. The proliferation of weapons and the absence of effective governance has allowed these groups to act with impunity, perpetrating horrific acts of violence against civilians and engaging in illicit activities, including the illegal exploitation of mineral resources. The impact of the conflict on the local population has been devastating, with many families displaced from their homes, and their livelihoods destroyed. The absence of adequate humanitarian assistance has only exacerbated the already dire situation, with many facing severe challenges, including food and water insecurity, inadequate medical care, and substandard living conditions.[74][75][76][77]
In June 2014, 35 Fuliru were killed in an attack on the town of Mutarule. The attack was believed to be ethnically motivated. The massacres were carried out mainly by Barundi and Banyamulenge rebel groups in a determined, planned, systematic and methodical manner, and were inspired by ethnic hatred.[78][79] In January 2019, Twirwaneho and Gumino, a Banyamulenge rebel groups, reportedly torched homes and property belonging to the Bafuliru in the village of Babengwa.[80] Between February 2019 and 2020, a large number of Bafuliru were killed and displaced, leading them to the Bijombo camp in Bavira Chiefdom of Uvira Territory. Despite efforts to prioritize and act on serious cases in the immediate aftermath of the ethnic violence, there have been few prosecutions and fewer convictions, as well as a near total lack of investigations of those who organized and financed the violence.[81][82]
One notable dialect of Kifuliru is Kivuluga, a fusion of Shi and Kifuliru, which is predominantly spoken in the Itara-Luvungi groupement. This dialect emerged due to the region's close linguistic proximity of Shi and Kifuliru speakers.[8]
Economy
Fuliru herdsman in the Mitamba market of Bijombo in the High Plateau, South Kivu Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo
The Bafuliru economy relies heavily on agriculture, with their lands in South Kivu Province among the most densely cultivated in the country.[85][24][86] More than 90% of the population makes their livelihood by producing food crops or through industrial work involving the processing of crops.[24] Principal food crops include cassava, corn, rice, plantains, and, to a lesser extent, bananas, beans, and peanuts.[24]
Manioc and banana
According to Bafuliru folklore, cassava originated from Lwindi Chiefdom and was introduced by them during their migration.[24] Today, cassava remains a vital food source for the Bafuliru, particularly for those inhabiting the Ruzizi Plain and the entire Bafuliru Chiefdom. Having a cassava field is regarded as a treasure trove and is highly valued by the community.[24] Besides its roots, cassava leaves are also consumable, and its stems are used for lumber. Cassava's significance goes beyond its dietary value and practical uses.[24] It has a significant role in the community's governance, serving as a source of tax revenue. Eighty percent of all taxes collected come from cassava alone.[24] This tax collection method enables tax collectors to fill the state treasury at both community and zone levels, which, in turn, supports the local markets of the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[24]
The banana plant is an adaptable crop that thrives in nearly every region of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. It has a significant role in the chiefdom's customs and traditions, particularly during marriage ceremonies.[24] In Fuliru mythology, it is believed that one cannot engage in any strenuous activities without a banana.[24] Specifically, during a wedding ceremony or after mourning, an individual intending to marry must present a jar of fermented banana and sorghum beverage, referred to as "I mbindi ya mavu yo kudeterakwo" in Kifuliru, meaning "the jar of alcohol that allows you to speak". This jar of banana alcohol must be offered to the attendees; otherwise, the speaker is unable to convey a meaningful message.[24] The beverage is also called Kasigisi.[24][87][88][89][90]
The banana tree is also ritually associated with childbirth; the umbilical cord is sometimes buried near banana fields, followed by a ceremonial gathering two months later where family and friends pour Kasigisi over the burial mound in a festive ritual.[24][91]
Rice, bean, and corn
Rice cultivation in the Ruzizi Plain, Uvira Territory
Rice grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom belongs to the genusOryza and Ozyresatira species. Its various types include IR5, L9, and IRON 282. It is primarily an income generator rather than a food source at the CEP Kabwe, Kaliri, and at the Community Development Center (Cenre Developpement Communautaire; CDC) base in Kiringye.[24][92][93][94]
Beans are grown predominantly in the central part of Lemera, covering areas from Rubanga to Mulenge.[95][96] They are marketed in Bukavu and Uvira, with a large portion exported to nearby countries like Burundi and Rwanda.[24][97] While beans, alongside rice, are exported, they usually fetch lower prices due to the local population's modest consumption of these foods as dietary staples.[24] Traditionally, a bean dish is served with cassava mbundu.[5][24]Corn is heavily cultivated in the Ruzizi Plain—especially in the Itara-Luvungi groupement—and the Hauts Plateaux, where it serves as the main dietary staple.[24][98][99][100] Most Bafuliru in the Hauts Plateaux consume corn, though not all prefer it.[24]
A Fuliiru mother carrying a load on her back
Peanut and coffee
Peanuts are mainly grown in Luvungi and Lubarika, though they are also present in Lemera and Rubanga.[24] Peanuts are a local treat and are also exported to nearby countries like Rwanda and Burundi.[24] Some are sold in Bukavu.[24] Two types of coffee are grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom: Coffea arabica and Coffea canephora. Among them, arabica is the most widespread. Exporting coffee to Burundi is a common practice.[24]
Livestock and social structure
In addition to agriculture, the Fuliru are known for their cattle-based economy, which distinguishes them from many other Bantu highland groups.[101]Livestock rearing—including cows, goats, and sheep—is practiced especially by wealthier households and serves multiple roles: providing milk, meat, prestige, and fulfilling social obligations such as bride price or ceremonial offerings.[101] Veterinary practices and animal husbandry techniques are employed as part of climate adaptation strategies.[101] Livelihood strategies are heavily influenced by household wealth, with asset ownership (e.g., land size, livestock, solar panels, radios, and mobile phones) determining whether a household is classified as poor, average, or wealthy.[101] Poorer families typically cultivate plots smaller than 0.5 hectares and possess few assets, while wealthier households may own over 1 hectare of land and multiple forms of property.[101]
Additionally, hunting and fishing are practiced using traditional methods. Fuliru hunters employ spears, machetes, dogs, and traps, while fishing is done with nets, hooks, water diversion techniques, and the use of plant-based poisons.[102]
Bafuliru music is characterized by a variety of traditional instruments such as the ngoma (drum), xylophone, and flute, which are used to create complex rhythms and melodies. The melodic strains of traditional instrument permeate the air, accompanied by the hypnotic rhythm of indigenous dance, which envelops the senses with its entrancing cadence.[103] The ngoma, in particular, is an essential instrument in Bafuliru music, and it is often played during various social and religious events. Bafuliru music also incorporates a form of call-and-response singing, where one group of singers will lead with a phrase, and another group will respond with a harmonized phrase. This technique creates a rich and layered sound that is both engaging and captivating. Bafuliru also have songs that praise their leaders and ancestors, and these are often performed during political rallies and other communal events.[104]
Wedding songs are central to the Fuliru oral tradition. Serving both an educational and entertainment function, these songs convey cultural wisdom, teaching politeness, respect, and environmental awareness to the young couple and the wider community.[105][106] Before the introduction of literacy in the 20th century, these songs were memorized and performed orally.[105] Through the medium of song, Bafuliru wedding traditions offer insight into their worldview and everyday life.[105][106]
Religion
Traditional beliefs
Before the advent of Christianity, Bafuliru adhered to a traditional belief system centered around the worship of a supreme deity known as Rurema, Nakalema or Nakalemeka, whom they regarded as the creator of all things in both the terrestrial and celestial realms.[107][24][108] Rurema was perceived as an invisible and transcendent force beyond human reach.[24]Intermediaries played a crucial role in connecting the people to this deity. Among the most significant spiritual leaders representing Rurema were Mushabo, Budisi, and Mugajalugulu, to whom the Bafuliru turned in matters that seemed beyond their control.[24]
Catholicism
Catholicism made its initial inroads into Bafuliru Chiefdom with the construction of the first chapel in Luvungi in 1933, overseen by the parish of Nyangezi in the neighboring Walungu Territory.[24] However, the growth of the Catholic Church in the region took a notable turn in 1974, when the influence of the Banyamulenge community shaped its direction.[24] This influence saw the diaconate of Bibangwa becoming a focal point for anti-Fuliru activities orchestrated by the Banyamulenge.[24] It contributed to the arming of Tutsi groups in the Hauts Plateaux.[24] As a result, the Church was perceived by some as complicit in fostering divisions and hatred between the Bafuliru and the populations of the Hauts Plateaux.[24]
The Bafuliru were introduced to Protestantism through Swedish missionaries David and Svea Flood, who arrived in the Itara-Luvungi groupement in 1921.[109][110][24] Their mission encountered resistance from Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, who was initially hesitant about foreign religious influences that could threaten traditional beliefs.[110] Despite these challenges, the Floods managed to convert a local boy, a milestone that would eventually lead to the broader acceptance of Christianity within the Bafuliru community.[110] The chief himself later embraced the faith, and through the work of the Floods and their successors, Protestantism gained a strong foothold in the region.[110] By the mid-1920s, following a formal agreement between Uvira's territorial authorities and Protestant missionaries, Protestant churches began to proliferate, with congregations established in key locations such as Lemera, Ndolera, Luvungi, and Kigoma groupement.[24]
Attire
In the past, Fuliru wore skirts of cloth made from tree bark, and cloaks made of animal hides. These have long been replaced by Western-style clothing. However, handmade beaded necklaces and bracelets are still worn. The woven fabrics, adorned with intricate patterns of vivid hues have honed their craft over generations.
Architecture and art
Traditional Fuliru dwellings are circular, beehive-shaped huts constructed from wood, reeds, and straw, often enclosed by tall hedges.[111][5] Homes include a central living area (Bululi) and sleeping quarters (Kisika).[5] Ethnographic accounts from Frédéric Hautmann describe Fuliru settlements as closely integrated with their environment, using local materials like clay, banana fibers, and stones in both domestic construction and ritual practices.[91] Spiritual customs such as placing stones at high-altitude passes while calling for spiritual assistance ("Kilima mbua, aide-moi") reflect the sacred dimensions of the landscape.[91]
The Fuliru are also skilled artisans and blacksmiths. They traditionally extracted iron from stone (known locally as matare) to manufacture tools such as hoes, machetes, spears, razors, and knives.[102] Historian Jacques Depelchin remarked that the Fuliru gained a reputation for their ironworking prowess, supported by the abundant iron ore found in the Mitumba Mountains, which was essential to their technological and economic growth.[112] In addition to metalwork, woodworking is another prominent craft, producing canoes, plates, mortars, and pestles.[102] Clay is used to make a variety of utensils, including jugs and storage containers.[102] One distinctive practice involves the burial of the placenta in a shallow grave near the home, sealed in a ritual clay pot with holes that, according to local belief, allow the "spirit of the placenta" to remain connected to the outside world.[91]
Funeral rites and social succession
When a Fuliru person died, mourning lasted for five days. If the deceased had given birth to twins, the mourning lasted six days. During the mourning ceremony, the family members of the deceased are shaved.[102] The eldest son is enthroned in the place of the deceased by being handed a spear, a symbol of power that signified that all other family members owed him allegiance.[102] At the same time, the younger brother of the deceased is also enthroned as the guardian of the king (mwami) by being given a machete, symbolizing that he would work for the newly enthroned son.[102] If the deceased had only daughters, no enthronement took place. Instead, a guardian is appointed to watch over the deceased's family.[102]
During this mourning period, no family member is allowed to bathe, and if married, they had to stay away from their spouse, as it is considered a taboo.[102]
1 2 3 Journal of Religion in Africa: Religion en Afrique, Volume 31 (in English and French). Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan. 2001. pp.146–148.
1 2 3 De Saint Moulin, L. (1975). "Récents mouvements de population dans la zone densément peuplée de l'Est-Kivu" (in French). In Etudes d'Histoires Africaines, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Mutambo, Joseph (March 1997). Les Banyamulenge: qui sont-ils?, d'où viennent-ils?, quel rôle ont-ils joué (et pourquoi) dans le processus de la libération du Zaïre? (in French). Limete/Kinshasa.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Mutambo, Joseph (1997). Les Banyamulenge: qui sont-ils?, d'où viennent-ils?, quel rôle ont-ils joué (et pourquoi) dans le processus de la libération du Zaïre? (in French). Limete/Kinshasa. p.6.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Rukakiza, Bosco Muchukiwa; Saleh, Emmanuel Simbi (2019). "Education à la paix dans la Bible et chez les Bafuliiru"[Peace education in the Bible and among the Bafuliiru](PDF). Isdrbukavu.ac.cd (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur de Développement Rural de Bukavu (ISDR-Bukavu). p.4. Retrieved 28 June 2025.
↑ Njangamwita Kibego, Nabuvira (2013). Livre d'Or des Bavira: Au centre de la gloire passée de l'Empire Baluba (in French). Ottawa.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Congo Democratic Republic Foreign Policy and Government Guide, Vol 1: Strategic Information and Developments (2007). Washington: International Business Publications: p. 99.
1 2 3 4 5 Mupe, Kingwengwe (1982). Immigration et intégration des Barundi et des Banyarwanda dans les communautés Bafuliro et Bavira (1850–1980). Bukavu, Zaire. pp.8–10.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Rukakiza, Bosco Muchukiwa (2006). Territoires ethniques et territoires étatiques: pouvoirs locaux et conflits interethniques au Sud-Kivu (R.D. Congo) (in French). Paris, France: Éditions L'Harmattan. p.11. ISBN9782747598576.
↑ Rapport de la collectivité des Bafuliiru (in French). Lemera, Uvira Territory, South Kivu Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Archives de la Division Provinciale de L’administration du Territoire. 4 October 1986.
↑ Kamba, Katchelewa S. "La question de la nationalité à l'est du Zaïre"[The question of nationality in eastern Zaire](PDF). Congoforum.be (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. pp.3–16. Retrieved 9 November 2024.
↑ Chiffres rapportés par le journal Zaïrois (in French). le Soft, quoted by Poutier, 1996. May 6, 1996.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link) CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Kisangani, Emizet F.; Bobb, Scott F. (2010). Historical Dictionary of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. p.42. ISBN9780810863255.
↑ Daniel P. Biebuyck, Lega Culture: Art, Initiation, and Moral Philosophy Among a Central African People. University of California Press: 1973, p. 20 and p. 183.
↑ Stuart Olson, James (1996). The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. Greenwood, Indiana, United States. p.183.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑ Byamungu, Josué Asifiwe (2017). "Conception, etiologie et therapie des maladies mentales chez les Bafuliiru"[Conception, etiology and therapy of mental illnesses among the Bafuliiru] (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Université Simon Kimbangu de Bukavu (USK-Bukavu). Retrieved 15 January 2025.
↑ Jouannet, Francis (1984). Phonologie du kifuliru: langue bantoue du groupe J (in French). Paris, France: Société d'études linguistiques et anthropologiques de France. pp.13–14.
↑ Hamoniaux, Roger (1968). Le Déclin des idoles (in French). Paris, France: Éditions France-Empire. pp.47–63.
↑ Bulletin des séances, Volume 5 (in French). Brussels, Belgium: Académie Royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer. 1934. p.670.
↑ Mubengwa, Fikiri (11 October 2017). "General Introduction". Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Bukavu. Retrieved 5 June 2023.
1 2 Mubengwa, Fikiri (11 October 2017). "Chapter Two: Data Analysis". Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Bukavu. Retrieved 5 June 2023.
↑ Muchukiwa, Bosco (2016). "Education à la paix dans la bible et chez les Bafuliiru"[Peace education in the Bible and among the Bafuliiru](PDF) (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur de Développement Rural de Bukavu (ISDR). pp.1–8. Retrieved 2023-12-30.
↑ La Civilisation ancienne des peuples des Grands Lacs: Colloque de Bujumbura, 4-10 septembre 1979 (Collection Histoire africaine) (in French). Editor: Centre de Civilisation Burundaise. Paris, France: Éditions Karthala. 1981. p.72.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
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