Sesotho |
---|
Notes:
|
The orthography of the Sotho language is fairly recent and is based on the Latin script, but, like most languages written using the Latin alphabet, it does not use all the letters; as well, several digraphs and trigraphs are used to represent single sounds.[ clarification needed ]
The orthographies used in Lesotho and South Africa differ, with the Lesotho variant using diacritics.
As with almost all other Bantu languages, although the language is a tonal language, tone is never indicated.
For an overview of the symbols used and the sounds they represent, see the phoneme tables at Sotho phonology.
The original orthography was developed in the early 19th century by missionaries from the Paris Evangelical Missionary Society to aid in translating the Bible. The earliest orthographies were more like French spelling, still seen in the writing of the approximants /j/ and /w/ in the modern Lesotho variant.
Sesotho in South Africa uses the following alphabet:
Orthography | IPA | Notes | Example |
---|---|---|---|
a | /ɑ/ | Like English spa | ho abela to distribute |
b | /b/ | this consonant is fully voiced | lebese milk |
bj | /bʒ/ | ho bjarana to break apart like a clay pot | |
d | [d] | an allophone of /l/ only occurring before the close vowels (/i/ and /u/) | Modimo God |
e | /ɨ/ | Like English pit | ho leka to attempt |
/e/ | Like English cafe | ho jwetsa to tell | |
/ɛ/ | Like English bed | ho sheba to look | |
f | /f/ | ho fumiana to find | |
fj | /fʃ/ | only found in short passives of verbs ending with fa; alternative sh | ho bofjwa to be tied |
h | /h/ or /ɦ/ | these two sounds are allophones | ho aha to build |
hl | /ɬ/ | ho hlahloba to examine | |
i | /i/ | As in English beet | ho bitsa to call |
j | /ʒ/ | mojalefa heir | |
/d͡ʒ/ | this is an alternative to the fricative /ʒ/ | ho ja to eat | |
k | /kʼ/ | unaspirated: skill | boikarabelo responsibility |
kh | /kʰ/ | fully aspirated: kill; occurring mostly in old loanwords from Nguni languages and in ideophones | lekhokho the part of the pap that remains baked to the pot after cooking |
kg | /x/ | sekgo spider | |
/k͡xʰ/ | alternative to the velar fricative | kgale a long time ago | |
l | /l/ | never occurs before close vowels (/i/ or /u/), where it becomes /d/ | selepe axe |
m | /m/ | ho mamaretsa to glue | |
n | /n/ | lenaneo | |
ng | /ŋ/ | can occur initially | lengolo letter |
nq | /ᵑǃ/ | nasal; this is often simply pronounced as a radical click | ho nqosa to accuse |
ny | /ɲ/ | as in Spanish el niño | ho nyala to marry |
o | /ʉ/ | like English put | potso query |
/o/ | As in French oiseau | pontsho proof | |
/ɔ/ | English: board | mongolo writing | |
p | /pʼ/ | unaspirated: spit | pitsa cooking pot |
ph | /pʰ/ | aspirated: pin | phuputso investigation |
pj | /pʃʼ/ | alternative tj | ho pjatla to cook well |
pjh | /pʃʰ/ | aspirated version of the above; alternative tjh | mpjhe ostrich |
q | /ǃ/ | radical (tenuis) | ho qoqa to chat |
qh | /ǃʰ/ | aspirated | leqheku an elderly person |
r | /ʁ/ | soft Parisian-type r | moriri hair |
s | /s/ | Sesotho | |
sh | /ʃ/ | Moshweshwe Moshoeshoe I | |
t | /tʼ/ | unaspirated: stalk | botala greenness |
th | /tʰ/ | tharollo solution | |
tj | /t͡ʃʼ/ | ntja dog | |
tjh | /t͡ʃʰ/ | ho ntjhafatsa to renew | |
tl | /tɬʼ/ | ho tlatsa to fill | |
tlh | /t͡ɬʰ/ | occurs only as a nasalized form of hl or as an alternative to it[3] | tlhaho nature |
ts | /tsʼ/ | ho tsokotsa to rinse | |
tsh | /tsʰ/ | aspirated | ho tshoha to become frightened |
u | /u/ | As in English boot | tumo fame |
w | /w/ | sewa epidemic | |
y | /j/ | ho tsamaya to walk |
One issue which complicates the written language is the two divergent orthographies used by the two countries with the largest number of first language speakers. The Lesotho orthography is older than the South African one and differs from it not only in the choice of letters and the marking of initial syllabic nasals, but also (to a much lesser extent) in written word division and the use of diacritics on vowels to distinguish some ambiguous spellings.
South African | Lesotho version | Example |
---|---|---|
di, du | li, lu | ho kadima — ho kalima to lend |
kg | kh | kgotso —khotso peace |
kh | k'h | khoso —k'hoso type of bead string |
tsh | tš | Motsheanong — Motšeanong May month |
tjh | ch | ho tjha — ho cha to burn |
y | e | moya — moea air/wind/spirit |
w | o | ho utlwisisa — ho utloisisa to comprehend |
fj | fsh | ho bofjwa — ho bofshoa to be tied |
pjh | psh | mpjhe — mpshe ostrich |
Additionally, in older texts the nasalized click was written nǵ in Lesotho (as a relic of a much older click series: ḱ, ḱh, and nǵ), but now the more universal digraph nq is used in both countries.[ citation needed ]
When the symbol "š" is unavailable electronically, people who write in Lesotho Sesotho often use ts' or t's to represent the aspirated alveolar affricate tš.[ citation needed ]
In word-initial positions, [1] a syllabic nasal followed by a syllable starting with the same nasal is written as an n or m in South Africa but as an apostrophe in Lesotho.
South African example | Lesotho version |
---|---|
nnete truth | 'nete |
mme and | 'me |
nnyo vagina (very crude) | 'nyo |
ho nngwaya to scratch my itch | ho 'ngoaea |
Note that, when not word-initial, Lesotho orthography uses an n or m just like South African orthography.
When consonants or vowels are omitted due to (diachronic or synchronic) contractions, Lesotho orthography uses apostrophes to indicate the missing sounds while the South African orthography generally does not.
In order to distinguish between the concords of class 1(a) and the 2nd. person singular, Lesotho orthography uses u to represent phonetic o and w for the 2nd. person, even when there is no chance of ambiguity.
In Lesotho, ò (for the two mid back vowels), ō (for the near-close back vowel), è (for the two mid front vowels), and ē (for the near-close front vowel) are sometimes used to avoid spelling ambiguities. This is never done in South African writing.
These examples also have differing tone patterns.
Although the two orthographies tend to use similar written word divisions, they do differ on some points:
Very often South Africans with recent ancestors from Lesotho have surnames written in Lesotho orthography, preserving the old spellings.
Like all other Bantu languages, Sesotho is an agglutinative language spoken conjunctively; however, like many Bantu languages it is written disjunctively. The difference lies in the characteristically European word division used for writing the language, in contrast with some Bantu languages such as the South African Nguni languages.
This issue is investigated in more detail in The Sesotho word.
Roughly speaking the following principles may be used to explain the current orthographical word division:
Of course, there are exceptions to these rough rules.
Modern Sesotho punctuation essentially mimics popular English usage. Full stops separate sentences, with the first letter of each sentence capitalized; commas indicate slight pauses; direct quotes are indicated with double quotation marks; proper nouns have their first letter capitalized (this was often not done in the old French-based orthographies); and so forth.
Direct quotations are introduced with a comma followed by the utterance in double quotes. The comma is used to indicate the pause which is mandatory in speech when introducing quotes, and indeed, in older orthographies the quotes were not used at all since the pause by itself is sufficient to introduce the next phrase as a quotation.
Proper nouns are indicated by capitalizing the first letter (usually the first letter of the noun prefix). Since prefixes are written separately from the main noun in the disjunctive orthography, they are not written differently. Contrast this with the situation in the disjunctively-written Nguni languages where it is the first letter of the stem that is capitalized.
Although it is a sufficient medium which has been used for almost 200 years to pen some of the most celebrated African literature (such as Thomas Mofolo's Chaka), the current Sesotho orthography does exhibit certain (phonological) deficiencies.
One problem is that, although the spoken language has at least seven contrasting vowel phonemes, these are only written using the five vowel letters of the standard Latin alphabet. The letter "e" represents the vowels /ɪ/, /ɛ/, and /e/, and the letter "o" represents the vowels /ʊ/, /ɔ/, and /o/. Not only does this result in numerous homographs, there is also some overlap between many distinct morphemes and formatives, as well as the final vowels of Sesotho verbs in various tenses and moods.
Another problem is the complete lack of tone marking even though Sesotho is a grammatical tone language. Not only does this also result in numerous homographs, it may also cause problems in situations where the only difference between grammatical constructions is the tones of a few key syllables in two otherwise similar sounding phrases. That this would be a rather difficult issue to tackle is revealed by the fact that very few of the large number of written Niger–Congo languages have any consistently used tone marking schemes, even though some of their tonal systems are much more complex than that of Sesotho.
The following not too unlikely example is illustrative of both these issues:
The first meaning is rendered if the phrase is composed of a Group III deficient verb (-ye, indicating habitual actions) followed by a verb in the perfect subjunctive mood. The second verb's mood is indicated by the low toned subjectival concord as well as the /ɪ/ final vowel. The second meaning is rendered by basically using two normal verbs in the subjunctive mood (with high toned subjectival concords and /ɛ/ final vowels) with the actions following each other.
Northern Sotho, or Sesotho sa Leboa as an endonym, is a Sotho-Tswana language spoken in the northeastern provinces of South Africa. It is officially referred to as Sepedi or Pedi.
Tswana, also known by its native name Setswana, and previously spelled Sechuana in English, is a Bantu language spoken in Southern Africa by about 8.2 million people. It belongs to the Bantu language family within the Sotho-Tswana branch of Zone S (S.30), and is closely related to the Northern Sotho and Southern Sotho languages, as well as the Kgalagadi language and the Lozi language.
Ganda or Luganda is a Bantu language spoken in the African Great Lakes region. It is one of the major languages in Uganda and is spoken by more than 5.56 million Baganda and other people principally in central Uganda, including the capital Kampala of Uganda. Typologically, it is an agglutinative, tonal language with subject–verb–object word order and nominative–accusative morphosyntactic alignment.
Xhosa, formerly spelled Xosa and also known by its local name isiXhosa, is a Nguni language and one of the official languages of South Africa and Zimbabwe. Xhosa is spoken as a first language by approximately 10 million people and as a second language by another 10 million, mostly in South Africa, particularly in Eastern Cape, Western Cape, Northern Cape and Gauteng, and also in parts of Zimbabwe and Lesotho. It has perhaps the heaviest functional load of click consonants in a Bantu language, with one count finding that 10% of basic vocabulary items contained a click.
Sotho or SesothoSouthern Sotho is a Southern Bantu language of the Sotho–Tswana ("S.30") group, spoken in Lesotho, where it is the national and official language; South Africa, where it is one of the 12 official languages; and in Zimbabwe where it is one of the 16 official languages.
The Bemba language, ChiBemba, is a Bantu language spoken primarily in north-eastern Zambia by the Bemba people and as a lingua franca by about 18 related ethnic groups.
Phuthi (Síphùthì) is a Nguni Bantu language spoken in southern Lesotho and areas in South Africa adjacent to the same border. The closest substantial living relative of Phuthi is Swati, spoken in Eswatini and the Mpumalanga province of South Africa. Although there is no contemporary sociocultural or political contact, Phuthi is linguistically part of a historic dialect continuum with Swati. Phuthi is heavily influenced by the surrounding Sesotho and Xhosa languages, but retains a distinct core of lexicon and grammar not found in either Xhosa or Sesotho, and found only partly in Swati to the north.
Sesotho nouns signify concrete or abstract concepts in the language, but are distinct from the Sesotho pronouns.
Sesotho verbs are words in the language that signify the action or state of a substantive, and are brought into agreement with it using the subjectival concord. This definition excludes imperatives and infinitives, which are respectively interjectives and class 14 nouns.
The phonology of Sesotho and those of the other Sotho–Tswana languages are radically different from those of "older" or more "stereotypical" Bantu languages. Modern Sesotho in particular has very mixed origins inheriting many words and idioms from non-Sotho–Tswana languages.
Just as the Sesotho sentence centres on the Sesotho noun, the noun is made to "concòrd" ("agree") with the verbs, pronouns, and qualificatives describing it by a set of Sesotho noun concords.
Like most other Niger–Congo languages, Sesotho is a tonal language, spoken with two basic tones, high (H) and low (L). The Sesotho grammatical tone system is rather complex and uses a large number of "sandhi" rules.
The Sesotho parts of speech convey the most basic meanings and functions of the words in the language, which may be modified in largely predictable ways by affixes and other regular morphological devices. Each complete word in the Sesotho language must comprise some "part of speech."
This article presents a brief overview of the grammar of the Sesotho and provides links to more detailed articles.
In the Sotho language, the deficient verbs are a special subset of Sesotho verbs that require a subordinate or complementary verb to complete their action, and which are used to form many tenses and to impart certain shades of meaning to the predicate. These verbs form part of multi-verbal conjugations comprising a string of verbs and verbal auxiliaries.
Yao is a Bantu language in Africa with approximately two million speakers in Malawi, and half a million each in Tanzania and Mozambique. There are also some speakers in Zambia. In Malawi, the main dialect is Mangochi, mostly spoken around Lake Malawi. In Mozambique, the main dialects are Makale and Massaninga. The language has also gone by several other names in English, including chiYao or ciYao, Achawa, Adsawa, Adsoa, Ajawa, Ayawa, Ayo, Ayao, Djao, Haiao, Hiao, Hyao, Jao, Veiao, and waJao.
Sukuma is a Bantu language of Tanzania, spoken in an area southeast of Lake Victoria between Mwanza, Shinyanga, and Lake Eyasi.
Zulu grammar is the way in which meanings are encoded into wordings in the Zulu language. Zulu grammar is typical for Bantu languages, bearing all the hallmarks of this language family. These include agglutinativity, a rich array of noun classes, extensive inflection for person, tense and aspect, and a subject–verb–object word order.
Jita is a Bantu language of Tanzania, spoken on the southeastern shore of Lake Victoria/Nyanza and on the island of Ukerewe.
Ditema tsa Dinoko, also known as Ditema tsa sesotho. In IsiZulu it is referred to as, Isibheqe Sohlamvu, and various other related names in different languages, is a constructed writing system for the siNtu or Southern Bantu languages, developed in the 2010s from antecedent ideographic traditions of the Southern African region. Its visual appearance is inspired by these, including the traditional litema arts style. It was developed between 2014 and 2016 by a group of South African linguists and software programmers with the goal of creating a denser writing system to avoid the slowness in reading caused by the word length and visual homogeneity of Southern Bantu languages written in the Roman alphabet.