Khasi language

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Khasi
Ka Ktien Khasi, ক ক্ত্যেন খসি
Pronunciation/kakt̪eːnkʰasi/
Native toIndia
Region Meghalaya
Ethnicity Khasi
Native speakers
1 million (2011 census) [1]
Austroasiatic
Latin (Khasi alphabet)
Bengali-Assamese
Language codes
ISO 639-2 kha
ISO 639-3 kha
Glottolog khas1269
Khasic Map.png
Map of the Khasic Languages

Khasi (Ka Ktien Khasi) is an Austroasiatic language with just over a million speakers in north-east India, primarily the Khasi people in the state of Meghalaya. It has associate official status in some districts of this state. The closest relatives of Khasi are the other languages in the Khasic group of the Shillong Plateau; these include Pnar, Lyngngam and War.

Contents

Khasi is written using the Latin script. In the first half of the 19th century, attempts to write Khasi in Bengali-Assamese script met with little success. [2]

Etymology

Geographic distribution and status

Khasi is natively spoken by 1,038,000 people in India (as of 2011). It is the first language of one-third of the population of Meghalaya, or 997,000, [3] and its speakers are mostly found in the Khasi Hills and Jaintia Hills regions. There are also small Khasi-speaking communities in neighbouring states of India, [1] the largest of which is in Assam: 34,600 people. [3] There is also a very small number of speakers in Bangladesh. [1]

Khasi has been an associate official language of some districts within Meghalaya since 2005, and as of 2012, was no longer considered endangered by UNESCO. [4] There are demands to include this language to the Eighth Schedule to the Constitution of India. [5]

A sizeable number of books have been published in Khasi, including novels, poetry, religious works, school textbooks and non-fiction. The most famous Khasi poet is U Soso Tham (1873–1940), [6] whose death is commemorated annually as a regional holiday in the state of Meghalaya. [7] Khasi has a good presence on the internet, including blogs and several online newspapers.

Dialects

Khasi has significant dialectal variation, and this presents a challenge with regard to classifying the Khasic languages.

Some dialects of Khasi include:

In addition, Pnar, Maram (including Langrin) [9] and Lyngngam have been listed as types of Khasi, although more recent studies seem to indicate that these are sister languages to Khasi, and that Khasi actually began as a marginal Pnar dialect. [10]

Bhoi, from Nongpoh, and Nonglung from Umsning, in Ri Bhoi District, differ substantially from Standard Khasi in their word order. They are distinct enough from Standard Khasi to be sometimes considered separate languages, [9] with Bhoi sometimes classified as intermediate between Khasi and Pnar,[ citation needed ] and Nonglung being part of Mnar,[ citation needed ] variously classified as a type of War or of Pnar.[ citation needed ] On the other hand, Sohra and War Khasi are lexically very similar.[ citation needed ]

The Sohra dialect is taken as Standard Khasi, as it was the first dialect to be written in Latin and Bengali scripts by the British. [8] [9] While Standard Khasi is spoken by majority in Shillong, it is in turn significantly different from the other Shillong dialects (eight at most) which form a dialect continuum across the capital region.[ citation needed ]

Phonology

This section discusses mainly the phonology of Standard Khasi as spoken in and around the capital city, Shillong.

Khasi, mainly spoken in Meghalaya, is surrounded by unrelated languages: Assamese to the north and east, Sylheti to the south (both Indo-Aryan languages), Garo (a Tibeto-Burman language) to the west, and a plethora of other Tibeto-Burman languages including Manipuri, Mizo and Bodo.

Although over the course of time, language change has occurred, Khasi retains some distinctive features:

Consonants

Consonant phonemes
Labial Dental Alveolar Post-
alveolar
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ɲ ŋ
Stop Unaspirated p b d c k ʔ
Aspirated t̪ʰ
Affricate Unaspirated
Aspirated dʒʱ
Fricative s ʃ h
Approximant j w
Trill r
Lateral l
Examples
IPATranslationIPATranslation
m mrad [mraːt̚] animal n nar [nar] iron
ɲ ñia [ɲaː] aunt ŋ ngen [ŋɛn] wane
p pan [paːn] ask phylla [pʰɨlːaː] special
b blang [blaŋ] goat bhoi [bʱɔɪ] Bhoi
tdong [t̪dɔŋ] tail thah [t̪ʰaːʔ] ice
d dur [dʊr] picture dheng [dʱɛŋ] park
k krung [krʊŋ] rib khring [kʰrɪŋ] entice
jlaw [dʒlaːʊ] howl dʒʱ jhieh [dʒʱeːʔ] wet
s syiem [sʔeːm] monarch ʃ shñiuh [ʃɲoːʔ] hair
r rynsan [rɨnsaːn] platform l lieh [leːʔ] white
j ïor [jɔːr] snow w wah [waːʔ] river

Vowels

Vowel phonemes
Front Central Back
Short Long Short Long Short Long
Close ɪ ɨ ʊ
Mid-Close e o
Mid-Open ɛ ɛː ɔ ɔː
Open a
Examples
IPATranslationIPATranslation
ɪ ding [dɪŋ] fire ih [iːʔ] cooked
ɨ ynda [ɨndaː] until ruh [ruːʔ] also
e miet [met̚] night iermat [eːrmat̚] eyelash
o lum [lom] hill ud [oːt̚] moan
ɛ reng [rɛŋ] horn ɛː erïong [ɛːrjɔŋ] whirlwind
ɔ ong [ɔŋ] say ɔː Shillong [ʃɨlːɔːŋ] Shillong
a sat [sat̚] spicy sad [saːt̚] ceiling

Script

Before British colonization, some of the Khasi Syiems (Royals) used to keep official records and communicate with one another on paper primarily using the Bengali script. William Carey wrote the language with the Bengali script between 1813 and 1838. A large number of Khasi books were written in the Bengali script, including the famous book Ka Niyom Jong Ki Khasi or The Religion of the Khasis, which is an important work on the Khasi religion.

The Welsh missionary, Thomas Jones, arrived in Sohra on June 22, 1841, and proceeded to write down the local language in the Latin script. As a result, the modified Latin alphabet of the language has a few similarities with the Welsh alphabet. [11] The first journal in Khasi was U Nongkit Khubor (The Messenger) published at Mawphlang in 1889 by William Williams.

Khasi alphabet

Khasi in Latin script has a different system, distinct from that of English. Khasi uses a 23-letter alphabet by removing the letters c, f, q, v, x and z from the basic Latin alphabet and adding the diacritic letters ï and ñ, and the digraph ng, which is treated as a letter in its own right. The diagraph ng is also present in Welsh alphabet.

Khasi Alphabet
Capital lettersABKDEGNgHIÏJLMNÑOPRSTUWY
Small lettersabkdegnghiïjlmnñoprstuwy
English Pronunciationahbeekaydeeayegengesheeyeejayellemmennohpeaaaressteeoodouble yuwhy
Assameseয়
Bengaliঅংয়ি

Note

Lost Khasi Script

A local legend tells of how the Khasi people received their script from God, and that subsequently the Khasi people lost their script in a great flood. [13] [14] [15] In 2017, it was reported that there is evidence of an undeciphered script, currently stored at the Kamarupa Anusandhan Samity Library in Guwahati, Assam, that is considered to be Khasi in origin. [16]

Grammar

Khasi is an Austroasiatic language and has its distinct features of a large number of consonant conjuncts, with prefixing and infixing.

Nouns and noun phrases

Word order

The order of elements in a Khasi noun phrase is (Case marker)-(Demonstrative)-(Numeral)-(Classifier)-(Article)-Noun-(Adjective)-(Prepositional phrase)-(Relative clause), as can be seen from the following examples:

ar

two

tylli

CL

ki

PL

sim

bird

ar tylli ki sim

two CL PL bird

'two birds'

kato

that:FEM

ka

FEM

kynthei

girl

kaba

FEM-relative

wan

come

mynnin

yesterday

kato ka kynthei kaba wan mynnin

that:FEM FEM girl FEM-relative come yesterday

'that girl who came yesterday'

ka

FEM

kmie

mother

jong

of

phi

you

ka kmie jong phi

FEM mother of you

'your mother'

Gender

Khasi has a pervasive gender system. There are four genders in this language:

Gender markers in Khasi
MarkerGender
umasculine
kafeminine
idiminutive
kiplural

Humans and domestic animals have their natural gender:

ka kmie "mother"
u kpa "father"
ka syiar "hen"
u syiar "rooster"

Rabel (1961) writes: "the structure of a noun gives no indication of its gender, nor does its meaning, but Khasi natives are of the impression that nice, small creatures and things are feminine while big, ugly creatures and things are masculine....This impression is not borne out by the facts. There are countless examples of desirable and lovely creatures with masculine gender as well as of unpleasant or ugly creatures with feminine gender"

Though there are several counterexamples, Rabel says that there is some semantic regularity in the assignment of gender for the following semantic classes:

FeminineMasculine
times, seasons
clothesreptiles, insects, flora, trees
physical features of natureheavenly bodies
manufactured articlesedible raw material
tools for polishingtools for hammering, digging
trees of soft fibretrees of hard fibre

The matrilineal aspect of the society can also be observed in the general gender assignment, where so, all central and primary resources associated with day-to-day activities are signified as Feminine; whereas Masculine signifies the secondary, the dependent or the insignificant.

FeminineMasculine
Sun (Ka Sngi)Moon (U Bnai)
Wood (Ka Dieng)Tree (U Dieng)
Honey (Ka Ngap)Bee (U Ngap)
House (Ka Ïing)Column (U Rishot)
Cooked rice (Ka Ja)Uncooked rice (U Khaw)

Note: However do note that there are no such universal rules for gender assignment of nouns in Khasi. There are a lot of exceptions and one such is syntiew (flower) which is stereotypically considered feminine but is accompanied with masculine gender signifier "u" i.e. u syntiew. This gender assignment to nouns is highly depended on what the native speakers assign the noun which they all naturally agree upon but which can vary sometimes like according to the mood or tone.

Classifiers

Khasi has a classifier system, apparently used only with numerals. Between the numeral and noun, the classifier tylli is used for non-humans, and the classifier ngut is used for humans, e.g.

Don

there:are

ar

two

tylli

CL

ki

PL

sim

bird

ha

in

ruh.

cage

Don ar tylli ki sim ha ruh.

there:are two CL PL bird in cage

'There are two birds in the cage.'

Don

there:are

lai

three

ngut

CL

ki

PL

Sordar

chief

ha

in

shnong.

village

Don lai ngut ki Sordar ha shnong.

there:are three CL PL chief in village

'There are three chiefs in the village.'

Adjectives

There is some controversy about whether Khasi has a class of adjectives. Roberts cites examples like the following:

u

MASC

briew

man

ba-bha

REL-good

u briew ba-bha

MASC man REL-good

'a good man'

In nearly all instances of attributive adjectives, the apparent adjective has the prefix /ba-/, which seems to be a relativiser. There are, however, a few adjectives without the /ba-/ prefix:

u

MASC

'riew

man

sníew

bad

u 'riew sníew

MASC man bad

'a bad man'

When the adjective is the main predicate, it may appear without any verb 'be':

U

MASC

ksew

dog

u

MASC

lamwir.

restless

U ksew u lamwir.

MASC dog MASC restless

'The dog is restless.'

In this environment, the adjective is preceded by an agreement marker, like a verb. Thus it may be that Khasi does not have a separate part of speech for adjectives, but that they are a subtype of verb.

Prepositions and prepositional phrases

Khasi appears to have a well-developed group of prepositions, among them

The following are examples of prepositional phrases:

ka

FEM

kmie

mother

jong

of

phi

you

ka kmie jong phi

FEM mother of you

'your mother'

u

MASC

slap

rain

u

MASC

ther

pour

na

from

ka

FEM

bneng

sky

u slap u ther na ka bneng

MASC rain MASC pour from FEM sky

'Rain poured from the sky.'

Verbs and verb phrases

Agreement

Verbs agree with 3rd person subjects in gender, but there is no agreement for non-3rd persons (Roberts 1891):

SingularPlural
1st personnga thoh 'I write'ngi thoh 'we write'
2nd personme thoh 'he (masc) writes' pha thoh 'she (fem) writes'phi thoh 'you (pl). write'
3rd personu thoh 'he writes' ka thoh 'she writes'ki thoh 'they write'

The masculine and feminine markers /u/ and /ka/ are used even when there is a noun phrase subject (Roberts 1891:132):

Ka

FEM

miaw

cat

ka

FEM

pah.

meow

Ka miaw ka pah.

FEM cat FEM meow

'The cat meows.'

Tense marking

Tense is shown through a set of particles that appear after the agreement markers but before the verb. Past is a particle /la/ and future is /yn/ (contracted to 'n after a vowel):

KhasiEnglish
U thoh.He writes.
U thoh.He wrote.
U la thoh.He has written.
Un thohHe will write.

Negation

Negation is also shown through a particle, /ym/ (contracted to 'm after a vowel), which appears between the agreement and the tense particle. There is a special past negation particle /shym/ in the past which replaces the ordinary past /la/ (Roberts 1891):

KhasiEnglish
Um ju thoh.He doesn't write.
Um shym thoh.He didn't write.
Um nym thohHe won't write.
Um dei ban thohHe shouldn't write.

Copulas

The copula is an ordinary verb in Khasi, as in the following sentence:

U

MASC

Blei

God

u

MASC

long

be

jingïeid.

love

U Blei u long jingïeid.

MASC God MASC be love

'God is love'

Causative verbs

Khasi has a morphological causative /pn-/ (Rabel 1961). (This is spelled pyn in Roberts (1891)):

Base verbGlossCausative verbGloss
hiarcome downpynhiarlet down, export
tipknowpyntipmake known
phuhblossompynphuhbeautify
ïaidwalkpyn-ïaiddrive, put agoing
jottornpyn-jotdestroy
poiarrivepyn-poideliver

Sentences

Word order

Word order in simple sentences is subject–verb–object (SVO):

U

MASC

ksew

dog

u

MASC

bam

eat

doh.

flesh

U ksew u bam doh.

MASC dog MASC eat flesh

'The dog eats meat.'

However, VSO order is also found, especially after certain initial particles, like hangta 'then' (Rabel 1961).

hangta

then

la

PAST

ong

say

i

dimin

khnai

mouse

ïa

ACC

ka

FEM

Naam

Naam

hangta la ong i khnai ïa ka Naam

then PAST say dimin mouse ACC FEM Naam

'Then said the (little) mouse to Naam ... '

Case marking

Sometimes the object is preceded by a particle ya (spelled ia in Roberts 1891). Roberts says "ia, 'to', 'for', 'against' implies direct and immediate relation. Hence its being the sign of the dative and of the accusative case as well"

U

MASC

la

PAST

ái

give

ïa

ACC

ka

FEM

kitab

book

ïa

ACC

nga.

me

U la ái ïa ka kitab ïa nga.

MASC PAST give ACC FEM book ACC me

'He gave the book to me.'

It appears from Roberts (1891) that Khasi has differential object marking, since only some objects are marked accusative. Roberts notes that nouns that are definite usually have the accusative and those that are indefinite often do not.

Rabel (1961) says "the use of ïa is optional in the case of one object. In the case of two objects one of them must have ïa preceding.... If one of the objects is expressed by a pronoun, it must be preceded by ïa."

Broadly speaking, Khasi marks for eight cases, with the nominative case remaining unmarked, for a total of nine cases.

Case markers in Khasi
CaseMarker
Nominative (unmarked)
Accusative-dative ïa
Ablative na
Locative ha
Allative sha
Genitive jong
Instrumental da
Comitative bad
Vocative ko

All case markers can appear with or without the prenominal markers/articles u, ka, i and ki, and are placed before the prenominal markers.

Passive

Khasi has a passive, but it involves removing the agent of the sentence without putting the patient in subject position. (A type called the 'non-ascensional passive'). Compare the following active-passive pair (Roberts 1891) where the patient continues to have accusative case and remains in the object position:

Ki

PL

dang

contin

tháw

build

ïa

ACC

ka

FEM

ïing

house

da

with

ki

PL

dieng..

wood

Ki dang tháw ïa ka ïing da ki dieng..

PL contin build ACC FEM house with PL wood

'They are building the house with wood.'

Dang

contin

tháw

build

ïa

ACC

ka

FEM

ïing.

house

Dang tháw ïa ka ïing.

contin build ACC FEM house

'The house is being built.'

This type of passive is used, even when the passive agent is present in a prepositional phrase:

La

PAST

lah

PFV

pyniap

kill

ïa

ACC

ka

FEM

masi

cow

da

by

U Míet.

U‍ Miet

La lah pyniap ïa ka masi da {U Míet}.

PAST PFV kill ACC FEM cow by {U Miet}

'The cow was killed by U Miet.'

Questions

Yes–no questions seem to be distinguished from statements only by intonation:

Phi

you

kit

are carrying

khoh

a basket

Til?

Til?

Phi kit khoh Til?

you {are carrying} {a basket} Til?

'Will you take a basket, Til? Phin shim ka khoh, Til?

Wh-questions don't involve moving the wh-element:

u

MASC

leit

go

shaei?

where

u leit shaei?

MASC go where

Where is he going?'

Embedded clauses

Subordinate clauses follow the main verb that selects them (Roberts 1891:169):

Nga

I

tip

know

ba

that

phi

you

la

PAST

leh

do

ia

ACC

kata.

that

Nga tip ba phi la leh ia kata.

I know that you PAST do ACC that

'I know that you have done that'

Relative clauses follow the nouns that they modify and agree in gender:

Ka

FEM

samla kynthei

girl

ka-ba

FEM-relative

wan

come

mynhynnin

yesterday

ka

FEM

la

PAST

iáp.

die

Ka {samla kynthei} ka-ba wan mynhynnin ka la iáp.

FEM girl FEM-relative come yesterday FEM PAST die

'The girl who came yesterday has died.'

Contractions and other reduced forms

Contractions

A variety of Khasi prepositions and other words are contracted or reduced both in spoken and written language. One of the most common form of contractions is when a pronoun is grouped with the verbs "yn" or "ym" (for e.g. u yn contracts to u'n). Or when a preposition is grouped with a vowel-like gender identifier such as "u" and "i" (for e.g. ha u contracts to h'u).

Full formContracted form
ki ymki'm
ki ynki'n
ka ymka'm
ka ynka'n
i yni'n
i ymi'm
nga ynnga'n
nga ymnga'm
phi ynphi'n
phi ymphi'm
u ynu'n
u ymu'm
ba ynba'n
ha uh'u
da ud'u
ïa uï'u
ba ub'u
ba lab'la
la ul'u
la il'i

Reduced words

Reduced form of words are common in the Khasi language. Most of the time, one or a couple of letters are dropped at the beginning of a word (for e.g. briew can become 'riew). There's no clear rule behind this process but usually these words that undergo reduction begins with more than one consonants; the reduced word is accompanied by an apostrophe from the start to mark so. The reduced form of the word is still understood by its context of usage and since its last inner syllabus and letters (i.e. rhyme) are always preserved.

WordReduced form
briew'riew
khlaw'law
sla'la
blei'lei
shniuh'niuh
shnong'nong
lyer'er
kti'ti
blang'lang
khñiang'ñiang
khmat'mat
shkor'kor
dohkha'kha

These reduced forms of words are mostly seen in compound forms where the reduced word is affixed with other words to give rise to new words with new meanings. In compound form, the apostrophe is not used anymore. For e.g. 'riew as in riewkhlaw, riewspah, riewhyndai etc.

Sample text in Khasi

Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

Khasi Alphabet

Ïa ki bynriew baroh la kha laitluid bad ki ïaryngkat ha ka burom bad ki hok. Ha ki la bsiap da ka bor pyrkhat bad ka jingïatiplem bad ha ka mynsiem jingsngew shipara, ki dei ban ïatrei bynrap lang.

(Jinis 1 jong ka Jingpynbna-Ïar Satlak ïa ki Hok Longbriew-Manbriew)

Assamese script যা কি বৃনৰ‌্যের বাৰহ লা খা লাচলোছ বাড কী যৰূঙ্কট হা কি বুৰম বাড ক হক. হাকি লা বৃস্যপ দা ক বৰ-পৃৰ্খট বাড ক চিংযাতিপলেম বাড হা ক মৃন্স্যেম চিংস্ঙেউ শীপাৰা, কী দেই বাণ যত্ৰেই বৃনৰাপ লাং.

(জিনিস বানৃঙ্গং জং ক চিংপৃনবৃনা-যাৰ সত্লাক যা কি হক লংব্ৰ্যের-মানব্র্যের.)

IPA

jaː ki bɨnreʊ baːrɔʔ laː kʰaː lacloc bat ki jaːrɨŋkat haː kaː burɔm bat ki hɔk. haː ki laː bsjap daː kaː bɔːr pɨrkʰat bat kaː dʒɪŋjaːtɪplɛm bat haː kaː mɨnseːm dʒɨŋsŋɛʊ ʃiparaː ki dɛɪ ban jaːtrɛɪ bɨnrap laŋ

(dʒinɪs banɨŋkɔŋ dʒɔŋ kaː dʒɨŋpɨnbnaː-jaːr satlak jaː ki hɔk lɔŋbreʊ manbreʊ)

Gloss

To the human all are born free and they equal in the dignity and the rights. In them are endowed with the power thought and the conscience and in the spirit feeling fraternity they should to work assist together.

(Article first of the Declaration Universal of the Rights Humanity)

Translation

All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should work towards each other in a spirit of brotherhood.

Basic vocabulary

Khasi languageEnglish
Khublei (khu-blei)Thank You
Phi long kumno?How are you? In short it is also used as "Kumno?"
Nga khlaiñI am fine.
KumneShort form response to 'Kumno?' meaning 'like this'.
UmWater
Ja(cooked) rice
Dohkha (doh-kha)fish (meat)
Dohsyiar (doh-syiar)chicken (meat)
Dohsniang (doh-sni-ang)pork (meat)
Dohmasi (doh-ma-si)beef (meat)
Dohblang (doh-bl-ang)mutton (meat)
Jyntah (jyn-tah)dish (meat/vegetable)
Jhur (jh-ur)vegetable
Dailentils
Mluh (ml-uh)salt
Duna (du-na)less
Sohmynken (soh-myn-ken)chilli
Sngewbha ai biang sehPlease give again (serve again).
Lah biangenough
Sngewbha ai um sehPlease give water.
Sngewbha ai ja sehPlease give food (rice).
Sngewbha ai jyntah sehPlease give (side dish) vegetable / meat.
Ai aiu? / Kwah aiu?What do you want?
Sngewbha ai kwai sehPlease give 'kwai'.
Aiu?What?
Mynno?When? (past)
Lano?When? (future)
Hangno? / Shano?Where?
Kumno?How?
Thiah suk.Sleep well. (The equivalent of "Good Night".)
Kumno ngan leit sha Nan Polok?How do I go to Ward's Lake?
Katno ka dor une / kane?What is the price of this? (une is masculine gender, kane is feminine gender and ine

is neutral gender)

Leit suk.Happy journey
Reply is "Shong suk."Literal meaning is "Stay happy."

Numbers

1wei
2ar
3lai
4saw
5san
6hynriew
7hynñiew
8phra
9khyndai
10shiphew
20arphew
30laiphew
40sawphew
50sanphew
60hynriewphew
70hynñiewphew
80phraphew
90khyndaiphew
100shispah
200arspah
300laispah
400sawspah
500sanspah
600hynriewspah
700hynñiewspah
800phraspah
900khyndaispah
1000shihajar
10000shiphewhajar
100000shilak
10000000shiklur
1000000000shiarab

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Shenwa, also spelt Chenoua, is a Zenati Berber language spoken on Mount Chenoua in Algeria, just west of Algiers, and in the provinces of Tipaza and Chlef. The speech of Jebel Chenoua proper is mutually comprehensible with that of the nearby Beni Menacer and Beni Haoua, and they are thus treated as a single language. There are some 76,000 speakers.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Khasi people</span> Ethnic group in North-East India

The Khasi people are an ethnic group of Meghalaya in north-eastern India with a significant population in the bordering state of Assam, and in certain parts of Bangladesh. Khasi people form the majority of the population of the eastern part of Meghalaya, that is Khasi Hills, constituting 78.3% of the region's population, and is the state's largest community, with around 48% of the population of Meghalaya. They are among the few Austroasiatic-speaking peoples in South Asia. The Khasi tribe holds the distinction of being one of the few remaining tribes that have a matrilineal society. Under the Constitution of India, the Khasis have been granted the status of Scheduled Tribe.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Laal language</span> Language isolate spoken in Chad

Laal is an endangered language isolate spoken by 749 people in three villages in the Moyen-Chari prefecture of Chad on opposite banks of the Chari River, called Gori (), Damtar (ɓual), and Mailao. It represents an isolated survival of an earlier language group of Central Africa. It is unwritten except in transcription by linguists. According to former Summer Institute of Linguistics-Chad member David Faris, it is in danger of extinction, with most people under 25 shifting to the locally more widespread Bagirmi.

Tigre is an Ethiopian Semitic language spoken in the Horn of Africa, primarily by the Tigre people of Eritrea. Along with Tigrinya, it is believed to be the most closely related living language to Ge'ez, which is still in use as the liturgical language of the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church and Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church. Tigre has a lexical similarity of 71% with Ge’ez and of 64% with Tigrinya. As of 1997, Tigre was spoken by approximately 800,000 Tigre people in Eritrea. The Tigre mainly inhabit western Eritrea, though they also reside in the northern highlands of Eritrea and its extension into the adjacent parts of Sudan, as well as Eritrea's Red Sea coast north of Zula. There is a small number of Tigre speakers in Sudan, as well as communities of speakers found in the diaspora.

In linguistics, especially within generative grammar, phi features are the morphological expression of a semantic process in which a word or morpheme varies with the form of another word or phrase in the same sentence. This variation can include person, number, gender, and case, as encoded in pronominal agreement with nouns and pronouns. Several other features are included in the set of phi-features, such as the categorical features ±N (nominal) and ±V (verbal), which can be used to describe lexical categories and case features.

Sidama or Sidaamu Afoo is an Afro-Asiatic language belonging to the Highland East Cushitic branch of the Cushitic family. It is spoken in parts of southern Ethiopia by the Sidama people, particularly in the densely populated Sidama National Regional State (SNRS). Sidaamu Afoo is the ethnic autonym for the language, while Sidaminya is its name in Amharic. It is not known to have any specific dialects. The word order is typically SOV. Sidaama has over 100,000 L2 speakers. The literacy rate for L1 speakers is 1%-5%, while for L2 speakers it is 20%. In terms of its writing, Sidaama used an Ethiopic script up until 1993, from which point forward it has used a Latin script.

The grammar of Old English differs greatly from Modern English, predominantly being much more inflected. As a Germanic language, Old English has a morphological system similar to that of the Proto-Germanic reconstruction, retaining many of the inflections thought to have been common in Proto-Indo-European and also including constructions characteristic of the Germanic daughter languages such as the umlaut.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hindustani grammar</span> Grammatical features of the Hindustani lingua franca

Hindustani, the lingua franca of Northern India and Pakistan, has two standardised registers: Hindi and Urdu. Grammatical differences between the two standards are minor but each uses its own script: Hindi uses Devanagari while Urdu uses an extended form of the Perso-Arabic script, typically in the Nastaʿlīq style.

Paumarí is an Arauan language spoken in Brazil by about 300 older adults out of an ethnic population of 900. It is spoken by the Paumari Indians, who call their language “Pamoari”. The word “Pamoari” has several different meanings in the Paumarí language: ‘man,’ ‘people,’ ‘human being,’ and ‘client.’ These multiple meanings stem from their different relationships with outsiders; presumably it means ‘human being’ when they refer to themselves to someone of ostensibly equal status, and ‘client’ when referring to their people among river traders and Portuguese speakers.

This article describes the grammar of Tigrinya, a South Semitic language which is spoken primarily in Eritrea and Ethiopia, and is written in Ge'ez script.

This article discusses the grammar of the Western Lombard (Insubric) language. The examples are in Milanese, written according to the Classical Milanese orthography.

The grammar of the Marathi language shares similarities with other modern Indo-Aryan languages such as Odia, Gujarati or Punjabi. The first modern book exclusively about the grammar of Marathi was printed in 1805 by Willam Carey.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Iraqw language</span> Cushitic language spoken in Tanzania

Iraqw is a Cushitic language spoken in Tanzania in the Arusha and Manyara Regions. It is expanding in numbers as the Iraqw people absorb neighbouring ethnic groups. The language has many Datooga loanwords, especially in poetic language. The Gorowa language, to the south, shares numerous similarities and is sometimes considered a dialect.

A nominalized adjective is an adjective that has undergone nominalization, and is thus used as a noun. In the rich and the poor, the adjectives rich and poor function as nouns denoting people who are rich and poor respectively.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Wanano language</span> Tucanoan language spoken in Brazil and Colombia

Guanano (Wanano), or Piratapuyo, is a Tucanoan language spoken in the northwest part of Amazonas in Brazil and in Vaupés in Colombia. It is spoken by two peoples, the Wanano and the Piratapuyo. They do not intermarry, but their speech is 75% lexically similar.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pashto grammar</span> Grammar of the Pashto language

Pashto is an S-O-V language with split ergativity. Adjectives come before nouns. Nouns and adjectives are inflected for gender (masc./fem.), number (sing./plur.), and case. The verb system is very intricate with the following tenses: Present; simple past; past progressive; present perfect; and past perfect. In any of the past tenses, Pashto is an ergative language; i.e., transitive verbs in any of the past tenses agree with the object of the sentence. The dialects show some non-standard grammatical features, some of which are archaisms or descendants of old forms.

In linguistics, allocutive agreement refers to a morphological feature in which the gender of an addressee is marked overtly in an utterance using fully grammaticalized markers even if the addressee is not referred to in the utterance. The term was first used by Louis Lucien Bonaparte in 1862.

In the Romance languages, metaphony was an early vowel mutation process that operated in all Romance languages to varying degrees, raising certain stressed vowels in words with a final or or a directly following. This is conceptually similar to the umlaut process characteristic of the Germanic languages. Metaphony is most extensive in the Italo-Romance languages, and applies to nearly all languages of Italy. However, it is absent from Tuscan, and hence from Standard Italian.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Tsʼixa language</span> Khoe language of Botswana

Tsʼixa is a critically endangered African language that belongs to the Kalahari Khoe branch of the Khoe-Kwadi language family. The Tsʼixa speech community consists of approximately 200 speakers who live in Botswana on the eastern edge of the Okavango Delta, in the small village of Mababe. They are a foraging society that consists of the ethnically diverse groups commonly subsumed under the names "San", "Bushmen" or "Basarwa". The most common term of self-reference within the community is Xuukhoe or 'people left behind', a rather broad ethnonym roughly equaling San, which is also used by Khwe-speakers in Botswana. Although the affiliation of Tsʼixa within the Khalari Khoe branch, as well as the genetic classification of the Khoisan languages in general, is still unclear, the Khoisan language scholar Tom Güldemann posits in a 2014 article the following genealogical relationships within Khoe-Kwadi, and argues for the status of Tsʼixa as a language in its own right. The language tree to the right presents a possible classification of Tsʼixa within Khoe-Kwadi:

References

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  2. "ScriptSource – Khasi". scriptsource.org. Archived from the original on 29 October 2021. Retrieved 28 February 2022.
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  8. 1 2 Bradley, David; Mohanty, Panchanan (27 June 2023). "Sociolinguistics of South Asia". The Routledge Handbook of Sociolinguistics Around the World: 184–196. doi:10.4324/9781003198345-17.
  9. 1 2 3 Nagaraja, KS (1993). "Khasi dialects: a typological consideration" (PDF). Mon-Khmer Studies . 23: 1-10. Retrieved 1 September 2023.
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  13. "The Legend about how the Khasis lost their script - Cherrapunjee Holiday Resort". 18 September 2019. Archived from the original on 14 May 2023. Retrieved 8 June 2023.
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Sources

Further reading