Traditional gender roles in Egypt are prevalent and clearly defined. These roles are largely associated with traditional Islamic family structures, wherein women's roles are closely tied to the domestic sphere and men's roles tied to the public sphere (see: Women in Egypt). Gender roles are based on assumed biological differences between the sexes and can lead to dramatically different life experiences as well as opportunities and outcomes for individuals. Consequently, when looking at a number of indicators, women often find themselves disadvantaged relative to men.
In 2017, the UNDP's Gender Inequality Index (GII) rated Egypt 108th out of 162 countries, with an overall value of 0.449, where a score of zero represents perfect gender parity according to the metrics used. [1] These indicators suggest strong gender-based disparities in areas of reproductive health, economic functioning, and overall empowerment. Reasons for inequalities are numerous; social norms and attitudes, economic pressures, religious beliefs, and structural forces all help maintain the status quo.
Marriage is the formal institution wherein women's different legal status is most apparent. Official age of consent for marriage is 16 for girls and 18 for boys, though child marriage of females still continues in certain areas without legal intervention. [2]
Divorce procedures differ by gender, with divorces being more freely granted to men. A man can divorce his wife by saying "you are divorced" three times. The proceeding is then formalized within 30 days by registering the divorce with a notary. Women are then entitled to financial maintenance for up to two years. Some women, when negotiating with their husbands for divorce, are willing to forfeit the financial assistance in exchange for him initiating the divorce. Women sometimes choose this option because of the legal red tape that is involved in wife-initiated divorce. [3]
In the past, women were required to prove the fault of the husband before being granted a divorce. In 2000, the law was amended by "The Law on Reorganization of Certain Terms and Procedures of Litigation in Personal Status Matters", a hotly contested legal act that broadened women's access to divorce. Under this new law, a woman could pursue a divorce without having to prove the fault of the husband. However, this type of divorce, 'khula', would mean a reduction in the woman's financial rights. The law is somewhat flexible in that it allows for the couple to adhere to conditions of divorce set up in advance. [3] Women are still able to pursue a divorce through the traditional means wherein the fault of the husband must be proven. This method allows women greater financial rights and protections.
With Egypt's political upheaval and legal turmoil, the future of women's legal rights within marriage (and other areas) are uncertain. Islamist and conservative groups have raised objections to the Khula Law. These groups also oppose the institutionalization of CEDAW (the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women). [4]
Egyptian marital laws also allow for multiple spouses for all Muslim men. The same allowances are not granted for women, though a wife has some say in whether or not her husband takes a second wife. [5]
. [6] After the revolution that ousted Mubarak, the number of women in office decreased. The 2013 Human Development Report states that 2.2% parliamentary positions are held by women. [7]
As political participants, women have been active in the revolutions of the Arab Spring, as well as subsequent protests and debates regarding the future of their nation. Estimates suggest that as many as 55% of protesters were female and approximately 60% of people voting in the most recent election were female. [8] In early 2014, equal rights and protections for women were included in the newest Egyptian constitution, reversing many of the restrictions imposed by the more conservative Mohamed Morsi regime. Although women are not guaranteed a minimum number of seats in parliament, laws forbidding discrimination based on gender was included. In addition, women are to be given access to higher judiciary positions for the first time. [9] This has provided the legal framework for greater gender equality, though enforcement will determine its effectiveness.
In February 2014, Egypt elected its first female political party leader; Hala Shukrallah, a Coptic Christian, was elected to represent the Constitution Party. [10]
Literacy rates for young adults (15- to 24-year-olds) show some gender-based disparity. As of 2011, overall literacy rates were 93.2% of men and 86.5% women. These numbers have increased dramatically over recent years as Egypt has made greater financial investments in this sector. [11] Because of vast improvements in Egypt's education system, younger generations are much more likely to be literate than the older generations. The most disadvantaged group are rural adult women. The 2006 Human Development Report (HDR) estimated that only 15% of female household heads in rural areas were literate. [12]
Egypt has made significant progress in narrowing the primary and secondary education gap between boys and girls. As of 2010, the female to male ratio was 0.96. [13]
New generations of Egyptians have placed a higher value on female education than in the past. In 2011 it is estimated that of the 2.6 million students enrolled in tertiary education, 51% of them were female. This is significantly higher than the Arab regional and global averages of 24% and 29% respectively. [14]
Participation in the labor force shows substantial differences between the genders. While unemployment rates are high, evidence suggests a substantial male bias in hiring. As of 2012, women made up 24.2% of the labor force, a percentage that has remained stagnant for no less than two decades. [13]
The World Bank reports that women face far more hostility in the overall business environment, citing a finding that showed "...female-owned firms in Egypt report needing 86 weeks on average to resolve a conflict through the legal system, compared to 54 weeks for male-owned firms." [13]
Unemployment rates are high for all young Egyptians, though it is particularly high for females. A study in 2010 showed that only 13.4% of women in the 15–29 age bracket are employed or looking for work. Although more women are economically active in the upper income quintiles, they are still underrepresented at 35.1% of women with a vocational or post-secondary education. University graduated women are significantly more economically active than women with less education at 46.7%. However, at least 80% of all men in all income brackets are employed or looking for work. [15]
A study by Ghada Barsoum suggests that there is a difference in reasons to pursue employment between unmarried and married women. Despite high education attainment, unmarried women pursue jobs to save money for marriage and married women work to provide additional income for the family. Employment can be in the public, private, or agricultural sectors, and in formal or informal sectors There needs to be a clearer list of employment sectors in Egypt and what groups of women fall into these sectors due to the uneven distribution of their placement and implicit effects on the nation’s economy. [16]
Given normal circumstances, women on average outlive men. [17] Life expectancy in Egypt is consistent with this biological reality. Women live an estimated 76.2 years and men 70.82 years. [18]
Women's access to contraception and family planning may be limited, with 60.3% of women using contraception of any kind. [19] Younger women appear to be more likely to use contraception than older generations. A 2011 Population Fund survey found that 75% of married women aged 15–29 have used contraception. [20]
Adolescent fertility rates in Egypt were 44 per 1000 in 2012, significantly higher than most economically developed countries and likely a result of early marriage and lack of universal access to family planning services. [21]
Between 1992 and 2000 Egypt made tremendous gains in reducing maternal mortality rates – a drop of 52% (174/100,000 to 84/100,000). [22] The rate has since decreased further to 66/100,000. [23] A woman's lifetime risk of dying during childbirth is 1:490. [19]
As of 2012, known HIV infection rates are virtually the same for both sexes at .1%, making it one of the lowest rates in Africa. However, lack of widespread public awareness, discreet testing options, and social stigma may contribute to an underestimation of cases of infection. [24]
Despite low infection rates, international organizations like UNICEF are expressing some concern. Young women with comprehensive knowledge about the disease has decreased in recent years from 62% (2005) to 30% (2008). UNICEF also reports that the number of young people aware that HIV infection could be prevented with condoms dropped from 22% to 13%. [25]
Most Egyptian women have experienced some form of sexual harassment. Frequency of reported incidents varies. However, in one of the most recent studies, an April 2013 UN survey shows that 99.3% of women have experienced sexual harassment. [26] A January 2011 survey of youth stated the 13.5% of women felt that sexual harassment was the most serious risk they face on Egypt's streets on a day-to-day basis. 15.9% felt it was the greatest risk when using bus transportation and 23% felt it was the greatest risk they face when taking the train. [20] This survey was taken before the epidemic of sexual violence that accompanied recent episodes of widespread public unrest.
Total number of incidents of sexual violence is difficult to measure as many women are reluctant to come forth due to the social stigma associated with sexual victimization. Most cases of rape and sexual assault are not brought to the attention of authorities or prosecuted. [27] Shame, fear of being blamed, loss of face, or in some cases, fear of being a victim of "honor killing" prevents most women from seeking help. Despite these difficulties, the Egyptian Interior Ministry estimates there are no less than 20,000 women raped annually. [28]
With the unrest associated with the 2011 revolution and political strife in Egypt, normal social order has been disrupted. As a result, hundreds of women have been victims of random sexual violence in public. Tahrir Square has been the site of many such assaults, with 150 attacks against women by groups of men reported during the single week of Hosni Mubarak's ouster. [29] Again, during the removal of Mohamed Morsi and the subsequent social unrest and jubilation in Tahrir in 2013, 80 women were subjected to sexual violence by mobs of men in one night. There were a total of no less than 169 cases of such attacks against women during that week. [30] Attacks against women appear to have been carried out in a premeditated fashion by men emboldened with a sense of impunity. [31]
Attitudes regarding sexual violence against women provide considerable obstacles in regard to mobilizing public action against it. In early 2012, members of Egypt's upper parliamentary house engaged in victim-blaming, with one representative saying, "Women contribute 100% to their rape because they put themselves in that position." [32] While this attitude is not representative of all Egyptians, it is widespread enough to present challenges for women who participate in the political action.
Such attitudes toward women and prevalence of sexual violence and harassment against them, contribute substantially to Egypt being named the worst Arab state for women by an extensive Thomas Reuters Foundation study. [33]
The 2009 UNFPA Violence Against Women Summary Finding confirmed that spousal violence is a significant problem in Egypt. Studies from 1995 to 2005 showed no decrease in prevalence, though some methodological inconsistencies in surveys between those years makes direct comparison somewhat complicated. The study showed that in 2005, 33% of women reported having been subject to some form of physical violence by their current or previous husband. These rates decreased in higher income and education brackets, although approximately one quarter of women in those highest brackets report having been "beaten" by their husbands at some point during their marriage. [34]
Female genital mutilation, also called female circumcision, involves removal of some or all of a female's genitalia. More severe – and far less common – forms involve complete removal of the genitals and sewing up of the vagina until only a very small hole remains for urine and menstrual blood vacate. FGM is commonplace in Egypt, with an estimated 90-97% of women undergoing some version of the procedure. The practice is deeply engrained in the culture and predates both Christianity and Islam. Its main purpose is to preserve chastity, though its social function is very complicated. FGM is seen by all major international human rights organizations as a violation of a woman's bodily integrity and sexual health. [35] [36]
Numbers of circumcised females decrease in lower age brackets. Among all females surveyed in a 2011 study of over 15,000 individuals, 75.5% of women aged 10–29 report being circumcised. The practice appears to be more common in rural areas where 83.7% of females have experienced FGM. While these numbers are lower than older age brackets, they are largely consistent with the 10- to 29-year-old group surveyed in an identical 2008 study. [20] This would suggest that any decline in practice has slowed significantly or stagnated. The same study showed the majority of respondents, both male and female, believed that circumcision was necessary for girls (64%). More men (70.3%) believed it was needed than women (57.6%). Belief in the practice is stronger in the lower income quintiles and considerably weaker in the upper quintiles.
FGM was banned in Egypt in 2007. [37] In 2015 the first conviction for performing FGM took place. [38]
Egypt is a signatory to The Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women.
CEDAW was adopted by the United Nations General Assembly on December 18, 1979. The treaty seeks to define discrimination against women as a human rights issue, create a plan of action to address gender disparities, and to hold nations accountable. Countries that ratify the convention pledge to take strong steps in order to end discriminatory practices and violence against women. To date, 189 countries have signed CEDAW. [39]
Egypt, along with a significant number of countries, ratified the convention, spelling out numerous reservations. Egypt made the following reservations: [40]
The new constitution, ratified in January 2014, appears to take a different approach to women's rights as they relate to CEDAW. The constitution now states that women have equal right to give pass citizenship to their children. Egypt's intentions to uphold and pursue the goals of CEDAW in general have also been emphasized and codified. [41]
Female genital mutilation (FGM) is the ritual cutting or removal of some or all of the vulva. The practice is found in some countries of Africa, Asia and the Middle East, and within their respective diasporas. As of 2023, UNICEF estimates that "at least 200 million girls... in 31 countries"—including Indonesia, Iraq, Yemen, and 27 African countries including Egypt—had been subjected to one or more types of FGM.
Gender equality, also known as sexual equality or equality of the sexes, is the state of equal ease of access to resources and opportunities regardless of gender, including economic participation and decision-making; and the state of valuing different behaviors, aspirations and needs equally, regardless of gender.
The Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) is an international treaty adopted in 1979 by the United Nations General Assembly. Described as an international bill of rights for women, it was instituted on 3 September 1981 and has been ratified by 189 states. Over fifty countries that have ratified the convention have done so subject to certain declarations, reservations, and objections, including 38 countries who rejected the enforcement article 29, which addresses means of settlement for disputes concerning the interpretation or application of the convention. Australia's declaration noted the limitations on central government power resulting from its federal constitutional system. The United States and Palau have signed, but not ratified the treaty. The Holy See, Iran, Somalia, Sudan, and Tonga are not signatories to CEDAW.
Human rights in Uganda have trended for the past decades towards increasing harassment of the opposition, cracking down on NGOs which work on election and term limits, corruption, land rights, environmental issues, womens, children and gay rights. In 2012, the Relief Web sponsored Humanitarian Profile – 2012 said Uganda made considerable developments Since at least 2013 the Freedom in the World report by Freedom House has identified Uganda as a country considered to be "Not Free".There are several areas of concern when it comes to human rights in Uganda, and the "Not Free" classification is due to both low political rights and civil liberties rankings.
Violence against women (VAW), also known as gender-based violence and sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), is violent acts primarily or exclusively committed by men or boys against women or girls. Such violence is often considered a form of hate crime, committed against women or girls specifically because they are female, and can take many forms.
Equality Now is a non-governmental organization founded in 1992 to advocate for the protection and promotion of the human rights of women and girls. Equality Now works through public policy channels to create a just world for women and girls. Through a combination of regional partnerships, community mobilization and legal advocacy the organization works to encourage governments to adopt, improve and enforce laws that protect and promote women and girls' rights around the world.
The status of women in Ghana and their roles in Ghanaian society has changed over the past few decades. There has been a slow increase in the political participation of Ghanaian women throughout history. Women are given equal rights under the Constitution of Ghana, yet disparities in education, employment, and health for women remain prevalent. Additionally, women have much less access to resources than men in Ghana do. Ghanaian women in rural and urban areas face slightly different challenges. Throughout Ghana, female-headed households are increasing.
There have been several studies concerning women in Ethiopia. Historically, elite and powerful women in Ethiopia have been visible as administrators and warriors. This never translated into any benefit to improve the rights of women, but it had meant that women could inherit and own property and act as advisors on important communal and tribal matters. As late as the first part of the 20th century, Queen Menen, consort of Emperor Haile Selassie I, had a decisive role in running the Ethiopian Empire. Workit and Mestayit regents to their minor sons have been held responsible for their provinces. They owed their rights to landed property because of a special type of land tenure that expected tenants to serve as militia to overlords, irrespective of gender. In 1896, Empress Tayetu Betul, wife of Emperor Menelik II, actively advised the government and participated in defending the country from Italian invasion. Prominent and other landowning women fought against the second invasion in 1935–41. With the assistance of European advisors, women in the ensuing period were kept out of the army and politics, even as advisors. Instead, they were restricted to family and household work of raising children and cooking. With a steady increase in female representation in education, they have started to undertake nursing, teaching, and other similarly supportive roles. Over the 2018–2019 period, their gradual participation in state politics has been increasing at a steady pace.
The role of women in Egypt has changed throughout history, from ancient to modern times. From the earliest preserved archaeological records, Egyptian women were considered equal to men in Egyptian society, regardless of marital status.
Gender inequality in India refers to health, education, economic and political inequalities between men and women in India. Various international gender inequality indices rank India differently on each of these factors, as well as on a composite basis, and these indices are controversial.
The status and social roles of women in Mali have been formed by the complex interplay of a variety of traditions in ethnic communities, the rise and fall of the great Sahelien states, French colonial rule, independence, urbanisation, and postcolonial conflict and progress. Forming just less than half Mali's population, Malian women have sometimes been the center of matrilineal societies, but have always been crucial to the economic and social structure of this largely rural, agricultural society.
Women in Yemen have historically been placed at a disadvantage due to their gender, with a highly patriarchal society. Although the government of Yemen has made efforts that will improve the rights of women in Yemen, many cultural and religious norms, along with poor enforcement of this legislation from the Yemeni government, have prevented Yemeni women from having equal rights to men.
Women in Malaysia receive support from the Malaysian government concerning their rights to advance, to make decisions, to health, education and social welfare, and to the removal of legal obstacles. The Malaysian government has ensured these factors through the establishment of Ministry of National Unity and Social Development in 1997. This was followed by the formation of the Women's Affairs Ministry in 2001 to recognise the roles and contributions of Malaysian women.
The status of women in Iraq at the beginning of the 21st century is affected by many factors: wars, sectarian religious debates concerning Islamic law and Iraq's Constitution, cultural traditions, and modern secularism. Hundreds of thousands of Iraqi women are widowed as a result of a series of wars and internal conflicts. Women's rights organizations struggle against harassment and intimidation, while they work to promote improvements to women's status in the law, in education, the workplace, and many other spheres of Iraqi life, and to curtail abusive practices such as honor killings and forced marriages.
Gender inequality can be found in various areas of Salvadoran life such as employment, health, education, political participation, and family life. Although women in El Salvador enjoy equal protection under the law, they are often at a disadvantage relative to their male counterparts. In the area of politics, women have the same rights as men, but the percentage of women in office compared to men is low. Though much progress has been made since the Salvadoran Civil War ended in 1992, women in El Salvador still face gender inequality.
Women in South Sudan are women who live in and are from South Sudan. Since the Independence of South Sudan on 9 July 2011, these women have gained more power but still face issues of inequality. Many women in this area do not have adequate access to health resources and education. While these women often face inequality, there has been progress since South Sudan's official declaration of independence. In recent years, this inequality has gained national attention and people have become more interested in the issue of child marriage that this area faces. Along with this, there has started to be a focus on the very high level of maternal mortality in South Sudan. With a maternal mortality rate of 789 deaths per 100,000 live births, South Sudan has one of the highest rates in the world.
Gender inequality has been improving a lot in Bangladesh, inequalities in areas such as education and employment remain ongoing problems so women have little political freedom. In 2015, Bangladesh was ranked 139 out of 187 countries on the Human Development Index and 47 out 144 countries surveyed on the Gender Inequality Index in 2017. Many of the inequalities are result of extreme poverty and traditional gender norms centred on a patrilineal and patriarchal kinship system in rural areas.
Gender equality is the notion that each gender should receive equal treatment in all aspects of life, and that one should not be discriminated based on their sex. Gender equality is a human right, which is recognised under the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights.
Examples of Gender inequality Papua New Guinea includes poverty, violence, limited access to education and health care, and witch hunts. Cases of violence against women in PNG are under reported. There is also a lack of services for women who experience violence. There are reports of sexual abuse by police officers, on arrest and whilst in police custody. These incidents lack documentation or investigation, consequently, perpetrators are rarely prosecuted or punished. The government of Papua New Guinea (PNG) has introduced legislation to combat these issues, though with limited success.
The status of women in Zambia has improved in recent years. Among other things, the maternal mortality rate has dropped and the National Assembly of Zambia has enacted multiple policies aimed at decreasing violence against women. However, progress is still needed. Most women have limited access to reproductive healthcare, and the total number of women infected with HIV in the country continues to rise. Moreover, violence against women in Zambia remains common. Child marriage rates in Zambia are some of the highest in the world, and women continue to experience high levels of physical and sexual violence.
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