According to a 2009 census, their population was estimated at over 250,000,[2] while a 1999 estimate of Kifuliru-language speakers placed the number at 300,000.[4] The Fuliru speak the Fuliru language, a branch of the Bantu subgroup within the Niger-Congo family, closely related to Vira, Shi, Havu, Tembo, and Nyindu.[8] Occupationally, Fuliru primarily work in agriculture and herding, with a notable reputation in pottery and basket-weaving. Their handcrafted baskets are used for storage, decoration, and even as musical instruments.[9]
According to Historian Jacques Depelchin, the Fuliiru and Vira earned reputations as skilled ironworkers, and the ethnonym Fuliiru likely derives from these abilities.[16] The verb ku-fula means "to forge" or "to beat iron", and from this comes the noun Fuliiru, meaning "blacksmiths" or "ironworkers".[16]
At the onset of Belgian colonization, the establishment of chieftaincies was the primary method of governance. These chieftaincies were established with due respect to the customs and traditions of each area, particularly based on three principal criteria defined and established by the Belgian colonial administration as essential conditions for the establishment of any chieftaincy. This was done to prevent lawlessness and to avoid violating the ancestral realities that had existed for millennia. Belgian colonial administration's criteria for establishing chieftaincies varied based on the region and the ethnic group in question. The establishment of chieftaincies was often accompanied by the appointment of a local chief (chefs de groupement) or a traditional ruler who was then tasked with maintaining law and order in the area, as well as ensuring the well-being of the local population.[17][18][19][20] However, in multi-ethnic areas, the imposition of a single chief often created friction, as colonial authorities were forced to decide which ethnic group would hold authority. This sometimes led to tensions or even violent conflict. Moreover, colonial structures frequently reshaped identities; individuals could assume new ethnic affiliations depending on the chiefdom under which they resided. For instance, members of the Fuliiru community living within the Bavira Chiefdom might, over generations, come to identify as Vira. Similar dynamics unfolded in surrounding chiefdoms such as Burhinyi, Luwindja, Luindi, and Kaziba.[17][18][19][20] Each ethnic group, however small, was assigned a chiefdom or a sector, if not, a grouping (groupement). The administrative territories were thus constituted within the limits of the chiefdom. The aim was to regroup "ethnic units" in their own geographical entities. This approach by the Belgian colonial administration was based on the principle of indirect rule, which aimed to maintain control over the local population through traditional rulers. This system was viewed as a means of preserving the existing social and political structures of the colonized societies while ensuring their loyalty to the colonial authorities.[17][18][19][20]
The Bembe and Buyu were both grouped in the Fizi Territory, which was further subdivided into five sectors, including Itombwe, Lulenge, Mutambala, Ndandja, and Tanganyika. Conversely, the Bafuliru Chiefdom borders Rwanda and Burundi through the Ruzizi Plain in the Uvira Territory. The sandy soil of the plain is suitable for growing crops such as groundnuts and cotton, with Luvungi, Lubarika, and Luberizi being particularly noteworthy areas for such cultivation. The Fuliru collectivity is situated in two distinct types of plateaus: the Middle Plateau and the High Plateau. The Middle Plateau spans between Luvungi and Mulenge, with the altitude gradually increasing from 100 m to 1800 meters. This plateau comprises several groupements and villages, including Namutiri, Ndolera, Bulaga, Langala, Bushokw, Bushuju, Butole, Lemera, Bwesho, Katala, Mulenge, and others. It is also a favorable environment for growing cassava, coffee, banana, beans and maize. The High Plateau, on the other hand, form a watershed between the tributaries of the Ulindi and the Elila rivers, as well as the torrents that flow into the Ruzizi River and Lake Tanganyika. The High Plateaus are characterized by a rugged landscape with steep slopes and elevations ranging from 1800 to 2700 meters. The main villages located on the High Plateaus include Kagongo, Kishusha, Mulobela, and Kashekezi. These villages are known for their cool climate and are suitable for the cultivation of crops such as Irish potatoes and beans. This plateau is mostly used for grazing cattle and is less populated compared to the Middle Plateau.[21][22]
Bafuliiru groupements (groupings)
Bafuliiru Chiefdom is an officially recognized Decentralized Territorial Entity (Entité Territoriale Décentralisée, ETD) under the DRC's Constitution, adopted on 18 February 2006. The chiefdom operates under a dual system of governance that integrates traditional authority with decentralized administrative structures.[23] At the head of the chiefdom is the Mwami (customary chief), who holds customary and statutory powers. The Mwami is appointed according to local traditions and is supported by three Chief Aldermen (Notables), who assist in administrative responsibilities. Administratively, the chiefdom is divided into five groupements: Runingu, Itara-Luvungi, Lemera, Muhungu, and Kigoma. Each groupement is governed by a chef de groupement, appointed by the Mwami, and further subdivided into localités (villages), each headed by a chef de localité or chef de village, who serves as the local representative of the groupement chief.[24][25][26]
The Muhungu groupement consists of the following villages:
Traditionally, Bafuliiru governance was centered around the Bwami system, a traditional institution that positioned the Mwami as the political and spiritual leader. Although his authority was regarded as nearly absolute, the Mwami relied on an organized royal court made up of various dignitaries and functionaries with specific roles.[24][25][26] The Mugoli, or Nakima, was the Mwami's wife at the time of his coronation and held a ceremonial position. The Banjonga served as guardians of Bafuliiru customs and were responsible for crucial ceremonial duties such as overseeing the enthronement of the Mwami, announcing his death, and conducting his burial.[24][25][26] They also held the responsibility of determining the next Mwami, with the most senior among them referred to as the Kabaka. The Bagigi served as the Mwami's inner circle of advisers, selected for their wisdom, loyalty, and discretion. The Balalizi had a military function, ensuring the safety of the Mwami and controlling access to the royal court, especially when receiving foreign guests.[24][25][26] The Baganda, known for their obedience and reliability, were charged with carrying out the Mwami's directives and were often sent on important missions. Legal matters were handled by the Batwi b'emaja, who acted as customary judges within the chiefdom.[24][25][26]
To be considered Mufuliru one must be born into one of the thirty-seven progenitor families (clans) of the ethnic group. The Fuliru people are made up of about 37 clans:[27]
Badaka
Balabwe
Bahatu
Bahamba: The Bahamba clan are one of the significant clans within the chiefdom and played a key role in its political and social history. The Bahambas are well known for their lineage from the royal family and have held leadership positions over the Batumba clan at some point in history. Many clan members hold authoritative positions in local government and community organizations. While they had a historical relation to the royal court, they also had an occupancy in agriculture, trade, and other economic activities.
Bahange
Bahembwe
Bahofwa
Bahundja
Bahungu
Bazige: The Bazige clan are believed to be descendants of Hutus from Burundi who were assimilated through exogamy.
Baiga
Bajojo
Bakame
Bakukulugu
Bakuvi
Balambo: According to Historian Jacques Depelchin, the Balambo trace their origins to the Banandola and are credited with bringing cattle into Fuliiru society. Their ancestor, Ndandola, is said to have migrated from a hill in Bukunzi, crossing the Ruzizi River with a large following of people and cattle.[28] His journey took him to Nyangezi and later Kaziba, where he met MwamiNgweshe. Refusing to remain there, he moved to Luhwindja and established himself as chief. This provoked opposition from Ngweshe, Kaziba, and Muganga, who sought to eliminate him, but Ndandola succeeded in defeating them.[28] From Luhwindja, his descendants expanded further, with two men, Nyabuvuma and Mulambo, moving toward Lwindi.[28]
Balemera: Often regarded as "pre-historical" rather than historical actors, the Balemera clan is sometimes excluded from local memory as legitimate inhabitants.[29] Oral traditions vary: some portray them as mythical, while others acknowledge them as displaced earlier occupants. A Fuliiru clan myth describes Kahamba Kalingishi, founder of the Bahamba lineage, as "the one who stole the land", suggesting that he seized territory from the Balemera.[29]
Balizi: The Balizi clan are believed to have migrated to the area from present-day Bunyoro in Uganda several centuries ago. They are primarily farmers.
Bamioni
Banakatanda: The Banakatanda clan is a matriarchal clan, with women traditionally holding positions of power and influence within the clan. Depelchin noted that the clan handles the funeral preparations for a deceased mwami. The process includes preparing the body, wrapping it in cowhide, and laying it on a wooden frame elevated above a fire.[30] But these clan representatives hold responsibilities beyond burial rites. Known as banjoga in Kifuliiru and baluvi in Kivira, these individuals are also charged with identifying and initiating the successor to the deceased mwami.[30] Their role in choosing and consecrating the new leader gives them considerable influence over the mwamiship (the institution or office of the mwami), though not over the mwami himself once installed.[30] Notably, the clans from which these banjoga and baluvi are selected are believed to be the first settlers in the region, which may lend them historical legitimacy and ritual authority in the succession process.[30]
Banakyoyo
Banamubamba
Banamuganga
Basamba
Bashagakibone
Bashimbi
Bashamwa
Bashashu
Basizi: The Basizi clan are believed to be a subgroup of the Bahavu ethnic group
Basozo: The Basozo clan originally came from Bugarama in Rwanda and intermarried with the wider Fuliru population to the point where their distinct identity was practically extinguished.
Bashago
Batere
Batoké
Batumba: The Batumba clan is a prominent royal lineage clan among the Bavira and Bafuliru. Mutumba was the traditional ruler of Batumba.
The Fuliru have a unique history as one of the only highland Bantu groups to have formed a single, relatively small state that was highly centralized.[31][6] The precise origins of Bafuliiru remain a subject of scholarly debate as they do not possess fixed canonical texts recounting their origins. While myths of origin exist, they have not been transmitted in a standardized literary form.[32] Compared with other Fuliiru genres of oral tradition such as ifumo or migani, origin stories generated less creative elaboration but continue to attract sustained scholarly attention as logical points of entry into Fuliiru history.[32] Accounts of origins were often vague or inconsistent. When researchers discovered that oral traditions prioritized other categories of recollection, systematic efforts to collect origin myths diminished.[32] According to Congolese researcher Shimbi Kamba Katchelewa of the University of Montreal, as cited in Charles Katembo Kakozi's 2005 study Facteurs socio-politiques explicatifs des conflits dans la région des Grands Lacs Africains: Étude du cas d'Uvira en RDC à partir d'informateurs vivant à l'étranger, early Bafuliiru groups originating from Lwindi (now Lwindi Chiefdom) settled in areas such as Mulenge, Luvungi, and Lemera between the 10th and 14th centuries,[33] migrations that historian Jacques Depelchin attributes to warfare and that later formed the basis of the "Hamba Kingdom" under paramount chieftaincy of the Bahamba clan.[34][35]
Oral tradition situates the cradle of Bafuliiru migration in the central basin of the Lwalaba River, specifically at the mouth of the Ulindi River. This point of origin is believed to mark the initial stage of their dispersal into the highlands.[36] Belgian colonial administrator René Loons identified mwami Kahamba Kalingishi as the founder of the modern Bafuliiru Chiefdom and suggested that he arrived in the region during the 16th century.[37] However, other scholars, including historians Kingwengwe Mupe and Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza, date the Bafuliiru migration from Lwindi to the 17th century.[38][39][36] Belgian colonial administrator Alfred Moeller de Laddersous, who conducted extensive studies of the Bantu ethnic groups in the eastern Belgian Congo, was among the first to document the Bafuliiru's presence in the Ruzizi Plain from the 17th century onwards.[40] However, Depelchin challenged Moeller's concept of "migration" and suggests that the term "expansion" might better describe the Bafuliiru's movement, as their contact with the original homeland persisted well into the 19th century.[41] Depelchin also pointed out that the valley in which the Bafuliiru settled was intermittently used for hunting, and that the region's climate was less favorable for settlement compared to the mountainous areas that the Bafuliiru and Vira preferred.[41]
Historical sources
The Bahamba clan, according to Moeller, migrated from the direction of Lwindi under the leadership of Chief Kikanwe, ultimately settling in what is now their present-day territory, which was uninhabited at the time.[40] Moeller identifies the Bahamba as some of the earliest settlers in the region, settling in an area referred to as "Bufulero". Over time, the Bahamba changed their eponym from Bahamba (or Wahamba) to Bafuliru.[40] Depelchin traces the clan's origins to Mwami Kahamba Kalingishi, who is believed to have ruled from 1760 until his death in 1790, after which Chief Kikanwe took over, ruling from 1790 to 1820.[42]
Alternative accounts suggest that the Fuliru and Vira migrated from the northeast, crossing Lwindi and settling in the region.[43][44] According to the scholar Cuypers, this migration could have included a prolonged detour through Maniema rather than a direct movement.[45] Led by an ancestral figure named Nalwindi, the group split into two: the Bafuliru, under Kahamba Kalingishi, settled around the highlands of Lemera, while the Vira, led by Kirungu, established themselves on Munanira's peak, eventually spreading to the valley lowlands and the present-day Uvira Territory.[43][44] Depelchin also observes that both "Buvira" (today's Bavira Chiefdom) and "Bufuliro" (Bafuliru Chiefdom) had multiple bami.[46] He states that this part of the country has never had one paramount chief, as the Bafuliru retained their own independent paramount chief.[46] By 1907, colonial surveys delineated the Bafuliru's ethnic boundaries, which stretched along Lake Tanganyika and the Ruzizi Plain from Moira to the Luvivi River, and encompassed regions that sometimes overlapped with Bavira lands.[43]
Bosco Muchukiwa Rukakiza points out that Chief Luhama, a central figure in Bahamba dynasty, consolidated power by dividing his domain among his three sons to foster stability and manage local demands for autonomy.[47] Luhama's strategic division granted his eldest son, Nyamugira, to control the land from Moira to the Munyovwe River; his second son, Mutahonga, received areas from the Munyovwe to the Kise River and the eastern slopes of the Ruzizi Valley; and his third son, Lusagara, managed the mountainous regions.[43] Such an arrangement that maintained centralized control through family ties and ensured the transfer of power from father to eldest son. Eventually, some members of the Bafuliru's Balunga clan joined the Bavira and formed a distinct group that did not adopt the Bafuliru's original leadership structures, while other prominent clans, such as the Bazige (also known as Bazeke or Bahungu), who received land from Chief Muluta through their leader Ngabwe, were assimilated.[43] Oral history suggests the Bazige had an autonomous chiefdom in the present-day Muhungu groupement, which they governed under Kalunga, son of Mukobesi, before being conquered and subjugated by Mahina Mukogabwe (also known as Nyamugira Mukogabwe II), a Fuliru chieftain whose reign spanned the period between 1914 and 1927.[43] This union merged two distinct groups, with Kalunga's lineage recognized to preserve communal bond, mutual trust, and integration within the Bafuliru, as the Bazige gradually adopted the Kifuliiru language, reinforced by intermarriage and economic exchanges, and ultimately accepted Mukogabwe as their mwami.[43]
The formal establishment of the Bafuliru Chiefdom came on 18 August 1928, when it was recognized by the colonial authorities.[48][49][50] Kingwengwe Mupe notes that Chief Matakambo, identified as the son of Mahina Mukogabwe, grandson of Nyamugira I, received his official appointment on 19 March 1933.[38] Later, on 4 March 1940, Nyamugira, another of Mahina's descendants, was also made chief.[38] There is some inconsistency in historical accounts, while some sources uphold the claim that the Bahamba clan played an instrumental role in founding the chiefdom, other narratives indicate that they supplanted the Balemera clan to establish their hegemony and royal lineage in the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[38][51] Kingwengwe Mupe argues that the Bahamba clan drove out (and possibly dethroned) the Balemera clan to occupy Uvira Territory. According to Mupe's account, the Balemera clan can be traced back as the indigenous people who first inhabited the region. It is believed that the Bafuliru Chiefdom, which had its stronghold in Lemera, was the very heartland of their ancestral domain.[51][38]
Driven by internal strife and dynastic rivalries, HutuBarundi left the Kingdom of Burundi in the 19th century and migrated westward. Their journey brought them to the Ruzizi Plain.[52] After crossing into the plain, they encountered land claimed by the Fuliiru, who demanded annual tribute in exchange for settlement rights. Oral traditions recount multiple waves of migration. Around 1800, a leader named "Ndorogwe" spearheaded the first exodus in search of pasturelands.[52] While some migrants established themselves near the river, Ndorogwe and his followers continued further south along Lake Tanganyika, reaching Kaboge. A few years later, Ndorogwe returned to Burundi, where he died near Cibitoke. After his death, his eldest son, Rugendeza, crossed the Ruzizi and reestablished himself at Kaboge. Increasing pressure on pasture resources, though likely not the sole reason, later prompted Rugendeza and his group to move northward toward "Kawezi" (Kawizi), approximately ten miles from Uvira. Rugendeza died around 1870 and was briefly succeeded by his eldest son, Lushimba, whose sudden death soon left leadership to Kinyoni.[52]
A different version of the oral tradition attributes these movements more explicitly to disputes with the Burundian mwami Ntare IV Rutaganwa (d. 1852).[52][53] In this account, Ndorogwe's initial migration was a response to tensions with the mwami, and after his death, Rugendeza became involved in a dispute with Ntare over tribute payments. Some accounts suggest that Rugendeza may have been poisoned as a result of this dispute, which led some to question whether Lushimba's death was natural.[52] At the time, deaths were often attributed to witchcraft rather than natural causes, and Kinyoni appears to have interpreted these events as a warning directed at himself. His later decision to abandon land on the left bank of the Ruzizi was therefore motivated not only by the search for pasture but also by concerns for his personal safety. Another account broadly confirms this sequence but adds that Ndorogwe "did not directly rule over the territory he had conquered", instead placing two of his sons, "Maholo" and "Mukamba", in charge. It also specifies that the dispute with Ntare concerned tribute in the form of salt.[52] Because few Fuliiru resided permanently in the Ruzizi Plain, Fuliiru mwami "Lwamwe" (also known as Nambako) permitted Kinyoni's group to settle there in exchange for annual payments, offering cattle, salt, and various goods to Fuliiru chiefs and Burundian monarchs.[52]
Relationship
Depelchin argued that relations between the Bafuliiru and the Barundi before colonial rule were uneasy rather than peaceful. Although tensions existed, they did not harden into open hostility until European involvement altered the balance of power. European intervention contributed to the expansion of Barundi influence. In From Pre-capitalism to Imperialism: A History of Social and Economic Formations in Eastern Zaire, he cited a colonial official who observed that[52]
"due to the lack of cohesion among the Furiiru [Fuliiru] in the northern section of the valley, [Kinyoni] took by force the land of Kabwika, [a Fuliiru chief], who had fled to Rwanda at the arrival of the Europeans".
When Europeans entered the region in 1894, their dealings were confined mainly to the Barundi, who by then constituted almost the entire population of the Ruzizi Plain. Consequently, they became the primary source of porters and laborers. The Fuliiru, meanwhile, retreated to Rwanda, Lwindi, or the mountainous hinterland, seeing little reason to work for unfamiliar foreigners who soon became associated with heavy taxation and harassment.[52] Although colonial authorities recognized that Kinyoni's authority over Kabwika rested on a quasi-dependent relationship, Kinyoni and his followers were far more visible and gradually recognized as an independent chiefdom. Early interactions with European officials promoted generally positive views of the Barundi, who were considered more accessible as laborers and easier to tax than the Fuliiru.[52] By contrast, the Fuliiru were consistently portrayed negatively, often labeled as intemperate, hot-tempered, and quarrelsome. While these depictions were exaggerated and unfair, they reflected the frustrations of colonial officials who repeatedly resorted to military "occupations of Bafuliiru to compel a resistant population to pay taxes". In the late 1940s, the Fuliiru began leaving the slopes of the Mitumba Mountains in large numbers, not due to direct coercion but because of economic pressures. This migration accelerated when their traditional forms of wealth, such as hoes, copper bracelets, and beads, lost value and were replaced by a rigid, imported monetary system that could not be adapted locally. One of the few ways to obtain cash was through compulsory agricultural labor, particularly cotton cultivation, introduced in 1924.[52] Meanwhile, colonial administration in the region took on a more formal structure with the establishment of Uvira Territory on 18 August 1928, divided into three customary chiefdoms: Bafuliiru, Bavira, and Barundi. These divisions were later formally defined by Ordinance-Law No. 21/91 of 25 February 1938, which specified territorial boundaries.[54][55][56] By the 1940s, the movement of Fuliiru off the mountain slopes was so extensive that they came to outnumber the Barundi within the Barundi Chiefdom. By 1949, these developments prompted direct attempts to prevent any further Fuliiru settlement in the Ruzizi Plain.[52] That year, colonial authorities formally outlined their policy on Fuliiru mobility and stressed the importance of limiting movement between the lowlands and the mountains. Officials warned that relaxing such restrictions would severely damage the already exhausted valley soils and argued that the land was being poorly managed. On these grounds, they maintained that the Fuliiru should remain in the mountains, where they believed adequate land resources still existed.[52]
Unlike Banyarwanda authorities, who remained socially distant and deliberately categorized the Fuliiru as subordinate Hutu, the Barundi were unable to adopt a similar posture even if they had wished to do so, since a significant portion of their own population was Hutu. While Barundi society was not free of inequality, the sharp Tutsi–Hutu distinction had already begun to weaken in their regions of origin, particularly western Burundi, where many Hutu had gained economic influence through cattle ownership.[52] Unlike in Rwanda, where cattle ownership became closely tied to Tutsi status, Burundi did not experience the same rigid social stratification. This difference was reflected in the social and economic arrangements the Barundi established after settling on the right bank of the Ruzizi River, where ethnic categories were applied with greater flexibility. Ongoing processes of social transformation reshaped patterns of authority and production. Some Barundi chiefs migrated specifically to escape the heavy tribute imposed by the Burundian mwami.[52] However, by distancing themselves from royal authority, they also weakened their capacity to extract labor and resources from the Hutu under their control, as separation from centers of power reduced their ability to enforce compliance. Because ethnic classification played a relatively minor role in determining social status among the Barundi, they were more accommodating toward outsiders than were Tutsi migrants from Rwanda.[52] The level of social organization and productive capacity among Barundi migrants closely resembled that of the Fuliiru in general, a shared social and economic foundation that helps explain why intermarriage between the Fuliiru and the Barundi was far more common, especially when compared to the far lower rate of marriage between the Bafuliiru and the Banyarwanda. The close alignment of their agrarian systems, cattle ownership, and surplus control facilitated clan-level integration. The Zige clan, originally from Burundi, was assimilated by Bafuliiru.[52]
Interethnic conflict
Nonetheless, relations between the Fuliiru and the Barundi were not entirely free of tension. Despite informants' tendencies to emphasize harmony, conflicts persisted at personal, social, and political levels. Disputes arose among chiefs, sub-chiefs, and their followers, as well as within and between ethnic groups. Accusations of witchcraft were common and often intensified disagreements. In fact, conflicts within each group appear to have occurred more frequently than interethnic clashes.[52] Among the Fuliiru, disputes such as those involving Matakambo and Kabwika, or Ngabwe and Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, were prominent. Before these events and prior to the First World War, Nyamugira I, who had taken refuge in Lwindi during the severe drought of 1897, suspected that Europeans had confronted Rugaju in an attempt to restore him through colonial authority. Katembo, a highly respected elder among the Fuliiru, later recounted having fought alongside Ruhugi, a Fuliiru sub-chief backed by a large Barundi following, against another Fuliiru leader, Muzima.[52]
Some of the most often cited interethnic conflicts occurred between Katiagulu (Rundi) and Nyamugira I (Fuliiru) in 1913, and later between Rubisha (Rundi) and Mukogabwe (Fuliiru) in 1921. However, ethnic affiliation was not always the primary factor driving these confrontations. A notable example is the Barundi, who fought alongside Ruhugi against Muzima. Serving under a chief or sub-chief from a different ethnic group was fairly typical. Often, material interests, particularly access to cattle, proved more decisive than ethnic loyalty. Many clashes stemmed from disputes over land and livestock. For instance, in 1920 and again in 1961–62, the Fuliiru engaged the Barundi over perceived encroachments on territory they considered rightfully theirs.[52] The 1961–62 clashes began when the Barundi Chiefdom was renamed the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom under pressure from the Bafuliiru, a decision that provoked significant opposition among the Barundi and eventually led to armed conflict.[57] Earlier records also accentuate cattle-raiding expeditions in which Mukogabwe played a prominent role. Colonial authorities also intensified land disputes, as exemplified by the 1920 "Burakashwa" outbreak: Barundi in Mutarule attributed the violence to Bunieniere's expansionist ambitions, while Europeans believed Kabwika was responsible. Katembo, a wealthy trader, initially supported Ruhugi in a violent conflict against Muzima, but after Ruhugi's defeat, he relocated to the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom.[52] His wealth allowed him to marry Ndukumwami's daughter, an influential Rundi sub-chief, and he was subsequently appointed village chief. Similarly, Muyengo, another prominent Fuliiru trader, left Mukogabwe's oppressive rule under the "nyaga" principle to settle in Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom. While Katembo and Muyengo were particularly notable, their experiences were not unique: many Fuliiru moved for a combination of reasons, including the economic benefits of cotton cultivation, access to fertile land, and superior pasture for cattle, all of which were concentrated in the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom.[52]
Within the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom, no leader applied the "nyaga" principle as rigorously as Mukogabwe. His cattle raids helped prompt earlier Banyarwanda departures to the Itombwe Mountains and forced Muyengo to flee his authority to protect their assets. While many accounts depict Mukogabwe's leadership as harsh, even despotic, Depelchin argued that his actions must be viewed in light of the period's social and political realities. Prior to sustained interaction with Banyarwanda and Barundi societies, the Fuliiru had limited experience with the broader political and social significance of cattle.[52] According to Depelchin, it is therefore plausible that Mukogabwe's confiscations were motivated by a concern that individuals with large herds might translate their economic assets into political influence. Despite their many cultural and social similarities, the Fuliiru and the Barundi recognized themselves as distinct groups, although some oral accounts emphasize a shared origin in Lwindi.[52] This reflects a broader understanding of common historical experience, particularly in contrast to colonial powers. Because colonial authorities maintained exclusive dominance and ethnical separation, they were seen as fundamentally different from any preexisting local society. Even with this awareness, ethnic prejudices and stereotypes persisted, and the Barundi, for instance, created a myth that gave the ethnonym Fuliiru a negative connotation. The Fuliiru did not develop an equivalent linguistic critique, but they nonetheless portrayed the Barundi as untrustworthy and "vindictive".[52] Compared with the 1961–62 outbreak of violence, expressions of ethnic bias were relatively minor. Depelchin noted that the conflict essentially functioned as a release of long-standing grievances. The Fuliiru's anger was particularly acute due to land dispossession, which was exacerbated by the ongoing economic downturn. Human casualties appear to have been limited; rather than targeting people, the Fuliiru primarily raided Barundi livestock. By this time, intermarriage, friendship networks, and cattle exchanges had intertwined Barundi and Fuliiru in the Ruzizi Plain. As a result, many inhabitants of both groups in the valley were stunned by the violence and largely remained uninvolved. Most of the attacks were carried out by Fuliiru from the mountainous regions, often without support from their co-ethnics in the Ruzizi Plain. Depelchin's analysis suggests that labeling the conflict purely as "tribal" would be misleading.[52]
Mountain-dwelling Fuliiru were most affected by the restrictions imposed by the Barundi settlement in the Ruzizi Plain, which had earlier prompted colonial authorities to limit migration from the mountains into the valley. During the 1961–62 clashes, Fuliiru also hoped that forcing the Barundi back across the Ruzizi River would free up additional arable land, as they recalled the colonial administration's role in creating the Ruzizi Plain Chiefdom on what they considered Fuliiru territory. In the early post-independence years, Barundi were often urged to "go back home", a phrase that echoed the language previously used against Europeans.[52] By 1964, widespread disillusionment with the outcomes of independence in Uvira Territory erupted, fueled by politicians associated with Patrice Lumumba's party. Widespread anger targeted government officials and those perceived as benefiting from the new regime. Only a few Barundi joined the rebels. When indiscriminate attacks extended to anyone owning even small numbers of cattle, a mass flight across the Ruzizi River occurred, with Fuliiru and Barundi leaving together.[52] What stands out in the aftermath of the 1964 Kwilu rebellion is the widespread reluctance to discuss the events and the dominant sentiment of compassion toward those considered misled. By the 1970s, former adversaries lived side by side in the same villages. People who felt their actions were unforgivable either returned to Burundi or relocated elsewhere due to social shame. The Barundi did not publicly blame the Fuliiru for forming the majority of the rebel forces, a stance that contrasts sharply with the persistent resentment among Tutsi in Rwanda over similar historical events.[52]
Depelchin points out that foreign media and many superficial scholars have long perpetuated the myth that African conflicts are inherently "tribal". This oversimplification has also contributed to the belief that colonizers acted as mediators and unifiers. In the Ruzizi Plain, however, conflicts between ethnic groups have been less frequent than disputes within the same ethnic groups.[52] When the Fuliiru told Banyarwanda and Barundi to "go home" like Europeans, it was not a sign of deep-seated ethnic animosity, but a reaction to frustrations generated by colonial policies rather than longstanding social or historical tensions. While such myths may have some grounding in Barundi–Bafuliiru relations, they hold no comparable basis for Fuliiru–Vira relations.[52]
During the period of European penetration, the Banyarwanda, now commonly referred to as "Banyamulenge", emerged as a significant group in the region.[58] The term "Banyarwanda" includes Hutus, Tutsis, and Twa people from Rwanda, who share the same common language and cultural heritage. In traditional Rwandan society, a feudal system existed in which Hutus were expected to leave their land available for Tutsis to graze their cows. This arrangement was enforced through a system of clientelism, where Tutsis loaned their cows to Hutus, who in turn were required to lend their land. Wealth was measured by the number of cows one possessed, and the richest Tutsis had the largest herds. At the top of this social hierarchy was the king, known as the "Mwami", who was believed to possess divine powers and symbolized national unity. The king surrounded himself with Tutsi warlords and Hutu advisers who oversaw the distribution of land. Over time, the Tutsis established a system of serfdom that further marginalized the Hutu. The Belgian colonial administration formalized and solidified this social system, ultimately leading to its being perceived as an ethnic divide between Hutus and Tutsis.[59][60]
During the reign of mwamiKigeli IV Rwabugiri, the Kingdom of Rwanda pursued an aggressive territorial expansion strategy. Rwabugiri's military campaigns, aimed at consolidating control over neighboring regions, placed considerable strain on the kingdom's resources. To support these efforts, Rwabugiri resorted to seizing large herds of cattle.[61] In response, Tutsi populations in the Kinyaga Province fled in an attempt to protect their livestock.[61] These Tutsi populations eventually crossed the Ruzizi River and first settled in the area of Kakamba, located within the current Itara/Luvungigroupement of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom.[62] However, the climate in this region, which was far less conducive to their highland lifestyle and the well-being of their cattle, proved unbearable. Surrounded by mountain ranges and longing for the familiar conditions of their former homeland, the Tutsi gradually migrated toward the slopes, eventually settling in Mulenge.[62] These Tutsi herders were granted grazing land in exchange for an animal tribute to the mwami of the Fuliru. For many years, Mulenge became a quasi-capital for the Banyarwanda, and the term "Banya-Mulenge" came to refer to those who remained in the area.[63] Economic ties included the exchange of staples such as cassava and maize for products like banana beer, milk, or livestock. These transactions often carried a social dimension, as the exchange of gifts was interpreted as an expression of friendship.[64] Attempts by the Tutsi to replicate Rwandan socio-economic institutions such as ubuhake met with limited success. Unlike in Rwanda, where Tutsi elites could exploit Hutu cultivators, Fuliru farmers retained ownership of their land and control of their surplus production.[64] They could choose to sell their crops locally or trade with Banyamulenge in pursuit of cattle, which were highly valued as a means of securing marriage alliances and enhancing social status.[64] By the early 1970s, however, the balance of exchange became increasingly unfavorable for the Fuliru. Whereas thirty baskets of cassava had previously sufficed to obtain a cow, by 1972 the price had risen to fifty-two baskets.[64] This inflation mirrored the destruction of Banyamulenge herds during the 1964 rebellion and wider economic pressures.[64] Fuliru farmers, facing growing scarcity of arable land, found it increasingly difficult to expand cultivation and meet the higher costs of cattle acquisition. Cattle nevertheless remained central to the cultural and economic life of both groups.[64]
For the Banyamulenge, livestock represented wealth, power, and prestige, while their expertise in animal husbandry made them the region's quasi-veterinarians. Many Fuliru entrusted their herds to Tutsi herders, who by custom received milk and occasionally calves from the animals placed under their care.[64] For the Fuliru, cattle were valued primarily as commodities that could provide an escape from subsistence agriculture and a pathway to upward mobility.[64] The destruction of herds during the 1964 rebellion compelled some Tutsi to adopt roles as agricultural laborers for wealthier Fuliru households. Meanwhile, the gradual penetration of capitalist modes of production elevated the importance of cash as a measure of wealth.[64] By this time, cattle ownership, once the ultimate symbol of status, increasingly functioned as a means to acquire cash.[64]
Cultural and social connections with the Vira people
Mwami Lenghe III Rugaza Kabale (father of Mwami Lwegeleza III) in 1987.
Several scholars and local informants suggest that the Fuliiru and Vira are nearly indistinguishable in terms of language, culture, and clan structures. Depelchin notes that both groups speak closely related dialects, Kifuliiru and Kivira, which are mutually intelligible and closely related to Kinyindu.[34] They also share a large number of clans, with the only significant difference being the chiefly clan, which has contributed to a perception of separation. Because of these similarities, some researchers argue that the Vira are not a separate ethnic group, but rather a branch or extension of the Fuliiru.[34] Oral traditions often accentuate this shared identity and suggest that the differences between the two have been exaggerated in colonial and postcolonial narratives.[34]
Reconstructing the Fuliiru–Vira migration and settlement remains challenging, as Depelchin noted that oral accounts collected in the 1920s and 1930s were often contradictory or inconsistent. Some traditions claim that the Vira were the earliest settlers, who trace their origins to Chief Kirunga, who is said to have migrated from Maniema and left due to ongoing internal warfare with his followers.[34] They settled near Mount Munanira and were accompanied by "seven notable" such as Muhinga, Nawaganda, Mufumu, Nakabaka, Namundi, and Nakasiwa. Over time, they occupied an area extending from Mulenge to the upper Sange River in the north and the Sandja River in the south, within present-day Uvira Territory. This settlement is said to have begun roughly "three centuries" ago, after which the "Banya-Lenge" abandoned their earlier identity and adopted the ethnonym "Ba-Vira".[34] Sebakunzi Ntibibuka similarly states that the Banyalenge (or Benelenge) derived their name from Chief Lenge, who likely migrated from Maniema in the 17th century, a view supported by Alfred Moeller de Laddersous and George Weis.[65] Another tradition describes the arrival of the Bahamba, who had fled Lwindi because of warfare and settled in northern Uvira Territory, pushing the Vira toward the Kiliba River, while the outbreaks of smallpox (karanda), leprosy (bandoro) and sleeping sickness were said to have devastated the Vira in the south. Other inconsistencies emerge when the same tradition states that the Vira arrived during the reign of Lwamwe, which would place their settlement after the Fuliiru were already established.[34] Colonial administrators, in their pursuit of administrative organization, played a major role in entrenching the separation between the Fuliiru and the Vira by grouping populations along supposed ethnic lines and instituting paramount chiefs to oversee them.[34] This system often exaggerated or fabricated distinctions between groups to simplify governance. For instance, the placement of the Lenge clan within the Vira chiefly hierarchy was more a result of colonial decisions than indigenous consensus.[34] Depelchin argues that the colonizers' efforts to categorize and organize populations helped cement the idea of a separate "Vira" identity, despite linguistic and cultural evidence pointing to a shared heritage with the Fuliiru.[34]
Mwami Lwegeleza III on the occasion of his coronation in 1997.
The establishment of paramount chiefs in Uvira Territory is often regarded as a colonial construct rather than a continuation of pre-colonial traditions, with informants frequently asserting that paramount chieftainship had existed for a long time, but this assertion was likely driven by a desire to protect the authority of current rulers rather than reflecting historical accuracy.[34] Colonial authorities sometimes appointed chiefs who served their interests, and in the case of the Vira, disputes over the legitimacy of certain leaders arose, with rival factions accusing each other of fraudulent practices or colonial favoritism.[34] These political struggles were also complicated by pre-existing inter-clan rivalries. Depelchin also suggests that the term "Vira" itself may be a later invention. Swahili-Arab traders used this name for the people living near Uvira, possibly derived from the word kivira, meaning "palm tree", indicating that the Vira identity was, at least partially, shaped by external designations tied to geography rather than by an internally distinct sense of peoplehood.[34]
The bond between the Fuliiru and Vira, despite their close linguistic and cultural ties, was characterized by significant internal strife. The Lenge clan's rise to prominence within the Vira, supported in part by their geographical location near Uvira and by their interactions with foreign traders and explorers, was challenged from within their own ranks and by the Bahamba.[34] Disputes over leadership and precedence reinforced a perception of separation between the two groups.[34]
The marginalization of Fuliiru communities
Since the 1960s, the cohabitation between the Banyarwanda and their Congolese neighbors has been plagued by problems, resulting in serious social tensions and violence. The escalation of these tensions and violence has led to lethal conflict of a social, cultural, economic, and security nature. Human rights organizations estimate that as of May 1996, the total number of deaths from the conflict stands around 70,000.[66]
The tension within Bafuliru communities originates from the circumstance where Rwandan refugees, placed by the Belgian colonial administration and the United Nations in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, failed to uphold their designated status upon their arrival. Instead, they profess to be a newly established ethnic group known as "Banyamulenge" (literally 'those who live in Mulenge') through an entirely fabricated ethnogenesis. This emerging identity allowed them to lay claim to land and resources in the area, setting off conflicts with Fuliru, who consider Mulenge as their ancestral homeland.[67] Following the nation's independence, the Banyarwanda, both Tutsi and Hutu, striven to establish recognition of their rights as "indigenous", vouching they possessed two "chefferies" (traditional chiefdoms) unrecognized by other ethnic groups. The Tutsi contended that their migration to the Congo Basin coincided with that of their Fuliru, Vira, Bembe, and Lega counterparts, antedating the establishment of the Congo Free State, and consequently, should be entitled to equivalent ethnic rights as other communities.[68] In 1976, Faustin Tabazi Rugama, a Munyamulenge writer, attempted to legitimize the notion of a tribe called "Banyamulenge" that presumably held sway in Mulenge prior to the Berlin Conference. This "historical and scientific" apologia was unlikely intended to equate the "Banyamulenge" pseudo-tribe with the indigenous Congolese ethnic groups. Under the pressure of Gisaro Muhoza, a Rwandan university administrator and revered as the creator of the term "Banyamulenge", Rugama used the term in his thesis.[69] According to René Lemarchand, Banyamulenge constitute a "Rwandan-origin" community that established themselves in the Kivu region and were not known by this name during the colonial period. Using "Banyamulenge" as an ethnic identify, they campaigned for Congolese citizenship along with land possessed by indigenous Fuliru populace.[70][67]
In the early stages of the First and Second Congo Wars, a large contingent of Banyamulenge traversed into Bafuliru communities to provide support to the Tutsi members of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDLC). This influx of Banyamulenge played a pivotal role in enabling the AFDLC to seize control of the region from local chiefs and civilians who were uprooted from their ancestral lands against their will. The conflict was marked by brutal violence against the civilian population. On 6 October 1996, Banyamulenge rebels launched an assault on Lemera, a town situated in the north-western region of the Uvira Territory in South Kivu Province, resulting in the loss of several dozen lives. A total of 37 individuals, including two medical personnel, lost their lives in a hospital massacre. The armed assailants also pillaged the Lemera Hospital, the largest hospital in the region, located approximately 85 kilometers north of Uvira.[71][72][73]
In October 1998, a large number of people were brutally killed and displaced in Uvira, including the former Mulenge post chief, Ladislas Matalambu, who met his demise on 1 October 1998, at 7:30p.m. Additionally, Alexis Deyidedi, the former administrative secretary of the Bafuliiru Chiefdom, was assassinated on 2 October 1998, at 11 p.m. The AFDL troops forced many Bafuliru, Babembe, Warega, and Bavira individuals to flee and take refuge in neighboring countries such as Burundi, Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, Zambia, and Mozambique. The displacement caused a ripple effect of the humanitarian crisis, with many facing severe challenges, including inadequate food and water supplies, inadequate medical facilities, and substandard living conditions.[74][75][76]
On 14 May 2000, the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD), a rebel group comprising mainly Banyamulenge child soldiers, perpetrated a massacre in the village of Katogota. The victims, numbering 375 in total, were primarily from the Bafuliru community and were brutally murdered in cold blood. Some were mercilessly gunned down, while others suffered the grisly fate of having their throats slashed, and their bodies were thrown into the Ruzizi River to dispose of the evidence. The rebels also set fire to their homes, leaving many others to burn to death. The horrors of the Katogota massacre caused many to flee their homes, including up to 3,500 Congolese, mainly from the Bafuliru and Babembe communities, who sought refuge in Burundi on 10 June 2004, to escape ongoing ethnic persecution.[77][78][79][80]
Ongoing violence
The ongoing violence in the Bafuliru communities has been exacerbated by political instability, resource scarcity, and deep-seated mistrust between the various groups. The situation is further complicated by the involvement of different armed groups, including militias and rebel factions, who compete for control over the region's resources and strategic locations. The proliferation of weapons and the absence of effective governance has allowed these groups to act with impunity, perpetrating horrific acts of violence against civilians and engaging in illicit activities, including the illegal exploitation of mineral resources. The impact of the conflict on the local population has been devastating, with many families displaced from their homes, and their livelihoods destroyed. The absence of adequate humanitarian assistance has only exacerbated the already dire situation, with many facing severe challenges, including food and water insecurity, inadequate medical care, and substandard living conditions.[81][82][83][84]
In June 2014, 35 Fuliru were killed in an attack on the town of Mutarule. The attack was believed to be ethnically motivated. The massacres were carried out mainly by Barundi and Banyamulenge rebel groups in a determined, planned, systematic and methodical manner, and were inspired by ethnic hatred.[85][86] In January 2019, Twirwaneho and Gumino, a Banyamulenge rebel groups, reportedly torched homes and property belonging to the Bafuliru in the village of Babengwa.[87] Between February 2019 and 2020, a large number of Bafuliru were killed and displaced, leading them to the Bijombo camp in Bavira Chiefdom of Uvira Territory. Despite efforts to prioritize and act on serious cases in the immediate aftermath of the ethnic violence, there have been few prosecutions and fewer convictions, as well as a near total lack of investigations of those who organized and financed the violence.[88][89]
One notable dialect of Kifuliru is Kivuluga, a fusion of Shi and Kifuliru predominantly spoken in the Itara–Luvungigroupement, which emerged from the close linguistic proximity between Shi and Kifuliru speakers in the region.[8]
Economy
Fuliru herdsman in the Mitamba market of Bijombo in the High Plateau, South Kivu Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo
The Bafuliru economy relies heavily on agriculture, with their lands in South Kivu Province among the most densely cultivated in the country.[92][25][93] More than 90% of the population makes their livelihood by producing food crops or through industrial work involving the processing of crops.[25] Principal food crops include cassava, corn, rice, plantains, and, to a lesser extent, bananas, beans, and peanuts.[25]
Manioc and banana
According to Bafuliru folklore, cassava originated from Lwindi Chiefdom and was introduced by them during their migration.[25] Today, cassava remains a vital food source for the Bafuliru, particularly for those inhabiting the Ruzizi Plain and the entire Bafuliru Chiefdom. Having a cassava field is regarded as a treasure trove and is highly valued by the community.[25] Besides its roots, cassava leaves are also consumable, and its stems are used for lumber. Cassava's significance goes beyond its dietary value and practical uses.[25] It has a significant role in the community's governance, serving as a source of tax revenue. Eighty percent of all taxes collected come from cassava alone.[25] This tax collection method enables tax collectors to fill the state treasury at both community and zone levels, which, in turn, supports the local markets of the Bafuliru Chiefdom.[25]
The banana plant is an adaptable crop that thrives in nearly every region of the Bafuliru Chiefdom. It has a significant role in the chiefdom's customs and traditions, particularly during marriage ceremonies.[25] In Fuliru mythology, it is believed that one cannot engage in any strenuous activities without a banana.[25] Specifically, during a wedding ceremony or after mourning, an individual intending to marry must present a pitcher of fermented banana and sorghum beverage, referred to as "I mbindi ya mavu yo kudeterakwo" in Kifuliru, meaning "the pitcher of alcohol that allows you to speak". This pitcher of banana alcohol must be offered to the attendees; otherwise, the speaker is unable to convey a meaningful message.[25] The beverage is also called Kasigisi.[25][94][95][96][97]
The banana tree is also ritually associated with childbirth; the umbilical cord is sometimes buried near banana fields, followed by a ceremonial gathering two months later where family and friends pour Kasigisi over the burial mound in a festive ritual.[25][98]
Rice, bean, and corn
Rice cultivation in the Ruzizi Plain, Uvira Territory
Rice grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom belongs to the genusOryza and Ozyresatira species. Its various types include IR5, L9, and IRON 282. It is primarily an income generator rather than a food source at the CEP Kabwe, Kaliri, and at the Community Development Center (Cenre Developpement Communautaire; CDC) base in Kiringye.[25][99][100][101]
Beans are grown predominantly in the central part of Lemera, covering areas from Rubanga to Mulenge.[102][103] They are marketed in Bukavu and Uvira, with a large portion exported to nearby countries like Burundi and Rwanda.[25][104] While beans, alongside rice, are exported, they usually fetch lower prices due to the local population's modest consumption of these foods as dietary staples.[25] Traditionally, a bean dish is served with cassava mbundu.[5][25]Corn is heavily cultivated in the Ruzizi Plain, especially in the Itara-Luvungi groupement, and the Hauts Plateaux, where it serves as the main dietary staple.[25][105][106][107] Most Bafuliru in the Hauts Plateaux consume corn, though not all prefer it.[25]
A Fuliiru mother carrying a load on her back
Peanut and coffee
Peanuts are mainly grown in Luvungi and Lubarika, though they are also present in Lemera and Rubanga.[25] Peanuts are a local treat and are also exported to nearby countries like Rwanda and Burundi.[25] Some are sold in Bukavu.[25] Two types of coffee are grown in the Bafuliru Chiefdom: Coffea arabica and Coffea canephora. Among them, arabica is the most widespread. Exporting coffee to Burundi is a common practice.[25]
Livestock and social structure
The Fuliru are also known for their cattle-based economy, which distinguishes them from many other Bantu highland groups.[108]Livestock rearing, including cows, goats, and sheep, is practiced especially by wealthier households and serves multiple roles: providing milk, meat, prestige, and fulfilling social obligations such as bride price or ceremonial offerings.[108] Veterinary practices and animal husbandry techniques are employed as part of climate adaptation strategies.[108] Livelihood strategies are heavily influenced by household wealth, with asset ownership (e.g., land size, livestock, solar panels, radios, and mobile phones) determining whether a household is classified as poor, average, or wealthy.[108] Poorer families typically cultivate plots smaller than 0.5 hectares and possess few assets, while wealthier households may own over 1 hectare of land and multiple forms of property.[108]
Additionally, hunting and fishing are practiced using traditional methods. Fuliru hunters employ spears, machetes, dogs, and traps, while fishing is done with nets, hooks, water diversion techniques, and the use of plant-based poisons.[109]
Bafuliru music is characterized by a variety of traditional instruments such as the ngoma (drum), xylophone, and flute, which are used to create complex rhythms and melodies. The melodic strains of traditional instrument permeate the air, accompanied by the hypnotic rhythm of indigenous dance, which envelops the senses with its entrancing cadence.[110] The ngoma, in particular, is an essential instrument in Bafuliru music, and it is often played during various social and religious events. Bafuliru music also incorporates a form of call-and-response singing, where one group of singers will lead with a phrase, and another group will respond with a harmonized phrase. This technique creates a rich and layered sound that is both engaging and captivating. Bafuliru also have songs that praise their leaders and ancestors, and these are often performed during political rallies and other communal events.[111]
Wedding songs are central to the Fuliru oral tradition. Serving both an educational and entertainment function, these songs convey cultural wisdom, teaching politeness, respect, and environmental awareness to the young couple and the wider community.[112][113] Before the introduction of literacy in the 20th century, these songs were memorized and performed orally.[112] Through the medium of song, Bafuliru wedding traditions offer insight into their worldview and everyday life.[112][113]
Religion
Traditional beliefs
Before the advent of Christianity, Bafuliru adhered to a traditional belief system centered around the worship of a supreme deity known as Rurema, Nakalema or Nakalemeka, whom they regarded as the creator of all things in both the terrestrial and celestial realms.[114][25][115] Rurema was perceived as an invisible and transcendent force beyond human reach.[25]Intermediaries played a crucial role in connecting the people to this deity. Among the most significant spiritual leaders representing Rurema were Mushabo, Budisi, and Mugajalugulu, to whom the Bafuliru turned in matters that seemed beyond their control.[25]
Catholicism
Catholicism made its initial inroads into Bafuliru Chiefdom with the construction of the first chapel in Luvungi in 1933, overseen by the parish of Nyangezi in the neighboring Walungu Territory.[25] However, the growth of the Catholic Church in the region took a notable turn in 1974, when the influence of the Banyamulenge community shaped its direction.[25] This influence saw the diaconate of Bibangwa becoming a focal point for anti-Fuliru activities orchestrated by the Banyamulenge.[25] It contributed to the arming of Tutsi groups in the Hauts Plateaux.[25] As a result, the Church was perceived by some as complicit in fostering divisions and hatred between the Bafuliru and the populations of the Hauts Plateaux.[25]
The Bafuliru were introduced to Protestantism through Swedish missionaries David and Svea Flood, who arrived in the Itara-Luvungi groupement in 1921.[116][117][25] Their mission encountered resistance from Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, who was initially hesitant about foreign religious influences that could threaten traditional beliefs.[117] Despite these challenges, the Floods managed to convert a local boy, a milestone that would eventually lead to the broader acceptance of Christianity within the Bafuliru community.[117] The chief himself later embraced the faith, and through the work of the Floods and their successors, Protestantism gained a strong foothold in the region.[117] By the mid-1920s, following a formal agreement between Uvira's territorial authorities and Protestant missionaries, Protestant churches began to proliferate, with congregations established in key locations such as Lemera, Ndolera, Luvungi, and Kigoma groupement.[25]
Clothing
In the past, Fuliru wore skirts of cloth made from tree bark, and cloaks made of animal hides. These have long been replaced by Western-style clothing. However, handmade beaded necklaces and bracelets are still worn. The woven fabrics, adorned with intricate patterns of vivid hues have honed their craft over generations.
Architecture, metallurgical traditions, and crafts
Traditional Fuliru dwellings are circular, beehive-shaped huts constructed from wood, reeds, and straw, often enclosed by tall hedges.[118][5] Homes include a central living area (Bululi) and sleeping quarters (Kisika).[5] Ethnographic accounts from Frédéric Hautmann describe Fuliru settlements as closely integrated with their environment, using local materials like clay, banana fibers, and stones in domestic construction and ritual practices.[119] Spiritual customs such as placing stones at high-altitude passes while calling for spiritual assistance ("Kilima mbua, aide-moi") reflect the sacred dimensions of the landscape.[119]
The Fuliru are also skilled artisans and blacksmiths. They traditionally extracted iron from stone (known locally as matare) to manufacture tools such as hoes, machetes, spears, razors, and knives.[109] Historian Jacques Depelchin remarked that the Fuliru gained a reputation for their ironworking prowess, supported by the abundant iron ore found in the Mitumba Mountains, which was essential to their technological and economic growth.[120] Agricultural surplus, particularly cultivated by women, played a crucial role in transforming wealth, with women's sale of farm products often redirected by their husbands into the purchase of cattle, a process facilitated by barter using intermediate goods like hoes, salt, copper bracelets, cloth, and beads.[121] Hoes, especially before the mid-19th century, served as the most common and valuable currency in cattle transactions, with exchange rates ranging from ten to twenty hoes per cow depending on the animal's reproductive potential.[121] Unlike other regions where ironworking was monopolized by specific clans, Uvira Territory allowed widespread access to the craft, enabling a broad distribution of metallurgical skills, though collective labor remained important in mining, charcoal preparation, and furnace operation.[121] Despite the abundance of iron ore, cattle gradually replaced hoes as the dominant form of wealth, as they symbolized social prestige, reproductive value, and exchange potential, though hoes continued to be used for specific exchanges, such as dowries and bridewealth payments.[121] Although women did not directly partake in blacksmithing, they were instrumental in collecting materials for smelting and managing agricultural surpluses, which enabled the conversion of iron goods into wealth.[121]
Fuliru grandmother and her granddaughter in Lemera
Hoes thus embodied a dual role as instruments of production and units of currency, their value stemming from their ability to reproduce agricultural surplus, which could then be reinvested into the acquisition of more hoes, cattle, or wives, resembling early capitalist dynamics.[121] In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, prominent Fuliru chiefs, such as Katembo, specialized in long-distance trading networks, exchanging hoes and cattle across the Ruzizi Plain into Burundi and Rwanda, while avoiding the risks of the ivory and rubber markets dominated by foreign powers.[121] These trading expeditions, organized collectively with groups of twenty to thirty people, relied on personal contacts rather than centralized marketplaces to find buyers, and success was determined by both material wealth and the ability to cultivate social relationships.[121]Political authority among Fuliru chiefs, like Mwami Nyamugira Mukogabwe II, was linked to wealth and management of social networks, alliances, and resources like cattle, hoes, and iron, with wealth accumulation, redistribution, and political legitimacy shaping the socio-political structure of Fuliru society.[121]
In addition to metalwork, woodworking is also a prominent craft that yields items such as canoes, plates, mortars, and pestles, while pottery turns clay into utensils such as jugs and storage containers.[109] A notable cultural practice involves burying the placenta in a shallow grave near home, sealed in a ritual clay pot with holes that, according to local belief, allow the "spirit of the placenta" to remain connected to the outside world.[98] Frédéric Hautmann, an Austrian physician, dentist, and amateur archaeologist,[122] observed in his travels that, "Near Mulenghe (Mulenge), a two-day walk from Sanghe (Sange), I was able to witness five of these small 'tumuli.' While traversing additional villages inhabited by the Bafulero [Bafuliiru] of the mountains, I encountered another ten such structures, containing pots with two holes, either intact, broken, or reduced to fragmentary remains".[123] This custom serves to safeguard the newborn from malevolent mountain spirits.[123] Approximately two months following the birth, a gathering occurs at the burial site of the placenta, during which parents, family members, and friends partake in a celebratory festival that lasts several days and nights. The tumulus is adorned with Kasigisi as part of the festivities.[123]
Funeral rites and social succession
When a Fuliru person died, mourning lasted for five days. If the deceased had given birth to twins, the mourning lasted six days. During the mourning ceremony, the family members of the deceased are shaved.[109] The eldest son is enthroned in the place of the deceased by being handed a spear, a symbol of power that signified that all other family members owed him allegiance.[109] At the same time, the younger brother of the deceased is also enthroned as the guardian of the king (mwami) by being given a machete, symbolizing that he would work for the newly enthroned son.[109] If the deceased had only daughters, no enthronement took place. Instead, a guardian is appointed to watch over the deceased's family.[109]
During this mourning period, no family member is allowed to bathe, and if married, they had to stay away from their spouse, as it is considered a taboo.[109]
123Journal of Religion in Africa: Religion en Afrique, Volume 31 (in English and French). Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan. 2001. pp.146–148.
123De Saint Moulin, L. (1975). "Récents mouvements de population dans la zone densément peuplée de l'Est-Kivu" (in French). In Etudes d'Histoires Africaines, Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑Mutambo, Joseph (March 1997). Les Banyamulenge: qui sont-ils?, d'où viennent-ils?, quel rôle ont-ils joué (et pourquoi) dans le processus de la libération du Zaïre? (in French). Limete/Kinshasa.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑Mutambo, Joseph (1997). Les Banyamulenge: qui sont-ils?, d'où viennent-ils?, quel rôle ont-ils joué (et pourquoi) dans le processus de la libération du Zaïre? (in French). Limete/Kinshasa. p.6.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
12345Rukakiza, Bosco Muchukiwa; Saleh, Emmanuel Simbi (2019). "Education à la paix dans la Bible et chez les Bafuliiru"[Peace education in the Bible and among the Bafuliiru](PDF). Isdrbukavu.ac.cd (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur de Développement Rural de Bukavu (ISDR-Bukavu). p.4. Retrieved 28 June 2025.
↑Njangamwita Kibego, Nabuvira (2013). Livre d'Or des Bavira: Au centre de la gloire passée de l'Empire Baluba (in French). Ottawa.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑Congo Democratic Republic Foreign Policy and Government Guide, Vol 1: Strategic Information and Developments (2007). Washington: International Business Publications: p. 99.
12345Mupe, Kingwengwe (1982). Immigration et intégration des Barundi et des Banyarwanda dans les communautés Bafuliro et Bavira (1850–1980). Bukavu, Zaire. pp.8–10.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑Rukakiza, Bosco Muchukiwa (2006). Territoires ethniques et territoires étatiques: pouvoirs locaux et conflits interethniques au Sud-Kivu (R.D. Congo) (in French). Paris, France: Éditions L'Harmattan. p.11. ISBN9782747598576.
↑Rapport de la collectivité des Bafuliiru (in French). Lemera, Uvira Territory, South Kivu Province, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Archives de la Division Provinciale de L’administration du Territoire. 4 October 1986.
↑Safari, Romain (2016). "Chapitre premier: Considérations générales"[Chapter One: General Considerations]. Africmemoire.com (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Université Officielle de Bukavu (UOB). Retrieved 17 January 2026.
↑Kamba, Katchelewa S. "La question de la nationalité à l'est du Zaïre"[The question of nationality in eastern Zaire](PDF). Congoforum.be (in French). Kinshasa, Democratic Republic of the Congo. pp.3–16. Retrieved 9 November 2024.
↑Ntibibuka, Sebakunzi (1990). "Le rôle du site dans l'extension de la cité d'Uvira"[The role of the site in the expansion of the city of Uvira]. Pays enclavés. Géographie et aménagement dans l'Afrique des grands lacs (in French). 3 (1): 143. Retrieved 19 January 2026.
↑Chiffres rapportés par le journal Zaïrois (in French). le Soft, quoted by Poutier, 1996. May 6, 1996.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link) CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑Kisangani, Emizet F.; Bobb, Scott F. (2010). Historical Dictionary of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. p.42. ISBN9780810863255.
↑Daniel P. Biebuyck, Lega Culture: Art, Initiation, and Moral Philosophy Among a Central African People. University of California Press: 1973, p. 20 and p. 183.
↑Stuart Olson, James (1996). The Peoples of Africa: An Ethnohistorical Dictionary. Greenwood, Indiana, United States. p.183.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
↑Byamungu, Josué Asifiwe (2017). "Conception, etiologie et therapie des maladies mentales chez les Bafuliiru"[Conception, etiology and therapy of mental illnesses among the Bafuliiru] (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Université Simon Kimbangu de Bukavu (USK-Bukavu). Retrieved 15 January 2025.
↑Jouannet, Francis (1984). Phonologie du kifuliru: langue bantoue du groupe J (in French). Paris, France: Société d'études linguistiques et anthropologiques de France. pp.13–14.
↑Hamoniaux, Roger (1968). Le Déclin des idoles (in French). Paris, France: Éditions France-Empire. pp.47–63.
↑Bulletin des séances, Volume 5 (in French). Brussels, Belgium: Académie Royale des Sciences d'Outre-Mer. 1934. p.670.
↑Mubengwa, Fikiri (11 October 2017). "General Introduction". Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Bukavu. Retrieved 5 June 2023.
12Mubengwa, Fikiri (11 October 2017). "Chapter Two: Data Analysis". Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur Pédagogique de Bukavu. Retrieved 5 June 2023.
↑Muchukiwa, Bosco (2016). "Education à la paix dans la bible et chez les Bafuliiru"[Peace education in the Bible and among the Bafuliiru](PDF) (in French). Bukavu, South Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo: Institut Supérieur de Développement Rural de Bukavu (ISDR). pp.1–8. Retrieved 2023-12-30.
↑La Civilisation ancienne des peuples des Grands Lacs: Colloque de Bujumbura, 4-10 septembre 1979 (Collection Histoire africaine) (in French). Editor: Centre de Civilisation Burundaise. Paris, France: Éditions Karthala. 1981. p.72.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
This page is based on this Wikipedia article Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply. Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.
