Yolmo is both the name of the language (glottonym), and the ethnic group of people who speak the language (ethnonym). Yolmo is also written Hyolmo, Yholmo or Yohlmo. The 'h' in all of these spellings marks that the word has low tone.[6] Sometimes the language is referred to as Yolmo Tam, tam is the Yolmo word for 'language'.[7]
The language is also referred to as Helambu Sherpa. This usage was common in the 1970s (see, for example, Clarke's work from the early 1980s).[8] This name appears to have been an attempt by Yolmo speakers to align themselves with the widely recognised and prosperous Sherpas of the Solu-Khumbu district. While there are many cultural affinities between the two groups, the Sherpa language is not mutually intelligible with Yolmo.[4] With a growing recognition of Nepal's ethnic minorities (Janajati), Yolmo people have moved away from associating themselves with the Sherpas in recent decades.[9]
Language family
Yolmo is part of the family of languages called Kyirong-Kagate.[10] The languages of this family are located along the Himalayan hills and mountains mostly on the Nepal side of the border, although Kyirong is in the Tibet Antonymous Region. Along with Yolmo, Kyirong and Syuba, other languages in the family include Tsum, Nubri and Gyalsumdo.
The language family is better considered be Kyirong-Yolmo.[6] Yolmo has far more speakers (at least 10,000) than Kagate (Syuba) (1,500), Yolmo speakers are found in multiple districts, including Melamchi, Lamjung and Ilam, while Kagate speakers are based in Ramechhap. Also, Kagate is an exonym, and speakers now prefer the endonymSyuba, which carries less pejorative stigma than the caste-associated term Kagate ('papermaker').
Yolmo speakers traditionally reside in the Helambu and Melamchi Valley regions in the Nuwakot and Sindhupalchowk districts of Nepal. Yolmo speakers migrated to the area, across the Himalaya, from the Kyriong, in what is now Southwest Tibet, over 300 years ago.[8] This migration appears to have occurred slowly over multiple generations, rather than one large migration event.[12] Main villages where Yolmo speakers reside include Melamchi Ghyang, Tarke Ghyang, Nakote, Kangyul, Sermathang, Norbugoun, Timbu, and Kutumsang.
Yolmo speakers are Buddhist, with the role of head Lama patrilineal.[8] Yolmo Lamas are called upon to perform religious rituals for the Tamang-speaking communities that live in villages below the Yolmo-inhabited areas. This has created a strong socio-cultural link between the two groups that is reflected in traditional marriage practice where Tamang women marry into Yolmo villages.[13] There is also a distinct local tradition of pòmbo (often referred to as 'shamanism' in the literature on this topic[9][14]). The pòmbo tradition, passed from father to son, is focused on healing, particularly with regard to 'soul loss'.[9] This practice appears to be evolving fit with the modern focus on Buddhism among Yolmo people. For example, pòmbo blood sacrifices are no longer performed as commonly.[15] While there are similarities, including a shared etymology, these local practitioners are not formally associated with the Bon of Tibet.
Traditionally Yolmo people were yak herders and traders.[16] They currently practice a combination of mixed agriculture involving livestock herding, hotel management, restaurants, and trading. Although outward migrants would often return to village life,[17] speakers of Yolmo are increasing settling in Kathmandu, or moving overseas, which has an effect on transmission of the language as speakers move towards dominant languages of formal education such as Nepal and English.[18]
For more on the history of Yolmo speakers, see the Yolmo people page.
Dialects
There are a number of dialects of Yolmo, spread throughout Nepal, thanks to migration in recent centuries, including in Lamjung[19] and Ilam.[20] There are also closely related languages that should be considered when discussing Yolmo, including Kagate (Syuba) and Langtang. Some of these varieties have been documented in more detail than others. Some of the dialects also have more mutual intelligibility, which means it is easier for the speakers to understand each other. Below is a list of established dialects, including what is known about each.
Melamchi Valley Yolmo
Sermathang Village, Melamchi Valley, Nepal
The variety of Yolmo documented by Anna Marie Hari is mostly spoken in the Melamchi Valley area. Hari documented the variety of Yolmo mostly spoken around the villages of Sermathang and Chhimi. Hari also encountered speakers from other areas in the Melamchi and Helambu valleys, and suggested there are two dialects across this area. mostly distinguished by vocabulary. The two dialects are the 'western' dialect, mostly in Nuwakot district and the 'eastern' dialect, which Hari's work focuses on.[4] While discussing these dialects Hari also observes that the variety spoken around Tarkeghyang is different again, suggesting there may be more than two dialects spoken in the area.
Hari produced a Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary of the language with Chhegu Lama,[7] and a sketch grammar.[4] Hari also translated the New Testament of the Bible into Yolmo.[21] Original cassette recordings of her work have been digitised and archived with PARADISEC.[22] Unless otherwise stated, all discussion of the grammar of Yolmo on this page is drawn from the work on Melamchi Valley Yolmo.
Langtang
Northwest of the Yolmo-speaking areas in the Langtang valley of the Rasuwa District are three villages that speak a language that is mutually intelligible with Yolmo.[23] This language also shares features with Kyirong and is likely part of a dialect continuum between Yolmo and Kyirong.
Lamjung Yolmo
Nayagaun, Lamjung, NepalGawne 2016
Lamjung Yolmo is spoken by around 700 people in five villages of the Lamjung District of Nepal.[19] Yolmo speakers have been residing in this area for over a century.[6] Gawne has written a sketch grammar[19] and a Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary.[24] There is also a digital archive of Lamjung Yolmo recordings archived with PARADISEC.[25]
Ilam Yolmo
A dialect of Yolmo is reportedly spoken in the Ilam District of far east Nepal.[20] There is very little documentation of this variety, but it is mutually intelligible with Syuba.[26] Recordings from the dialect are available as a subset of an online collection of Syuba materials archived with PARADISEC.[27]
Syuba (Kagate)
Although Syuba has a distinct name, and a separate ISO 639-3 code (SYW), linguistically it can be considered a dialect of Yolmo.[26] Syuba speakers say their families migrated to the area more than a century ago.[26] Hari, who worked on both Yolmo[4] and Syuba[28] observes that "to quite a large extent they are mutually intelligible dialects".[4] The lexical similarity between Syuba and Melamchi Valley Yolmo is at least 79%, with the similarity between Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo even higher (88%). There is a higher level of similarity between Yolmo and Syuba than there is between either of these languages and Kyirong.[3] This all suggests that the separated dialects may have more in common with each other than with the main dialect area.[29] In 2016 the Syuba community published a Syuba-Nepali-English dictionary.[30]
Three open access collections of Syuba, MH1 digitised from Monika Hölig's 1970s recordings,[31]SUY1 documentation by Lauren Gawne (2009-2016),[27]MTC1 a 2013 BOLD documentation by the Mother Tongue Centre Nepal.[32]
Language vitality
Using the Expanded Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (EGIDS), Ethnologue gives Yolmo a vitality rating of 6a 'Vigorous', but does not cite a source for this claim.[33] The vitality of the language varies depending on the location. In the Melamchi Valley area the language is spoken mostly by older adults. The younger generations having largely shifted to Nepali, though the language is being maintained for religious practices.[4] The shift towards Nepali for younger speakers has also been observed in Lamjung, as this is the language used in schools.[34] The Syuba variety in Ramechhap is currently still spoken across all generations, including children. Mitchell & Eichentopf give it an EGIDS rating of 6a 'Vigorous', which is the likely reference for the Ethnologue rating.[33][35] This is a recent survey with primary data presented, and is in concord with the first author's own observations of this community. There is insufficient data on the Ilam or Langtang variety to assess their vitality at this stage.
Language contact
The majority of Yolmo speakers are minimally bilingual in the national language Nepali. For older speakers Nepali was mostly used for interaction with people outside their community, and they may be less proficient, while younger speakers are likely to have attended school in Nepali and are proficient.
While there is relatively little influence of Nepali on basic vocabulary (such as the Swadesh list below), Nepali words are commonly adopted into Yolmo. In Hari & Lama's dictionary of over 4000 entries there are over 200 entries marked with some kind of Nepali influence.[7] The extent to which Nepali words have been reconfigured to Yolmo phonology has not been systematically studied. One observation is that Nepali verbs take a suffix -ti before any tense or aspect marking. This suffix is not voiced in any environment, unlike the perfective aspect marker -ti.[19]
In the Helambu area Tamang women would marry into the villages, but they appeared to move to Yolmo-speaking when they married in[13] (although contact with Tamang may account for some features of Yolmo, such as the general fact evidential, below).[36]
Individuals may also have other languages in their personal repertoire, through marriage to someone from a different language group, international work or engagement with tourists from different countries. English is increasingly common as a language of education.
Orthography
Hyolmo does not have a written tradition although there are attempts to develop an orthography based on Devanagari, the script used to write the national language Nepali, as seen in the publication of two dictionaries.[7][24] Syuba speakers also settled on a Devanagari orthography for their dictionary.[30] All of these dictionaries also present the languages in Roman orthographies.
Devanagari
The modifications to Devanagari are minor, and are intended to ensure that all sounds in the language can be represented. None of the orthographies use the 'inherent schwa vowel', meaning that a consonant without an overt vowel is not treated as having an implied vowel. Consonants remain the same as in the existing Devanagari tradition, with the use of joined digraphs to represent additional sounds in the language, such as the combination of क (k) and य (y) for the palatal stop क्य ([c] 'kh'), स (s) and य (y) for the palatal fricative स्य ([ʃ] 'sh'), र and ह for the voiceless liquid र्ह ([r̥] 'rh'), and ल and ह for the voiceless lateral ल्ह ([l̥] 'lh') ह्य ('hy').
Vowel length is unmarked in the Syuba dictionary, in the two Yolmo dictionaries the standard Devanagari length distinctions are made, with the addition of a small diacritic below the 'a' vowel ( ा) to indicate a longer vowel. The Hari & Lama[7] and Gawne[24] dictionaries both use ह (h) after the vowel to mark low tone (e.g. टाह ʈà 'pheasant'), while in (the Syuba orthography a visarga represents the low tone (टाः ʈà 'pheasant'). High tone is left unmarked.
Roman
All three dictionaries also make use of variations on a Romanised orthography, although this does not appear to be used or preferred by Hyolmo speakers, and is intended for the English-literate audience of the dictionaries. Consonants predominantly take their form from the International Phonetic Alphabet, with some exception where there is a more common preference in English, such as digraphs for the palatal stops ([c] 'ky', [ch] 'khy', [ɟ] 'gy') and non-superscript for aspiration (e.g. phá 'pig'). This is represented in the consonant chart in the Phonology section.
The vowels in Hyolmo follow the International Phonetic Alphabet, except for [ɔ] which uses 'o' for ease of typing. Long vowels are represented by double characters, e.g. [ɲíː] 'two' is represented as ɲíi, except in the Syuba dictionary[30] where vowel length is not indicated in either the Devanagari or Roman scripts. For tone Hari[4][7] uses a 'h' after the vowel to represent low tone, (e.g. toh 'stone') with high tone unmarked (e.g. to 'rice'), Gawne[24] uses the International Phonetic Alphabet convention of using accents over the vowel to mark high and low tone (e.g. tó 'rice' and tò 'stone'), while the Syuba dictionary uses a superscript L at the start of the syllable to mark low tone (e.g. Lto 'stone') with high tone unmarked.[30]
On this page the orthography mostly follows Hari's transcription,[4][7] as outlined in the phonology. Unlike Hari, representation of tone follows the International Phonetic Alphabet, with accents to mark high and low tone (e.g. tó 'rice' and tò 'stone' respectively). This avoids Hari's use of 'h' to represent both low tone and the sound [h].[34]
Grammatical overview
The sections below contain an overview of the key features of the grammar of Hyolmo. Information is mostly drawn from Hari's grammar of the language,[4] supplemented by the Yohlmo-Nepali-English dictionary she co-wrote with Chhegu Lama.[7] Differences between this variety and other documented dialects are indicated where relevant. Links to other related languages will also be made where relevant.
All example sentences are presented with an interlinear gloss. This breaks down the words on a morpheme level, giving information about the meaning of each morpheme using a standard set of glossing abbreviations. All examples are cited back to the original publication they are drawn from. Some glossing has been regularised, or added where it was not included in the original.
Phonology
Consonants
There are 36 consonants in Yolmo, which are summarized in the table below. The form is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different.[4]
Not all consonants are equally frequent. In particular [h], [r̥] and [l̥] are not particularly frequent, nor are vowel-initial words.
Vowels
There are five places of articulation for vowels. There is a length distinction at each place of articulation. The form of each vowel is given in IPA and then to the right in brackets is given the form used in this article, if different.
Below are some minimal pairs that demonstrate the vowel length distinction. The diacritic above the vowel is the tone marker, the acute accent indicates that all of these examples are high tone. This is explained in more detail in the section on tone.
tɕí
'one'
tɕíi
'what'
tó
‘rice (cooked)'
tóo
'be hungry'
Vowel-length distinctions are not common across Tibetic language, but they are also attested in Syuba[28] (although Syuba speakers do not consider them salient enough to encode in the orthography[30]) and in Kyirong for open syllables.[37]
Unlike many other Tibetic languages, including Kyirong, and Standard Tibetan, Yolmo does not have a front rounded [y]. This is true for all dialects of Yolmo documented to date, including Syuba. Langtang, however, does have this vowel.[23]
Tone
Like other Tibetic languages, Yolmo has tone, which is located on the first vowel of a word.[38] Hari presents a four tone contrast of Melamchi Valley Yolmo; high level, high falling, low level and low falling.[4] Acoustic evidence from Lamjung Yolmo and Kagate indicates that there is only acoustic evidence for a contrast between two tones; low and high.[24] Below are some examples of tone minimal pairs:
pú
'body hair'
pù
‘son’
kómba
‘thirsty’
kòmba
‘temple’
Low tone words can be marked with breathy voice, but this is not always the case. The practice of indicating low tone with a 'h' following the vowel in some orthographies is related to this breathy property of low-tone vowels. The high tone, which uses modal voice, is left unmarked.
Tone is predictable in some environments. It is always high following aspiratedstops, aspirated affricates and voicelessliquids (which speakers treat as equivalent to aspirated). Examples of all of these include:
pháa
'pig'
thí
'ruler (for measuring)'
ʈháa
'blood'
khyá
'you, plural'
khá
'mouth'
tshá
'salt'
tɕhá
'pair'
rhílmu
'round'
lhá
'god'
Tone is always low following voiced stops, voiced fricatives and voiced affricates. Examples of all of these include:
bù
'insect'
dà
'arrow'
ɖù
'grain'
gyàa
'place'
gùri
'cat'
dzàdi
'nutmeg'
dʑùbu
'huge/much'
zà
'rainbow'
ʑèe
'udder'
On words with more than one syllable the tone is marked on the initial syllable. Subsequent syllables eventually level off. Tone on all words is influenced by prosody, and may become more or less neutralised in running speech.[39]
The only prefixes in the language are the negator prefixes mà- and mè-. Both have low tone, however if the following root has high tone it will not change tone because of the preceding low suffix.[4]
There are no morpho-phonemic variations discussed for the language. The only related feature are a small set of verb minimal pairs where transitivity is distinguished by tone:
làŋ
'to rise'
láŋ
'to raise'
tàp
'to fall'
táp
'to be scattered'
ròp
'to break'
róp
'to break something'
Syllable structure
Yolmo has the syllable structure (C)(C)V(C).[19] This means that the minimum a syllable needs is a vowel. Syllables can also have up to two consonants before the vowel and one after the vowel.
V
òo
'there'
VC
ùr
'fly'
CV
pù
'son'
CVC
pùp
'keep warm'
CCV
prù
'write'
CCVC
prùl
'snake'
All consonants and vowels can occur word-initial, with a restricted set able to occur in the second syllable. The set of syllable initial consonant clusters includes /pr, br, kr, py, phy, sw, kw, thw, rw/.
All vowels can occur syllable-final, and final consonants include voiceless unaspirated bilabial /b/ and velar stops /k/, voiced liquids /l,r/, the voiced labio-velar /w/ and all nasals except the palatal /m, n, ng/.
Morphophonemic processes
There is a regular process by which the suffixes undergo a change depending on the nature of the verb that they are attached to. Suffixes that begin with a voicelessstop, such as the non-past -ke, the imperative -toŋ or the hortative -ka, all undergo regular morphophonological processes. If they occur after a syllable with a final sound that is voiced they will also be voiced, if they occur after an unvoiced final sound, or an /r/ the start of the suffix will be unvoiced. The examples below are with the non-past -ke:
tá-ge
watch-non.pst
tén-ge
show-non.pst
zàp-ke
dress.up-non.pst
mùr-ke
chew-non.pst
The only forms that cannot be predicted by this process is if the suffix is after /i/ or /e/, both of which are high front vowels. The voicing cannot be predicted in this context, and the suffix is sometimes voiced and sometimes unvoiced. Below are examples of verbs with both /i/ and /e/:
pí-ge
pull.out-non.pst
ɕí-ge
die-non.pst
ɕé-ke
tell-non.pst
kyé-ke
give.birth-non.pst
There is also a tendency for suffixes that begin with -k/ -g to omit the initial sound after a vowel. This is not as regular a process as the voicing alterations described above. Below are some examples of this process:
The order of the noun phrase is (Determiner) Noun=Plural(-Focus Marker)(=Case) (Numeral Classifier) (Number) (Adjective).[19]
Determiners
The Yolmo definitedeterminer is dì the same as the third person inanimate pronoun 'it/this'. It occurs before the noun:
dì
DET
pèza
child
dì pèza
DET child
'The child' (Hari 2010: 31)
The indefinite is marked using the numeral tɕíi 'one', which comes after the noun, like other numbers:
mì
person
tɕíi
one
mì tɕíi
person one
'A person' (Hari 2010: 91)
Pronouns
Yolmo pronouns are presented in the table below. There is an inclusive/exclusive distinction for first person plural pronouns, a gender distinction for third person singular and an animacy distinction for third person.
Singular
Plural
1st person
exclusive
ŋà
ɲì
inclusive
òraŋ/ùu
2nd person
khyé
khyá
3rd Person
masc.
khó
khúŋ
fem.
mò
inanimate
dì
dìya
Reflexive
ràŋ
The first person plural òraŋ is more commonly found in the Western dialects of Melamchi and Helambu Valley Yolmo, as well as Lamjung Yolmo, while ùu is more common in the Eastern dialects. It is possible to create a dual form by adding ɲíi to the plural form (e.g. khyá ɲíi 'you two'), although this is optional.
The third person plural khúŋ can also be used as a polite form for a single third person.
Pronouns do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.
Interrogative pronouns
Interrogative pronouns are used to form questions. Yolmo has the following attested interrogative pronouns:
sú
'who'
nàm
'when'
kàla
'where'
tɕípe, tɕíle, tɕí mée
'why'
tɕí
'what'
kàndi
'which one'
súgi
'whose'
súla
'whom'
kànɖu, kànmu
'how'
Hari gives both kà and kàla (kà with the dative suffix) as forms for 'where' in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only kàla is attested in Lamjung Yolmo.[24] There are also a number of forms for 'why', tɕípe and tɕíle are attested in both Melamchi Valley Yolmo and Lamjung Yolmo, but only tɕí mée in Melamchi Valley Yolmo. This is because it uses the verb mée 'say' as part of the construction, which is not in Lamjung Yolmo (see the section on reported speech, as well as the word list). The kànmu form of 'how' is attested in Lamjung Yolmo, while kànɖu is used in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, with an optional -mu suffix to make kànɖu-mu. Hari and Lama also note the form kànɖu-bar in the Western regions.[40]
Note that the words súgi and súla are complex forms, súgi is sú 'who' with the genitive case suffix, and súla is sú with the dative case suffix.
For more on the structure of interrogative clauses, see the section on question formation.
Proper nouns
Proper nouns include people's names, place names and the names of deities. They do not take determiners, number, or adjectives.
Plural
The plural marker in Melamchi and Lamjung Yolmo is =ya. The plural is treated as a clitic as it occurs after an adjective if there is one, rather than always attaching directly to the noun:
kháŋba
house
tɕímbu
big
tɕhímbu=ya
big=PL
kháŋba tɕímbu tɕhímbu=ya
house big big=PL
'The big houses' (Hari 2010: 28)
Plural marking is optional if an overt number is used with the noun, or if the number is clear from context:
pèmpiʑa
women
súm
three
dù
COP.PE
pèmpiʑa súm dù
women three COP.PE
'There are three women' (Gawne 2016: 55)
The plural form in Syuba is =kya,[28] which is more similar to the Kyirong form,[37] suggesting the Yolmo =ya is an innovation.
Focus marker
Yolmo has a nominal focus marker -ti. The focus marker gives prominence to the noun it is attached to. In the example below, the older brother is singled out, contrasted with other relatives who perhaps did not obtain such wealth:
áda-di
older.brother-FOC
ɲìma
day
ɲèdzen
every
tɕhúkpu
rich
kàl-di
went-PFV
oŋ-sin
come-PST
dù
AUX.PE
áda-di ɲìma ɲèdzen tɕhúkpu kàl-di oŋ-sin dù
older.brother-FOC day every rich went-PFV come-PST AUX.PE
'The older brother became richer every day.' (Hari & Lama 2004: 271)
Hari also notes for Melamchi Valley Yolmo that there is a focus marker -ka, which is used specifically to mark something as contrary to expectation.
kháŋba
house
tɕhímbu
big
tɕhímbu=ya-la-ga
big=PL-LOC-FOC
tè-ku
reside-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
kháŋba tɕhímbu tɕhímbu=ya-la-ga tè-ku dù
house big big=PL-LOC-FOC reside-IPFV AUX.PE
'I realize that they are living in big houses.' (Hari 2010: 27)
Nouns can also take the emphatic suffixes -ni and -raŋ, which are also used for other parts of speech (see section on lexical emphasis).
Case marking
Yolmo uses post-positional suffixes to mark the case of nouns. Similar to other Tibetic languages, Yolmo uses a single case form for multiple functions. Case marking is treated as a clitic, as clitics come at the end of the whole noun phrase, rather than directly attaching to only the noun. Below the cases are listed with their functions.
The case markers are phonologically bound, with the =ki form becoming voiced in some environments, it is also reduced to =i in some environments. See the section on morphophonemic processes for more on this.
Where there is also a plural the case marker comes after the plural, as in the example below:
tɕàmu=ya=gi
hen=PL=ERG
kòŋa
egg
tɕú
ten
thál
NUM.CLF
kyée
lay
dù
COP.PE
tɕàmu=ya=gi kòŋa tɕú thál kyée dù
hen=PL=ERG egg ten NUM.CLF lay COP.PE
'The hens laid ten eggs' (Hari 2010: 23)
Ergative case
Yolmo has optional ergative case-marking. Ergative marking means that subjects of intransitive verbs are unmarked, the same as objects of transitive verbs. Subjects of transitive verbs are distinguished from both of these with the =ki marker (in contrast to nominative-accusative languages like English, where the subjects of both intransitive and transitive verbs are marked in contrast with objects of transitive verbs).
Below is an intransitive sentence, with the subject ŋà taking no marking:
ŋà
1SG
ŋù-sin
cry-PST
ŋà ŋù-sin
1SG cry-PST
'I cried'
In contrast with this ergative-marked transitive, where the subject ŋà is marked with the ergative:
ŋà=gi
1SG=ERG
ɕò
yoghurt
úp-sin
cover-PST
ŋà=gi ɕò úp-sin
1SG=ERG yoghurt cover-PST
'I covered the yoghurt' (Hari 2010: 39)
Speakers do not always use the ergative case, which is why it is considered 'optional':
ŋà
1SG
tó
rice.cooked
sà-ke
eat-NPST
ŋà tó sà-ke
1SG rice.cooked eat-NPST
'I eat rice' (Gawne 2016: 69)
Ergative marking is more common for past tense, and non-habitual actions. There also appears to be some effect of animacy, and the ergative appears to be used as a strategy in discourse to mark agentivity.[41] This form of optional ergativity is common across the Tibeto-Burman family.[42]
Dative case
Dative case is typically used to indicate, broadly, the noun to which something is given. The Yolmo dative has this function, but it also has a function in 'dative subject' constructions. The dative subject occurs with a small set of intransitive verbs, and denote personal, and usually internal, states.
ŋà=la
1SG=DAT
hé
potatoes
kà-en
like-NPST
ŋà=la hé kà-en
1SG=DAT potatoes like-NPST
'I like potatoes.' (Hari 2010: 42)
The use of dative subjects is common in languages of this area, and is also attested more broadly.
Number
Yolmo has a base-20 counting system.[40] As can be seen in the examples above, cardinal numbers can be used in noun phrases.
The Yolmo number system is very similar to that of Standard Tibetan and other Tibetan varieties. In the table below is the Yolmo number, taken from Hari's dictionary.[7]
Yolmo
English
Yolmo
English
Yolmo
English
tɕíi
1
khál tɕíi tɕíi
21
ʑìpkha
400
ɲíi
2
khál tɕíi ɲíi
22
ŋápkya
500
súm
3
khál tɕíi súm
23
ʈùpkya
600
ʑì
4
khál tɕíi ʑì
24
tìngya
700
ŋá
5
khál tɕíi ŋá
25
kyèkya
800
ʈùu
6
khál tɕíi ʈúu
26
kùpkya
900
tìn
7
kál tɕíi tìn
27
tóŋra
1000
kyèe
8
khál tɕíi kyèe
28
kù
9
khál tɕíi kù
29
tɕú
10
khál tɕíi tɕú
30
tɕúuʑi
11
khál ɲíi
40
tɕíŋii
12
khál tɕú
50
tɕúusum
13
khál súm
60
tɕúpɕi
14
khál súm tɕú
70
tɕéeŋa
15
khál ʑì
80
tɕíiru
16
khál ʑì tɕú
90
tɕúptin
17
khál ŋá
100
tɕápkye
18
khál tìn tɕú
150
tɕúrku
19
khál tɕú
200
khál ɕíi
20
khál tɕéeŋa
300
In Lamjung Yolmo, the base-20 system is only used by a small number of older speakers, with others using a base-10 system. For example, 'twenty' is ɲídʑu, 'thirty' is súmdʑu, 'forty' is ɕíptɕu, etc. Even then, once people reach 20 the usually switch to counting in Nepali.[19]
Ordinal numbers are formed by addition of the suffix -pa, or alternatively with the suffix -pu for ordinals relating to people, in Melamchi Yolmo. Ordinals are typically only formed up to 20.
Numeral classifiers
Yolmo also has an optional numeral classifierthál. This is used to emphasise number. In the example in the section on case marking above, the speaker is emphasising that the hens laid a large number of eggs.
Lamjung Yolmo also has the classifier mènda which can only be used with humans.[19]
Adjectives
Adjectives occur within the noun phrase. Adjectives usually come after the noun so 'small child' would be pìʑa tɕháme (lit. 'child small'). Adjectives can also occur before the noun, especially in casual speech.[19] Many adjectives are derived from verb forms, and often end with -pu, -po, -pa or -mu, but they do not act as verbs, as we see in languages like Magar and Manage.[43] Hari also notes that there are some adjectives that appear to not have a known verbal origin.[44] Adjectives can occur as the head of a noun phrase, but this is very uncommon.
tɕhómbo
'big'
rìŋbu
'long'
màrmu, màrpu
'red'
kárpu, kármu
'white'
dzìba
'afraid'
ʈòmbo
'warm'
It is possible to create a new adjective from a verb, using the -panominalising suffix. The verb stem is often reduplicated; rùl- 'to rot' becomes rùl rùlba 'rotten' and pàŋ- 'to be wet' becomes pàŋ pàŋba 'wet'.[19]
The copula verbs and their functions are given in the table below. Copulas are not inflected for person, number or politeness level and many do not distinguish tense:[4][6]
Egophoric
Dubitative
Perceptual
General Fact
Equation
yìn/yìngen/yìmba
yìnɖo
dù
dùba
Existential
yè/yèba
yèken/yèba (past tense)
yèʈo
òŋgen/òŋge
Equation copulas are used to link two noun phrases, while existential copulas are used for functions of existence, location, attribution and possession.[6] Hari describes the forms that end in -pa (voiced in this environment so they become -ba) as more emphatic, unlike lexical verbs with a -pa suffix they do not indicate past tense, and are not used exclusively in question structures.[4]
Some copula verbs can also be used as verbal auxiliaries, particularly in constructions marked for aspect, where they contribute evidential, tense or epistemic information. The negative forms of each copula are given in the section on negation.
Below the different evidential and epistemic functions of each copula type are discussed.
Egophoric
The egophoric, or personal,[45] is used to indicate that the speaker has personal knowledge about the information. In the example below, the speaker would not be reading the name of the book, but already know the name as they show it to someone else:
òo
that
tɕhée=gi
book=GEN
mìn
name
gyàldzen
gyaldzen
tsému
tsemu
púŋgyen
puŋgyen
má-ẽ
say-NPST
yìmba
COP.EGO
òo tɕhée=gi mìn gyàldzen tsému púŋgyen má-ẽ yìmba
that book=GEN name gyaldzen tsemu puŋgyen say-NPST COP.EGO
'This book is called 'Gyaldzen Tsemu Punggyen.' (Hari 2010: 66)
Unlike in Standard Tibetan,[46] the speaker does not need to be personally close to an individual to use the egophoric while talking about them.
Different varieties of Yolmo prefer different forms of the egophoric as the default; In Helambu they prefer yìn, in Lamjung yìmba and Ilam yìŋge. yèken is past tense forms of the existential (yèke in Lamjung), with the form yèba also often used in past tense structures, as well as questions. The past form cannot be further decomposed, as the form -ken/-ke is the non-past tense suffix for lexical verbs.
There are some structures where the egophoric is used as the default, such as conditionals.
Dubitative
Unlike the other copulas, which mark evidential distinctions, the dubitative copulas are epistemic forms used for reduced certainty. They are related to the -ʈo dubitative suffixes for lexical verbs. In the example below, the speaker does not have any direct evidence that Rijan is in the house, but thinks that is where he might be:
rídʑan
Rijan
khím=la
house=DAT
yèʈo
COP.DUB
rídʑan khím=la yèʈo
Rijan house=DAT COP.DUB
'Rijan is probably in the house.' (Gawne 2016: 88)
Perceptual
The perceptual, or sensory, evidential is used to mark information acquired through direct sensory evidence, either through sight, one of the other senses, or internal state (such as feeling an ache).
dèla
here
ʈháa
blood
dù
COP.PE
dèla ʈháa dù
here blood COP.PE
'I see there is some blood here.' (Hari 2010: 60)
Hari calls the perceptual forms mirative, as indicating knowledge through sense often occurs for information recently acquired. Only the dùba form, with the emphatic suffix -pa, appears to indicate some amount of surprise or counter-expectation.
General fact
The general fact form is used for uncontroversial and universally known facts. This verb is used in functions of existence, location, attribution and possession, and is not used in equational structures.
ɲì
2PL.EX
yùl=gi
village=GEN
hé
potato
ɕìmbu
tasty
òŋgen
COP.DUB
ɲì yùl=gi hé ɕìmbu òŋgen
2PL.EX village=GEN potato tasty COP.DUB
'The potatoes of our village are tasty.' (Hari 2010: 52)
The form is òŋgen in Melamchi Valley Yolmo and òŋge in Lamjung Yolmo, demonstrating a link with the non-past tense suffix. The verb itself is from the lexical verb òŋ- 'come'. It cannot be used for facts about the past. This copula is not attested in Standard Tibetan or any other Tibetic language outside of Yolmo.
Lexical verb stems
The Melamchi Valley variety of Yolmo exhibit verb stem alterations in the context of some verb structures.
Verb stems with short front vowels have their vowels lengthened (e.g. /i/→/ii/), short back vowels are fronted and lengthened (e.g. /o/ and /a/→/ee/, /u/→/i/). These changes occur mostly with perfective structures and imperatives. Below are some examples of this alternation using the verb má- 'say':
ŋà
1SG
má-ke
say-NPST
ŋà má-ke
1SG say-NPST
'I say' (Hari 2010: 35)
ŋà
1SG
mée-di
say-PFV
yè
AUX.EGO
ŋà mée-di yè
1SG say-PFV AUX.EGO
'I have said' (Hari 2010: 35)
mée-doŋ
say-IMP
mée-doŋ
say-IMP
'say it!' (Hari 2010: 35)
When these structures are negated, the negative prefix is lengthened rather than the verb stem, which maintains the vowel change (this does not occur in the imperative).
ŋà
1SG
màa-mé
say-PFV
yè
AUX.EGO
ŋà màa-mé yè
1SG say-PFV AUX.EGO
'I have not said' (Hari 2010: 35)
These alterations do not occur in Lamjung Yolmo[19] or Syuba.[6]
Auxiliary verbs
There is a small set of auxiliary verbs in Yolmo. The auxiliary tè- is the same as the lexical verb tè- 'sit' and is used to add imperfective aspect:[4]
mò
she
sà
eat
tè-ku
AUX-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
mò sà tè-ku dù
she eat AUX-IPFV AUX.PE
'she is eating'
A subset of the copulas can also be used as verbal auxiliaries; yìn, yè, yèken and dù. These contribute evidential information and for yè/yèken also some tense information. As you can see in the example above the dù copula is being used as an auxiliary, so they can co-occur with the other auxiliaries.
Tense
Yolmo has a major tense distinction between past and non-past. These are marked with suffixes on the lexical verb, -sin is the past tense marker and -ke or -ken is the non-past marker.[4]
Past tense
The past tense form is -sin.
ŋà=gi
1SG=ERG
ɕò
yoghurt
úp-sin.
cover-PST
ŋà=gi ɕò úp-sin.
1SG=ERG yoghurt cover-PST
'I covered up the yoghurt.' (Hari 2010: 23)
The past tense form -sin can also occur with the perceptual evidentialdú in an auxiliary position. This is not possible with the non-past tense suffix, nor can any other copula be used as an auxiliary with the past tense suffix. Hari suggests this structure is inferential, in that the speaker did not have to witness the event,[4] Gawne describes it as 'narrative past'.[19]
tɕhú-kúla
water channel
tshúr
this.side
gyùr-sin
change-PST
dù
AUX.PE
tɕhú-kúla tshúr gyùr-sindù
{water channel} this.side change-PSTAUX.PE
'I see, the water channel has changed course to this side.' (Hari 2010: 45)
Melamchi Valley Yolmo also has a past tense form -kyo that Hari refers to as the 'main-point past/ telling past’,[4] this form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.
There is also the form -pa, which Hari says is always used in question structures. In Lamjung Yolmo there are some examples where it is used in declaratives rather than questions, with a past-tense meaning.
ŋà
1SG
tɕhám-pa
dance-PST
ŋà tɕhám-pa
1SG dance-PST
'I danced.' (Gawne 2016: 107)
Non-past tense
The non-past tense is used for both present and future constructions. Hari gives the forms -ke and -ken for Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but only -ke is attested in Lamjung Yolmo.
ŋà=la
1SG=DAT
hé
potatoes
kà-en
like-NPST
ŋà=la hé kà-en
1SG=DAT potatoes like-NPST
'I like potatoes.' (Hari 2010: 42)
Hari refers to this form as the 'intentional present' but it can also be used in future constructions:
dì
this
kyée-di
be.born-PERF
ɲì-ti
2PL-EMPH
pèza
child
ɕi
four
ɖò-en
go-NPST
dì kyée-di ɲì-ti pèza ɕi ɖò-en
this be.born-PERF 2PL-EMPH child four go-NPST
'After this one is born we will have four children.' (Hari 2010: 53)
Aspect
There are a number of verb suffixes that are used to mark aspect, these broadly fall into categories of imperfective and perfective, as well as habitual. When an aspect form is used, a copula verb is also used.
Imperfective
The imperfective is used for events that are ongoing or not complete. The -ku suffix is attested in both Melamchi Valley and Lamjung Yolmo. It can only be used with the dùcopula verb.
tìriŋ
today
kháwa là
snow mountains
thóŋ-gu
be.seen-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
tìriŋ {kháwa là} thóŋ-gu dù
today {snow mountains} be.seen-IPFV AUX.PE
'Today the snow mountains can be seen.' (Hari 2010: 43)
The imperfective form -teraŋ can be used with either the dù or yècopula verb. In Lumjung Yolmo some speakers pronounce it as -tiraŋ.[19] Hari refers to the -teraŋ construction as the 'perfect continuous aspect', because it can be used to refer to something that was ongoing until a particular point, as per this first example:
tànda
now
sámma-ni
until-FOC
ɖìbu
money
tér-teraŋ
give-IPFV
yè
AUX.EGO
tànda sámma-ni ɖìbu tér-teraŋ yè
now until-FOC money give-IPFV AUX.EGO
'Up to now he has been giving money.' (Hari & Lama 2004: 278)
Gawne describes it as an imperfective, as it does not appear to have this perfect aspect function in Lamjung Yolmo, as per this example:
mò
3SG.F
kòlela
slowly
tè-teraŋ
sit-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
mò kòlela tè-teraŋ dù
3SG.F slowly sit-IPFV AUX.PE
'She is slowly sitting down.' (Gawne 2016: 109)
The auxiliary verb tè can also be used to mark an imperfective construction. Neither -ku nor -teraŋ are used if the negative prefix is on the main verb. The auxiliary verb can be used in negative constructions, and takes the negative prefix, rather than the main verb. In the example below, the -teraŋ imperfective is used as the negative prefix is on the auxiliary:
ŋà
1SG
lèn-diraŋ
sing-IPFV
mà-tè
NEG.PST-AUX
yè
AUX.EGO
ŋà lèn-diraŋ mà-tè yè
1SG sing-IPFV NEG.PST-AUX AUX.EGO
'I was not singing.' (Gawne 2016: 111)
Perfective
The perfective aspect suffix is used for events that can be described as whole, without reference to the duration like the imperfective. The perfective form in Yolmo is -ti.
mèŋgaŋ-la-ni
cooking.shed-LOC-FOC
thóola
above
tɕhám
board
tɕhímbu
large
káp-ti
cover-PFV
yè
AUX.EGO
mèŋgaŋ-la-ni thóola tɕhám tɕhímbu káp-ti yè
cooking.shed-LOC-FOC above board large cover-PFV AUX.EGO
'The cooking shed was covered with large boards.' (Hari & Lama 2004: 270)
Multiple verbs with perfective aspect can be used together to create a clause chaining structure. It is distinct from the nominal focus suffix-ti.
Habitual
Habitual aspect marks that an event is usual, customary or frequent. There is no specific habitual aspect suffix for Yolmo. Speakers will either use a verb with an infinitive, or with no suffix.
ŋà
1SG
ɲìma
day
ʈàŋmaraŋ
every
khúra
bread
sà
eat
yè
AUX.EGO
ŋà ɲìma ʈàŋmaraŋ khúra sà yè
1SG day every bread eat AUX.EGO
'I eat bread every day.' (Gawne 2016: 112)
Mood
Mood is marked in Yolmo with a set of verb suffixes. The main mood suffixes are given in the table below
The polite imperative suffix is -toŋ (voiced as -doŋ after voiced codas and some vowels). An overt subject is not used, and the same imperative form is used regardless of person or number:
mée-doŋ!
speak-IMP
mée-doŋ!
speak-IMP
'Speak!' (Hari 2010: 46)
The less polite form of the imperative consists of an unmarked verb stem:
mée!
speak.IMP
mée!
speak.IMP
'Speak!' (Hari 2010: 46)
There are also a small number of irregular imperatives that are formed without the imperative suffix, particularly sò 'eat!', from sà- 'eat'.
If there is an honorific form of the verb it can be used, unmarked, as the most polite form of the imperative:
ɕè
eat.HON
ɕè
eat.HON
'Please eat' (Hari 2010: 113)
The negative form of the imperative (the prohibitive) uses the mà- form of the negator prefix with the verb stem. The imperative suffix is not included.
mà-má!
NEG-speak
mà-má!
NEG-speak
'Don't speak!' (Hari 2010: 46)
Hortative
Gawne notes two verbal suffix forms for the hortative in Lamjung Yolmo, a -ka and a -tɕo.
The -ka form is used with all persons except first person singular.
òraŋ
1PL.INCL
sà-ka
eat-HORT
òraŋ sà-ka
1PL.INCL eat-HORT
‘Let's eat!’ (Gawne 2016: 114)
The suffix remains in negated horatitves:
ɲì
1PL.EXCL
mà-tɕhám-ka
NEG-dance-HORT
ɲì mà-tɕhám-ka
1PL.EXCL NEG-dance-HORT
‘Let's not dance!’ (Gawne 2016: 114)
The -tɕo form is used with first person singular, as well as with other persons. It also remains in negative constructions.
ŋà
1PL.EXCL
khím=ki
house=GEN
lè
work
pè-tɕo
do-HORT
ŋà khím=ki lè pè-tɕo
1PL.EXCL house=GEN work do-HORT
‘Let me do the house work!’ (Gawne 2016: 114)
-tɕo appears to be less strong, and tends to be used more frequently. Hari gives the form as -tɕo (she also calls it an optative, but it appears to be a hortative)
tìriŋ
today
khó
3SG.M
dèla-raŋ
here-EMPH
tè-tɕo
sit-HORT
tìriŋ khó dèla-raŋ tè-tɕo
today 3SG.M here-EMPH sit-HORT
‘Let him stay here today.’ (Hari & Lama 2004: 174)
Optative
Hari does not list an optative suffix.[4] Gawne gives the optative -ɲi in Lamjung Yolmo.[19]
ŋà
1SG
ɲàl-ɲi
sleep=OPT
tè-ku
AUX-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
ŋà ɲàl-ɲi tè-ku dù
1SG sleep=OPT AUX-IPFV AUX.PE
‘I want to sleep.’ (Gawne 2016: 115)
Hari & Lama (2004: 146) list ɲi- as a verb that expresses a 'strong wish’, clearly linking to the Lamjung Yolmo optative form.
Dubitative
Hari describes the dubitative as 'probable future',[4] indicating the sense of decreased certainty that the dubitative mood marks. The forms -ʈo, -ɖo and -ro are found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo as part of the morphophonemic voicing process, but the -ro form is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.[19]
khúŋ-gi
3PL-ERG
sèn
corn.mash
sà-ro
eat-DUB
khúŋ-gi sèn sà-ro
3PL-ERG corn.mash eat-DUB
'they will probably eat corn mash’ (Hari & Lama 2004: 237)
This verb suffix is related to the dubitative form of the copula.
Negation
Negation is marked on lexical verbs by prefix. There are two prefix forms, mè- is for negation in non-past tense (present and future), while mà- is used for past tense, as well as negation of imperatives (mà-tàp! 'don't fall'!).
ŋà
1sg
mè-tàp
NEG.NPST-fill
ŋà mè-tàp
1sg NEG.NPST-fill
'I do not/will not fall.' (Hari 2010: 132)
ŋà
1sg
mà-tàp
NEG.PST-fill
ŋà mà-tàp
1sg NEG.PST-fill
'I did not fall.' (Hari 2010: 132)
The negated forms of copulas are slightly irregular. They are listed in the table below in brackets underneath the regular forms:
Egophoric
Dubitative
Perceptual
General Fact
Equation
yìn/yìngen/yìmba
(mìn/mìngen/mìmba)
yìnɖo
(mìnɖo)
Existential
yè/yèba
(mè/mèba)
yèken/yèba (past tense)
(mèke/méba) (past tense)
yèʈo
(mèʈo)
dù
(mìndu)
dùba
(mìnduba)
òŋge
(mèoŋge)
Verb paradigm
Below are verb paradigms for two verbs, the first is the intransitive verb ŋù 'cry' and the second is the transitive verb sà 'eat'. Both are given mostly with third person subject, although this is not particularly important as subject person does not affect the form of the verb. For both verbs you can see the change in verb stem. For dialect specific variation, click on the link back to each specific form.
This section outlines some of the main features of the structure of clauses in Yolmo.
Nominalisation
Nominalisation is the process by which words undergo a change that allows them to act as nouns. While nominalisation is common process, it is particularly pervasive in Bodic languages, where it can be used for a variety of functions, including the formation of complement clauses and relative clauses.[47] The common Bodic nominaliser -pa [48] productively functions in Yolmo as a suffix that can mark past tense, question structures or emphasis. There are other nominalising forms in Yolmo.
Hari describes a number of nominalisers in Melamchi Valley Yolmo. The first is the nominalising suffix -ka:
dì
this
saudʑi
shopkeeper
kár-ka
weight-NMLZ
yàabu
good
tér-ku
give-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
dì saudʑi kár-ka yàabu tér-ku dù
this shopkeeper weight-NMLZ good give-IPFV AUX.PE
‘This shop keeper gives good weight.’ (Hari 2010: 30)
A number of other nominalising suffixes that attach to verbs have more specific functions:
Suffix
Function
-naŋ
appearance of state or action
-taŋ
displaying a forceful show
-luŋ
have time for an activity
-lu
way of doing something
In Lamjung Yolmo the most productive nominaliser is -kandi.[19] None of the others described above have been attested. This form is not attested in Hari's description of Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but is probably related to the -ka form described above.
ŋà=ki
1SG=ERG
ʈìlbu
bell
yúŋ-kandi
ring-NMLZ
thé-ku
hear-IPFV
dù
AUX.PE
ŋà=ki ʈìlbu yúŋ-kandi thé-ku dù
1SG=ERG bell ring-NMLZ hear-IPFV AUX.PE
‘I hear the ringing of bells.’ (Gawne 2016: 132)
There is also a locative nominaliser -sa, which creates a noun that denotes location:
ŋà
1SG
dzàra
snack
sà-sa=la
eat-NMLZ.LOC=LOC
ɖò-en
go-NPST
ŋà dzàra sà-sa=la ɖò-en
1SG snack eat-NMLZ.LOC=LOC go-NPST
‘I want to go to the snack place.’ (Hari 2010: 33)
‘I wash my hands before eating.’ (Gawne 2016: 130)
Below is the list of temporal adverbs observed in Yolmo to date, some are independent words, and others are verbal suffixes:
Adverb
Translation
Additional information
nàm
'when'
gàrila
'at the time'
Nepali loanword
bèlala
'at the time'
Nepali loanword
-kamu
'at the time'
only attested in Lamjung Yolmo
tòŋla
'before'
tíŋla
'after'
-tile
'after'
-timaraŋ
'after'
yìndʑu
'since'
only attested in Melamchi Valley Yolmo
Manner adverbs
Manner adverbs create a subordinated clause that expresses the manner of an action. The manner adverb is lèemu (lìmu in Lamjung).
khúŋ
3PL
tábu
house
límu
like
gyùbu
fast
tɕóŋ-ku
run-NMLZ
dù
AUX.PE
khúŋ tábu límu gyùbu tɕóŋ-ku dù
3PL house like fast run-NMLZ AUX.PE
‘He runs fast like a horse.’ (Gawne 2016: 129)
The forms tíle and dènmu are also found in Lamjung Yolmo,[19] but not yet attested in other varieties.
Conditional
Conditional constructions are formed through the use of the suffix -na on the verb in the protasis clause (the 'if' clause). Speakers will either use the -na suffix directly on the verb, or leave the verb unmarked at attach the -na suffix to the verb meaning ‘say’ (mée in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, làp in Lamjung Yolmo).
nám
rain
mà-kyàp
NEG.PST-fall
làp-na
say-COND
ŋà
1SG
phíla
outside
ɖò-ke
go-NPST
nám mà-kyàp làp-na ŋà phíla ɖò-ke
rain NEG.PST-fall say-COND 1SG outside go-NPST
‘If it doesn't rain I will go outside.’ (Gawne 2016: 130)
Complementation
A complement clause is a clause that functions as an argument of another clause. In Yolmo the embedded complement clause takes the infinitive suffix -tɕe.
ɲì=la
1PL.EXCL=DAT
yìgi
letter
prù-tɕe
write-INF
ʈèmba sàl-toŋ
remember-IMP
ɲì=la yìgi prù-tɕe {ʈèmba sàl-toŋ}
1PL.EXCL=DAT letter write-INF remember-IMP
‘Remember to write us a letter!’ (Gawne 2016: 134)
A relative clause is depended on a main clause. Different relativising strategies are used in the two described varieties of Yolmo. In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the non-past tense form -ken(-gi) is used for non-past constructions, and the past tense form -kyo(-gi) is used for past tense constructions (for each the -gi is optional). Similarly, in Lamjung Yolmo, -ke-ki can be used for non-past relativised clauses and -pa-ki for past relativised clauses. This difference reflects the fact that the past tense form -kyo is not found in Lamjung Yolmo.
that time sister=GEN head above=LOC hang-REL mill.stone INT send-PST AUX.PE RS
'At that moment (the monster) swiftly loosened the mill stone which was hanging just above the head of the elder sister.' (Hari 2010: 76)
khyá=ki
2PL=GEN
prù-prù-pa-ki
write-write-REL
yìgi
letter
khyá=ki prù-prù-pa-ki yìgi
2PL=GEN write-write-REL letter
'The letter that you wrote.' (Gawne 2016: 134)
In Lamjung Yolmo, the nominaliser -kandi can be used to make a relative clause:
khím
house
sáŋma
clean
pè-kandi
do=NMLZ
mì
person
nà-sin
ill-PST
dù
AUX.PE
khím sáŋma pè-kandi mì nà-sin dù
house clean do=NMLZ person ill-PST AUX.PE
'The person who cleans the house is ill.' (Gawne 2016: 135)
Clause chaining
The perfective suffix -ti is used to chain clauses together. Multiple verbs with this suffix can be stacked to create a complex series of events.
tɕádzuŋma
bird
tɕíi
one
òŋ-ti
come-PFV
ʈúu-ti
pick.up-PFV
khér-sin
carry.away-PST
tɕádzuŋma tɕíi òŋ-ti ʈúu-ti khér-sin
bird one come-PFV pick.up-PFV carry.away-PST
'A bird came, picked up (a fish) and took (it) away.' (Gawne 2016: 136)
Question formation
Word order does not change to form questions in Yolmo. Rising intonation at the end of the utterance can indicate it is a question. A set of interrogative pronouns are used for open content questions.
The -pa suffix, which was introduced in the section on past tense is used in question structures.
khé
2SG
tó
rice.cooked
sà-pa
eat-Q
khé tó sà-pa
2SG rice.cooked eat-Q
‘Did you eat cooked rice?’ (Gawne 2016: 139)
The reply would be with the regular past tense, and not the -pa suffix:
ŋà
1SG
tó
rice.cooked
sà-sin
eat-PST
ŋà tó sà-sin
1SG rice.cooked eat-PST
‘I ate rice.’ (Gawne 2016: 139)
The copula form used in a question matches the form the question-asked anticipates the question-answerer will use in their answer. That is, if they anticipate the answer will use the perceptual evidential dù, this is the form they will use in asking the question.[49]
Reported speech
Yolmo has two strategies for reporting speech, the first is using the lexical verb má or làp 'say', the second is using the clause final evidential particleló.[50]
Lexical verb
In Melamchi Valley Yolmo the main lexical verb of saying is má, in Lamjung Yolmo it is làp. Hari and Lama note that làp is found in Melamchi Valley Yolmo, but in restricted use.[7] If the speaker, and the person the speech is directed at are overtly marked, these usually proceed the reported content (although they are frequently not overt in natural speech). The 'say' verb prototypically occurs after the reported content, although if the reported content is quite long the verb may occasionally come before it.[50]
3SG-FOC love feel child-EMPH COP.NEG.EMPH mother-ERG people near-DAT say-NPST
'Mother says to people nearby, "He is not a lovable child!"' (Hari & Lama 2004: 383)
The lexical verb 'say' is also used in a number of other constructions, including conditionals.
Reported speech evidential
The reported speech particle also indicates that the speaker is reporting a prior utterance, but has a different focus. The reported speech particle does not account for who the speaker way, but instead primarily serves to focus on the fact the information is reported, and not directly witnessed by the speaker. In the example below from Syuba, it is not made explicit if the report comes from Maila, or another person. The reported speech evidential occurs frequently in narratives.
This is part of the wider evidential system of Yolmo, which is also found in the copula verbs above.
Lexical emphasis
There are two emphatic suffixes that can be used with a number of word classes. This is in contrast to the emphatic form -ti, which is only used with nouns. The first is -ni, and the second is -raŋ, which Hari & Lama note is a frequently used emphatic marker in informal speech.[7] The distinction between all of these forms is unclear, although Hari refers to the -ni form as used for 'moderate focus',[44] so it is perhaps less emphatic for nouns than the -ti suffix.
Clause final particles
Yolmo has a series of sentence final particles that can be used to achieve a range of effects. The table below gives some of the particles in Yolmo and a brief description of their function.[4][6]
Particle
Function
ló
reported speech
nà
emphasis/insistence
yàŋ
emphasis/focus
làa
polite
lé
pleading
lò
friendly/encouraging
óo
invoking/encouraging
The reported speech marker ló is an evidential form, as it indicates the source of the information as someone else. This structure is described in the section on reported speech.
Honorifics
Yolmo has a subset of honorific vocabulary which is used when talking to, or about, people of higher social status, particularly BuddhistLamas. Honorific lexicon includes nouns, verbs and adjectives. The table below gives some examples, including the regular word, the honorific form, and the English translation.[4]
Regular form
Honorific form
English
tér
nàŋ
'give'
ɲí lòo
zìm
'sleep'
sà
ɕè
'eat'
ába
yàp
'father'
áma
yùm
'mother'
káŋba
ɕàp
'foot/leg'
gòo
ú
'head'
ɕìmbu
ɲéebu
'tasty'
The use of honorifics in Syuba and Lamjung Yolmo is not as common, although some speakers still recognise and use these forms.[6]
100 word Swadesh list
Below is a 100 word Swadesh list in Yolmo. The Yolmo forms are taken from Hari and Lama,[7] who note some variation between the Eastern (E) and Western (W) varieties in the Melamchi and Helambu Valley area. Where the form is different in other varieties this is indicated in the right-hand column of the table. This variation shows that the Lamjung variety and Syuba have more in common with each other lexically than they do with the Melamchi Valley variety.
Swadesh
item
English
Yolmo
Variation
1.
I
ŋà
2.
thou
khyá
3.
we
ɲì
4.
this
dì
5.
that
òo
òodi in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
6.
who?
sú
7.
what?
tɕí
8.
not
mè-, mì-
9.
all
thámdʑi
dzàmma in Lamjung Yolmo, thámdze in Syuba
10.
many
màŋbu
11.
one
tɕíi
12.
two
ŋyíi
13.
a
tɕhímbu, tɕhómbo
only tɕhómbo reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
14.
long
rìŋbu
15.
small
tɕhéemu
tɕéemi in Lamjung YOlmo
16.
woman
pìihmi
pèmpiʑa in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba [ pèmpiʑa' occurs in Melamchi Hyolmo where it means woman collectively whereas pìihmi refers to woman ]
17.
man
khyówa
khyópiʑa in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba [ Khyopiza occurs in Melamchi Hyolmo where it means men collectively, whereas khyowa refers to husband]
[Source/ I speak the language]
18.
person
mì
19.
fish
ɲà
20.
bird
tɕà-tɕìwa
tɕádzuŋma in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
21.
dog
kyíbu, khyí
khí in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
22.
louse
kiɕíkpa, kyíɕi
ɕí in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
23.
tree
tòŋbo, tùŋbu
only tòŋbo reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
24.
seed
sén
25.
leaf
làpti, lòma
26.
root
tsárkyi, tsárŋyi, tsárnɲe
27.
bark
páko, phíko, kóldaŋ
phába in Lamjung Yolmo
28.
skin
páaba (E), páko (W)
gòoba in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
29.
lesh
ɕá
30.
blood
ʈháa
31.
bone
rèko, rìiba (E)
ròko in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
32.
grease
khyákpa tɕháa
33.
egg
tɕàmu kòŋa
34.
horn
ròwa
rùwa in Syuba
35.
tail
ŋáma, ŋéma
ŋámaŋ in Lamjung Yolmo
36.
feather
ʈò (E), ʈòo (W)
ɕókpa in Lamjung Yolmo
37.
hair
ʈá
38.
head
gòo
39.
ear
námdʑo
40.
eye
míi
41.
nose
náasum (E), nárko (W)
only náasum reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
42.
mouth
khá
43.
tooth
só
44.
tongue
tɕéle
tɕé in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
45.
fingernail
sému
46.
foot
káŋba
47.
knee
káŋba-tshíi
tshíiŋgor in Lamjung Yolmo, pìmu in Syuba
48.
hand
làkpa
49.
belly
ʈèpa
50.
neck
dzìŋba
51.
breast
òma
52.
heart
níŋ
53.
liver
tɕìmba
54.
drink
thúŋ-
55.
eat
sà-
56.
bite
kàp-, áa táp-
57.
see
tá, thóŋ-
58.
hear
thée-, ɲìn-
thée-, ɲèn in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
59.
know
ɕée-
60.
sleep
ɲí lòo-
ɲàl- in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
61.
die
ɕí-
62.
kill
sé-
63.
swim
tɕál kyàp-
64.
fly
ùr-
65.
walk
ɖò-
66.
come
òŋ-
67.
lie
ɲàl-
68.
sit
tè-
69.
stand
làŋ-di té-
70.
give
tér-
71.
say
má-, làp-
only làp- in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
72.
sun
ɲìma
73.
moon
dàwa, dàyum
dàgarmu in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
74.
star
kárma
75.
water
tɕhú
76.
rain
nám kyàp-
77.
stone
tò
78.
sand
pèma
79.
earth
sása, thása, sáʑa, sáptɕi
sébi in Syuba
80.
cloud
múkpa
81.
smoke
tìpa, tèpa
only tìpa reported in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
82.
fire
mè
83.
ash
thála
84.
burn
tìi-, bàr-, tshíi-
85.
path
làm
86.
mountain
kàŋ
87.
red
màrmu, màrpu
88.
green
ŋòmbo, ŋùmbu
89.
yellow
sérpu
90.
white
kárpu, kármu
91.
black
nàkpu
92.
night
kùŋmu
93.
hot
ʈòmo
ʈòmbo in Lamjung Yolmo and Syuba
94.
cold
ʈàŋmu
95.
full
kàŋ
96.
new
sámba
97.
good
yàabu
98.
round
kòrmu (circular), rhílmu (spherical)
99.
dry
kámbu
100.
name
mìn
Unlike almost all other Tibetic languages, this word is mìn and not mìŋ
Three open access collections of Syuba, a dialect closely related to Yolmo, MH1 digitised from 1970s recordings, SUY1 documentation by Lauren Gawne (2009-2016), MTC1 a 2013 BOLD documentation by the Mother Tongue Centre Nepal.
Key references
Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "A Helambu History". Journal of the Nepal Research Centre. 4: 1–38.
Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "Lama and Tamang in Yolmo." Tibetan Studies in honor of Hugh Richardson. M. Aris and A. S. S. Kyi (eds). Warminster, Aris and Phillips: 79-86.
Gawne, Lauren (2011). Lamjung Yolmo-Nepali-English dictionary. Melbourne, Custom Book Centre; The University of Melbourne.
Hari, Anna Maria & Chhegu Lama (2004). Dictionary Yolhmo-Nepali-English. Kathmandu: Central Department of Linguistics, Tribhuvan University.
Hari, Anna Maria (2010). Yohlmo Sketch Grammar. Kathmandu: Ekta books.
Hedlin, Matthew (2011). An Investigation of the relationship between the Kyirong, Yòlmo, and Standard Spoken Tibetan speech varieties. Masters thesis, Payap University, Chiang Mai
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↑ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "Helambu Sherpa". Glottolog 3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History. Retrieved 2018-08-22.
1 2 Hedlin, Matthew (2011). An investigation of the relationship between the Kyirong, Yòlmo, and Standard Spoken Tibetan speech varieties (unpublished MA thesis). Chiang Mai, Thailand: Payap University.
↑ Lewis, M. Paul; Gary F. Simons; Charles D. Fennig, eds. (2015). "Helambu Sherpa". Ethnologue: Languages of the World (18th Edition). Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Archived from the original on 2019-04-25. Retrieved 2018-08-22.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Hari, Anne Marie; Lama, C. (2004). Yolmo-Nepali-English Dictionary. Kathmandu: Central Dept. of Linguistics, Tribhnvan University.
1 2 3 Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "A Helambu History". Journal of the Nepal Research Centre. 4: 1–38.
1 2 3 Desjarlais, Robert (2003). Sensory biographies: lives and deaths among Nepal's Yolmo Buddhists. Berkeley, CA.: University of California Press. p.8. ISBN9780520936744. OCLC52872722.
↑ Tournadre, Nicolas (2014). "The Tibetic languages and their classification". In Owen-Smith, Thomas; Hill, Nathan W. (eds.). Trans-Himalayan Linguistics: Historical and Descriptive Linguistics of the Himalayan Area. De Gruyter. pp.103–129. ISBN978-3-11-031074-0. (preprint)
1 2 Clarke, Graham E. (1980). "Lama and Tamang in Yolmo". In Richardson, Hugh; Aris & Phillip, Michael; Aung San Suu Kyi (eds.). Tibetan Studies in honor of Hugh Richardson. Warminster: Phillip. pp.79–86.
↑ Torri, Davide (2016). "To Kill or not to Kill? Helambu valley as a no kill zone, the issue of blood sacrifice and the transformation of ritual patterns in Hyolmo shamanism". European Bulletin of Himalayan Research. 47: 15–39.
↑ Torri, Davide (2015-01-12). Il Lama e il Bombo: sciamanismo e buddhismo tra gli Hyolmo del Nepal. Rome: Sapienza Sciamanica. ISBN9788868123536. OCLC903903900.
1 2 Thokar, Rajendra (2009). "Linguistic fieldwork in Jhapa and Ilam districts". Paper Presented at the Linguistics Society of Nepal Annual Conference, Kathmandu, Nepal.
↑ Hari, Anna Maria (2000). Good news, the New Testament in Helambu Sherpa. Kathmandu: Samdan Publishers.
1 2 3 Höhlig, Monika; Hari, Anna Maria (1976). Kagate phonemic summary. Kathmandu: Summer Institute of Linguistics Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies.
↑ Gawne, Lauren (2010). "Lamjung Yolmo: a dialect of Yolmo, also known as Helambu Sherpa". Nepalese Linguistics. 25: 34–41.
1 2 3 4 5 SIL International and HIS Nepal (2015). Syuba-Nepali-English Dictionary. Kathmandu: Himalayan Indigenous Society Nepal.
1 2 Simons, Gary F.; Fennig, Charles D. "Ethnologue: Languages of the World". Ethnologue (Twenty-firsted.). Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Retrieved 2018-11-14.
↑ Mitchell, Jessica R. & Stephanie R. Eichentopf (2013). Sociolinguistic survey of Kagate: Language vitality and community desires. Kathmandu: Central Department of Linguistics Tribhuvan University, Nepal and SIL International.
↑ Lauren Gawne & Thomas Owen-Smith. 2016. The ‘General Fact’ copula in Yolmo and the influence of Tamang. 2016 Annual Meeting of the Linguistics Association of Great Britain (LAGB). University of York: September 6–9.
1 2 Huber, Brigitte (2005). The Tibetan dialect of Lende (Kyirong): a grammatical description with historical annotations. Bonn: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. pp.20–21. ISBN3882800690. OCLC60613565.
↑ Hildebrandt, Kristine A. and Amos B. Teo (2016). Tibeto-Burman Tone Typology. International Workshop on the Typological Profiles of Language Families of South Asia. Uppsala, Sweden, September 16, 2016.
↑ Chelliah, Shobhana L.; Hyslop, Gwendolyn (2011). "Introduction to Special Issue on Optional Case Marking in Tibeto-Burman". Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area. 34 (2): 1–7. doi:10.15144/LTBA-34.2.1.
↑ Genetti, C. and K.A. Hildebrandt. 2004. The two adjective classes in Manange. In R.M.W. Dixon and A.Y. Aikhenvald (eds.) Adjective Classes: A Cross-Linguistic Typology. 74-97. Oxford University Press.
1 2 Hari, Anne Marie (2010). Yolmo Sketch Grammar. Kathmandu: Ekta Books.
↑ Gawne, Lauren (2017-01-24). Gawne, Lauren; Hill, Nathan W (eds.). "Egophoric evidentiality in Bodish languages". Evidential Systems of Tibetan Languages: 61–94. doi:10.1515/9783110473742. ISBN9783110473742.
↑ De Lancey, Scott (2002). "Relativization and Nominalization in Bodic". Proceedings of the Twenty-Eighth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: Special Session on Tibeto-Burman and Southeast Asian Linguistics: 55–72.
↑ Höhlig, Monika (1978). Grimes, Joseph E (ed.). "Speaker orientation in Syuwa (Kagate)". Papers on Discourse. 50. Kathmandu: Summer Institute of Linguistics: 19–24.
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