In Malacca, the language is also called Cristão, Portugues di Melaka ("Malacca Portuguese"), Linggu Mai ("Mother Tongue") or simply Papia ("speak"). In Singapore, it is generally known as Kristang, where it is undergoing sustained revitalisation.[2]
In Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger (2010; formerly the Red Book of Endangered Languages) published by UNESCO, Kristang is classified as a "severely endangered"[3] language, with only about 2,000 speakers. Up to 2014, linguists concerned with Kristang have generally accepted a combined speaker population of about 1,000 individuals or less. The language has about 750 speakers in Malacca.[4] A small number of speakers also live in other Portuguese Eurasian communities in Kuala Lumpur and Penang in Malaysia, and in other diaspora communities in Canada, the United Kingdom, and elsewhere.[5]
Etymology
Its endonymPapia Kristang is taken from Portuguese papear cristão ("to chat Christian"). The papia element of the name is cognate with Papiamento, another Portuguese-based creole spoken in the Dutch West Indies.
The Kristang language originated after the conquest of Malacca (Malaysia) in 1511 by the Portuguese Empire. Until a takeover by the Dutch in 1642, Malacca served as one of the key ports in the trade and administration network of Portuguese establishments along with Goa and Hormuz, allowing Portugal control over main Asiatic trade routes. The lingua franca of Malacca then was a pidginised form of Malay known as Bazaar Malay or Melayu Pasar, used amongst the resident foreign population which then consisted mainly of Javanese, Tamils and Hokkien Chinese. The constant traffic of Portuguese and traders of other origins such as India eventually gave birth to Papia Kristang, one of many Portuguese-derived contact languages which resulted from Portuguese colonial expansion during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. A pidgin Portuguese preceding the Kristang creole has also been proposed, whereby a reduced system based on Portuguese converges with other languages present in the contact situation.[5]
The community of Kristang speakers descends mainly from interracial relationships between Portuguese men and local women, as well as a number of migrants from Portuguese India, themselves of mixed Indo-Portuguese ancestry. This was supported by Portuguese officials who advocated mixed marriages in the face of a labour shortage in the colonies, leading to the very first native speakers of Kristang as well as the development of the creole.[6]
Even after Portugal lost Malacca and almost all contact in 1641, the Kristang community largely preserved its language. The demographics of Malacca in the mid-17th century was still predominantly made up of the Portuguese even under Dutch control. The Irmang di Greza (Brothers of the Church), a manifestation of the bond between language and religion in the Kristang culture, acted as an intermediary between the priest and the remnants of the Portuguese population despite prohibition by the Dutch. Liturgy and pastoral sessions were conducted in Kristang in Malacca, which contributed to the longevity of the language into a period as late as the 20th century.
Kristang also had a substantial influence on Macanese, the creole language spoken in Macau, due to substantial migration from Malacca after its conquest by the Dutch.
Attrition of Kristang
The ceding of Malacca by the Dutch to the British via the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824 directly caused the decline of the Kristang language. By the mid 19th century, many Kristangs flocked towards clerical and auxiliary positions provided by their new colonial masters. As such, the Kristang language saw a decline in use compared to English. In addition, the rising affluence of the region meant more job opportunities, resulting in many Kristangs moving away from Malacca. Moreover, the language is not taught at school, although there are still some Church services in Kristang.
In the context of Singapore, Kristang arrived in the 1820s due to the large influx of Eurasian immigrants from Malacca.[7] However, there was little exposure and recognition of Kristang in Singapore, especially when English became entrenched as the sole language of education and the major language used in most spheres of society after the country gained independence in 1965. As a result, the intergenerational transmission of Kristang ceased almost completely.
The upkeep of Kristang can largely be attributed to its connection with the dominant religion of the Portuguese and their relative social standing in their communities between the 1600s to the late 1800s. The core Kristang-speaking communities gradually eroded due to better socioeconomic opportunities elsewhere. Post-World War Two, the new generation of Catholic priests that arrived to replace the pre-war priests who had been executed demonstrated little sensitivity towards the Kristang language and culture. Eventually, the bond between Kristang and religion was severed due to the association of the Portuguese Mission with the St Xavier's Church.[8]
Migration overseas and intermarriage with other nationalities have also led to Kristang speakers leaving the Portuguese Settlement in order to live and work in other parts of Malaysia. Furthermore, the dominantly Kristang-speaking middle-class gradually began to speak English for practical reasons, altering the prestige of English with regards to Kristang. To many in the community, they grew to accept that speaking English was a key to employment instead of Kristang, facilitating a breakdown in the transmission of Kristang.
Revitalisation efforts
Papia Kristang is facing a steep decline in language use within the community.[9] There has been an apparent language shift to English and Bahasa Malaysia due to the reduced prestige and accessibility of Kristang. However, revitalization efforts have begun in recent years in both the Portuguese Settlement in Singapore and Malacca. Such efforts have seen some success, nearly tripling the number of Kristang speakers of varying fluency.
Malacca
The Kristang-speaking community located at the Portuguese Settlement, or Padri sa Chang (“The Priest’s Land”) was able to undertake more sustained revitalisation efforts and publicise itself to non-Eurasian Malaysians, and the language. Notably with texts, stories and phrasebooks in Kristang produced by Joan Margaret Marbeck and through investments and interest from individuals and organisations outside the community. Joan Marbeck has produced three publications: Ungu Adanza (An Inheritance), Linggu Mai (Mother Tongue) and the Kristang Phrasebook. She is also credited with writing probably the only play in Kristang, called Seng Marianne (Without Marianne) and was also instrumental in staging a musical in Kristang - Kazamintu no Praiya which translates to 'Wedding on the beach'.[10]
Within the community, there were efforts made together with the help of academics to promote their culture and the Kristang language. In 1988, Alan Baxter published A grammar of Kristang based on his fieldwork within the community.[5] This was the first book which focused on the descriptive grammar of Kristang and established many core concept on Kristang linguistics. It also had a significant impact on many later studies on Kristang.
Support was also received from the Lisbon-based Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, which funded and published Marbeck's Kristang text.[11] Along with Malacca Portuguese-Eurasian Association (MPEA) president Michael Gerald Singho, they published a textbook, Beng Prende Portugues Malaká (Papiá Cristang), also known as Come, Let's Learn Portugues Malaká (Papiá Cristang) for people who want to learn Kristang. The association also maintains an active Facebook page aimed at sharing and promoting information related to the Kristang language the Kristang way of life.
Vocabulary
The Kristang lexicon borrows heavily from Portuguese, but often with drastic truncation. Due to its largely Portuguese vocabulary, the Kristang lexicon has much in common with other Portuguese-based creoles, including the near-extinct creoles of Indonesia and East Timor. As it is primarily a creole, much of its vocabulary is also derived from Chinese, Indian and Malay languages to varying degrees.
Metathesis was common in the derivation of the Kristang lexicon from Portuguese root words. e.g.
Portuguese gordo → Kristang godru "fat"
Orthography
Polynomy
Kristang is a polynomic language, where standardisation of the language's spoken and written forms is dispreferred and the natural morphophonological and orthographicvariation that Kristang developed as a result of its history and sociocultural context is preferred.[13][14] This variation is usually concentrated around "famililects" spoken by families rather than geographical dialects, with Kristang famililects generally being categorisable into three distinct forms:
The 19th and 20th centuries saw a rise in the use of Modern Portuguese-based orthography (for example, Rego (1942)[15]) due to the perception of Kristang as a variety of Portuguese instead of a distinct creole language partially based on Old Portuguese.[16] This is characterized by the use of diacritics such as acute accents (á, é, í, ó, ú). The system has been adopted by some native Kristang speakers as well.
2. A system based on a mixture of Portuguese, English and Malay
Other speakers have used a system influenced by Portuguese, English and Malay orthography. This creates an issue as the system is inconsistent in the representation of Kristang sounds and are unintelligible immediately to both speakers and non-speakers of Kristang.
3. A system based on Malay orthography
There are many observable parallels between the phonology of Malay and Kristang which has led to inherent similarities in the orthographic representations of the two languages as well. The first proposal for a standard Kristang orthography was made in 1973 by Ian F. Hancock[17] (1973:25) who recognised this quality and advocated the Malay-based system due to the speakers' familiarity with it. This would, therefore, lead to a swift acquisition of literacy in the reading and writing of the Kristang language.
This system to spell Kristang was further expanded on in A Grammar of Kristang[5] by Alan N. Baxter, in which he agreed on and emphasized the use of the Malay orthography. Published in 1995, Joan Margaret Marbeck's book Ungua Andanza also followed this approach, with the orthography written in a Luso-Malay context.[18]
Phonology
The acoustic and articulatory properties of Kristang have not been extensively studied. However, Hancock (1969,[19] 1973[17]), Batalha (1981),[20] and most recently, Baxter (1988)[5] have outlined brief descriptions of its sound system. In general, Kristang's inventory of consonant and vowel phonemes shows a significant parallel to that of Standard Malay.
This may be due to Malay influence, or the preservation of an Old Portuguese pronunciation [tʃ] in Kristang. It is also worth noting that Northern Portugal also retains the Portuguese [tʃ] pronunciation.
Phonological contrasts
Baxter (1988), in particular, established various phonemic contrasts in the Kristang consonant system.
Stops and affricates contrast in the initial and medial positions.
Examples of contrastive distribution between voiced and voiceless stops:
Fricatives contrast in the medial positions. No clear distinctions between voiced-voiceless pairs and all fricative counterparts can be drawn as /v/ is highly infrequent and restricted in distribution and initial /z/ has fallen into disuse.
Nasals contrast do not contrast before a consonant, and no contrasts have been found in identical environments in the final position. In the initial position, only /m/, /n/ and /ɲ/ contrast, while all nasals /m,n,ɲ,ŋ/ contrast in the medial position. Tap, as well as lateral liquid consonants, contrast in all positions.
↑ The Kristang vowel system is similar to the vowel system of Standard Malay in that both languages share the feature of having [ə] as both a realisation of /a/ and /ə/ (Onn 1980:21).
1 2 The phonemic status of [ɛ] and [ɔ] is debatable. In Hancock's (1973:25)[17] description of the Kristang vowel system, these were treated as variants of the phoneme /e/ and /o/ respectively. The phones [e] and [ɛ], as well as [o] and [ɔ] only contrast in the medial position and limited environments.[5]
↑ The phoneme [ë] is described to be of low frequency and limited distribution. When used, it is often in loanwords from Malay, English and Dutch.
The inventory of vowel phonemes in Kristang is also highly similar to Standard Malay vowel phonemes, which can be seen in the table above.
Diphthongs in Kristang
Spellings
Examples
1.
[au]
aw
paw "stick"
2.
[ai]
ay
pay "father"
ai
raina "queen"
3.
[eu]
e̹w
se̹w "sky"
ew
pew "foot"
4.
[oi]
o̹y
no̹yba "girlfriend"
oy
noybu "boyfriend"
5.
[io]
yo
byola "violin"
6.
[ui]
uy
ruybu "bream fish"
wi
mwi "grind"
7.
[iu]
iw
friw "cold"
yu
syumi "jealousy"
8.
[ua]
wa
rakwa "shift"
ua
cua "rain"
9.
[ia]
ya
pyang "spinning top"
ia
dia "day"
10.
[ue]
we
dwenti "ill"
we̹
gwe̹la "gullet"
Diphthongs and vowel sequences
Diphthongs in Kristang are formed when either the vowel /i/, or the vowel /u/, occurs in the same syllable as another vowel. The vowel /i/ and /u/ are pronounced as the semivowels (or glides) [j] and [w] respectively in such cases.[16]
There are 10 word-internal diphthongs in Kristang as outlined by Baxter (1988). Of all 10, 3 (/ai/ as in rainya ‘queen’, /ua/ as in chua ‘rain’ and /ia/ as in dia ‘day’) may also constitute hiatus, i.e. the vowels in would be pronounced as two distinct syllables in certain environments.
The relatively large number of diphthongs is also in contrast to Malay, whereby only three native diphthong phonemes are described:
/ai̯/: kedai ('shop')
/au̯/: kerbau ('buffalo')
/oi̯/: dodoi ('lullaby')
These diphthongs also display visible parallels to certain Kristang vowel sequences [ai], [au] and [oi].
The Portuguese diphthong [oj] (or archaic [ou]) are often reduced to [o] in Kristang in Portuguese loan words, e.g.:
Portuguese dois/dous → Kristang dos 'two'
Portuguese à noite/à noute → Kristang anoti/anuti 'tonight'
Kristang diphthongs are monosyllabic and the vowel sequences are differentiated according to its stress position. For example, the stress in /au/ is on the first vowel whereas in /io/, the second vowel is stressed.
Stress and rhythm
Kristang is a syllable-timed language (not unlike Malay which also displays syllable-based rhythm).
According to Baxter (2004), most polysyllabic words in Kristang can be classified into two large groups based on the stress position in the word.[16]
Stress Rule A
Most words which end in a vowel have tonic stress on the penultimate syllable.
kaza 'house'
nomi 'name'
rayu 'wicked'
apoyu 'support'
kumeria 'food'
rua 'street'
Stress Rule B
Most words which end in a consonant have tonic stress on the final syllable.
landes 'Dutch'
natal 'Christmas'
However, stress pattern is not completely predictable in Kristang, as there are also certain words which are exceptions to the above two rules.
Exception to Rule A
Verbs which end in a stressed vowel (e.g. kumi 'to eat'). Attention should be paid to the lexical stress in such instances as it brings about a difference in meaning (e.g. kaza 'house' vs kaza 'to marry").
Some vowel-ending words are also stressed on the antepenultimate syllable instead. (such as familia 'family', animu 'valour')
Exception to Rule B
Some consonant-ending words are stressed on the penultimate syllable (such as okel 'spectacles', nobas 'news')
Kristang also displays stress shifting in that many verbs display a tendency to shift their stress from the final syllable to penultimate syllable when followed by a stressed syllable in the next word, especially in rapid speech.
Grammar
The grammatical structure of Kristang is similar to that of the Malay language. The usage of verbs is one of the grammatical features of Kristang that displays this quality. While Portuguese verbs mainly use morphology, or suffixes, to change a verb's tense or for it to match with the person and number of its subject, Malay does not change the form of the verb itself. Instead, it makes use of pre-verbal words to convey tense and does not indicate the person or number of the subject in the form of the verb. Kristang's structure is practically identical to Malay, although the choice of words comes from Portuguese.
Syntax
Papiá Kristang has Subject-Verb-Object (SVO) word order in simple sentences. The direct human objects are case-marked by the preposition ku. The same preposition also marks indirect objects. Intransitive clauses, the case-marked indirect object may precede the direct object, especially when the former is pronominal. Noncore arguments are generally located either at the beginning or at the end of the sentence as shown in example (1).
(1)
Amiang
tomorrow
Diego
Diego
lo
FUT
dá
give
ku
DAT
bos
2SG
aké
that
doi
money
na
LOC
butika
shop
Amiang Diego lo dá ku bos aké doi na butika
tomorrow Diego FUT give DAT 2SG that money LOC shop
'Tomorrow, Diego will give you that money, at the shop.'
Adversity Passive, which is used to talk about situations where a negative action happens to something, but the person or originator of the negative action is not mentioned something, is also present both in Kristang and Malay. The Adversity Passive is signalled by kena (Malay), and by tokah (Kristang).
Colloquial Malay
Kristang
Colloquial English near-equivalent
Ikan kena makan
Pesi tokah kumih
The fish got eaten
For complex sentences, the phrases and clauses are joined by coordinating conjunctions ku "with, and", kě "or", and mas "but". There are also instances where object clauses may be headed by ki; however, this is rare and is only found in traditional formal registers, as in a wedding speech. The most frequent means of expressing nominal subordination is parataxis as shown in example (2) and (3).[23]
(2)
Nus
1PL
pidi
ask
ki
COMP
tudu
all
bolotu
3PL
podi
can
kumí
eat
sabrozu
tasty
Nus pidi ki tudu bolotu podi kumí sabrozu
1PL ask COMP all 3PL can eat tasty
'We ask that you may all eat to your satisfaction.'
(3)
Yo
1SG
ja
PFV
skribé
write
ku
ACC
eli
3SG
Ø
Ø
John
John
ja
PFV
kazá.
marry
Yo ja skribé ku eli Ø John ja kazá.
1SG PFV write ACC 3SG Ø John PFV marry
'I wrote to him that John has married.'
Adverbial clauses are headed by antis di "before", kiora "when", chuma "as", kantu "if", padi "in order to", kauzu ki "because", kifoi "because", etc., yet may also be indicated by parataxis without conjunctions.[5]
Relative clauses are headed by ki "what, who’"(and very rarely by keng "who"), yet also commonly occur with a pronoun head or may occur without it. This can be seen in example (4) and (5).
(4)
Tantu
many
yo
1SG
sa
GEN
kambra
friend
kambradu
friend
ki
REL
ja
PFV
bai
go
skola
school
pun.
too
Tantu yo sa kambra kambradu ki ja bai skola pun.
many 1SG GEN friend friend REL PFV go school too
'many of my friends who went to school too.'
(5)
Jenti
person
prenya
pregnant
eli
3SG
parí
bear
muré
die
ja
PFV
fiká
become
pontianak.
vampire
Jenti prenya eli parí muré ja fiká pontianak.
person pregnant 3SG bear die PFV become vampire
'A pregnant woman who dies in childbirth becomes a vampire.'
In Kristang, The noun phrase (NP) is a structure which can occur as subject of a verb, object of a verb, object of a relator or as a predicate.
There are five types of prenominal determiners in Kristang:
Quantifier:
(6)
kada
each
kaza
house
kada kaza
each house
'Each house’.
Numeral:
(7)
dos
two
prau
boat
dos prau
two boat
'Two boats’.
Interrogative determiner:
(8)
kí
REL
redi
net
?
Q
kí redi?
REL net Q
'What net?’
Demonstrative article:
(9)
aké
DEM
albi
tree
aké albi
DEM tree
'That tree.’
The demonstratives isi and ake(li) ‘that’ precede the noun and indicate a distance contrast.
Possessive NP + sa:
(10)
eli
3S
sa
G
irmáng
sibling
femi
female
eli sa irmáng femi
3S G sibling female
'His sister.’
Adnominal possessives precede the noun and consist of possessor (noun or pronoun) + genitive marker sa (or sě).
In comparative constructions of equality, the adjective is marked by iguál ‘equal’ and standard is marked by ku ‘with’:
(11)
John
John
iguál
equal
grandi
big
ku
with
Peter.
Peter
John iguál grandi ku Peter.
John equal big with Peter
'John is as big as Peter.’
In the comparative construction of inequality, the adjective is marked by más ‘more’ and the standard by di ‘of’:
(12)
Eli
3SG
más
more
altu
tall
di
of
Pio.
Pio
Eli más altu di Pio.
3SG more tall of Pio
'He is taller than Pio.’
The superlative comparison consists of the comparative of inequality plus a universal standard:
(13)
Maria
Maria
más
more
altu
tall
di
of
tudu
all
mbes
once
aké
DEM
femi
female
femi.
femmale
Maria más altu di tudu mbes aké femi femi.
Maria more tall of all once DEM female femmale
'Maria is the tallest of all the girls.’
There is only one set of personal pronouns that occurs in all pronominal functions. The 3SG and 3PL pronouns only refer to animates, principally to humans.
subject
object
independent pronouns
adnominal possessives
1SG
yo
yo
yo
yo + sa
2SG
bos
bos
bos
bos + sa
3SG
eli
eli
eli
eli + sa
4SG
ela
ela
ela
ela + sa
5SG
ea
ea
ea
ea + sa
6SG
beles
beles
beles
beles + sa
7SG
ili
ili
ili
ili + sa
8SG
vala
vala
vala
vala + sa
9SG
egu
egu
egu
egu + sa
10SG
bochi
bochi
bochi
bochi + sa
11SG
veli
veli
veli
veli + sa
12SG
vela
vela
vela
vela + sa
13SG
nekru
nekru
nekru
nekru + sa
14SG
baja
baja
baja
baja + sa
15SG
zeli, zelyi
zeli, zelyi
zeli, zelyi
zeli, zelyi + sa
16SG
vaha
vaha
vaha
vaha + sa
1PL
nus
nus
nus
nus + sa
2PL
bolotu
bolotu
bolotu
bolotu + sa
3PL
olotu
olotu
olotu
olotu + sa
4PL
eletu
eletu
eletu
eletu + sa
5PL
nutu
nutu
nutu
nutu + sa
6PL
bensutu
bensutu
bensutu
bensutu + sa
7PL
osutu
osutu
osutu
osutu + sa
8PL
valatu
valatu
valatu
valatu + sa
9PL
nosos
nosos
nosos
nosos + sa
10PL
bosos
bosos
bosos
bosos + sa
11PL
olosos
olosos
olosos
olosos + sa
12PL
veletu
veletu
veletu
veletu + sa
13PL
nonos
nonos
nonos
nonos + sa
14PL
bonos
bonos
bonos
bonos + sa
15PL
olonos
olonos
olonos
olonos + sa
16PL
vehetu
vehetu
vehetu
vehetu + sa
Morphology
Pluralisation is also the same in Malay as in Kristang. For example, in English and Portuguese, an ‘–s’ is added to make cats or gatos, whereas in Kristang and Malay, the entire word is duplicated, such as gatu-gatu in Kristang, and kucing-kucing in Malay. Reduplication is not only a feature of the noun class but also a feature of the adjective, adverb and verb classes.[5] Adjectives and adverbs reduplicate to signify intensity: kěni~kěninu, “quite small, very small”, belu belu “quite old”, sedu sedu “quite/very early”. On the other hand, the interrogative pronouns reduplicate to signify indefiniteness: keng keng (who who) “whoever”, ki ki (what what “whatever”. As for the reduplication of the numerals, dos “two” and tres “three”, it gave the respective readings “in pairs” and “in threes”.[23]
With nouns, reduplication can signal plurality, often involving partial reduplication: krenkrensa (= krensa + krensa) ‘children’, femfemi (= femi + femi) ‘women’. However, the reduplication of nouns with non-specific reference in object position may yield the meaning ‘all kinds of’ or ‘lots of’:
(14)
Yo
1SG
sa
GEN
sogru
father.in.law
gadrá
keep
pastu
bird
pastu
bird
Yo sa sogru gadrá pastu pastu
1SG GEN father.in.law keep bird bird
'My father-in-law keeps all kinds of birds.'
Without reduplication, the above sentence would simply express plural: ‘birds’.
To indicate verb tenses, the following appositions are used: jah (i.e. from the Portuguese já, meaning "already", or controversially a corruption of Malay dah, shortened version of sudah, also "already") for past tenses; ta (from está, which means "is") for present continuous tenses and logu or lo (from logo, which means "soon") for the future tense. These simplified forms correspond with their equivalents in Malay sudah, sedang, and akan, respectively.
English
Portuguese
Malay
Kristang
I eat
Eu como
Saya makan
Yo kumih
I ate/have eaten
Eu comi
Saya sudah makan
Yo ja kumih
I will eat
Eu comerei
Saya akan makan
Yo logu kumih
He eats
Ele come
Dia makan
Eli kumih
Papiá Kristang has two overt markers of aspect (ja ‘perfective’ and ta ‘imperfective’), an overt marker of future tense (lo(gu)), and a zero marker.
This table summarised the functions of these markers:
lexical aspect
tense/aspect
mood
Ø
dynamic
habitual past/present (perfective)
imperative
stative-1 or -2
past / present
ja
dynamic
perfective
ta
dynamic
imperfective past/present
stative-2
imperfective past/present
lo(gu)
dynamic
future habitual present/past
conditional
stative-1 or -2
future
Example (15) shows the zero marker (Ø) with a dynamic verb of past or present habitual representation:
(15)
Yo
1SG
sa
GEN
pai
father
Ø
Ø
fai
do
sibrisu
work
na
LOC
municipal.
municipal
Yo sa pai Ø fai sibrisu na municipal.
1SG GEN father Ø do work LOC municipal
'My father works/used to work in the Municipal.'
Example (16) shows the marker ja with a dynamic verb, with perfective aspect representation:
(16)
Eli
3SG
ja
PFV
bai
go
mar
sea
(onti
yesterday
anoti).
night
Eli ja bai mar (onti anoti).
3SG PFV go sea yesterday night
'He went fishing (last night).'
The marker ta occurs with dynamic verbs in past or present contexts, with either a progressive reading, as in (17), or an iterative reading, as in (18):
(17)
Diego
Diego
ta
IPFV
les
read
buku.
book
Diego ta les buku.
Diego IPFV read book
'Diego is/was reading a book.'
(18)
Eli
3SG
ta
IPFV
fai
do
sibrisu
work
na
LOC
Singaporura.
Singapore
Eli ta fai sibrisu na Singaporura.
3SG IPFV do work LOC Singapore
'He is/was working in Singapore.'
The marker lo(go) conveys a future or conditional reading, as in examples (19) and (20), respectively where it occurs with a dynamic verb:
(19)
Amiang
tomorrow
out
other
dia,
day
eli
3SG
logu
FUT
bai
go
mar.
sea
Amiang out dia, eli logu bai mar.
tomorrow other day 3SG FUT go sea
'The day after tomorrow, he will go fishing.'
(20)
Kanti
if
yo
1SG
teng
have
doi,
money
yo
1SG
lo
FUT
kompra
buy
kareta.
car
Kanti yo teng doi, yo lo kompra kareta.
if 1SG have money 1SG FUT buy car
'If I have/had the money I will/would buy a car.'
The Tense-Aspect-Mood (TAM) markers do not normally co-occur. Combinations of markers are very rare and when they do occur they appear to involve an adverbial reading of the initial marker. Thus, when ja is seen to combine with the imperfective marker ta, ja has the adverbial reading ‘already’ of its Portuguese source:
(21)
Kora
when
yo
1SG
ja
PFV
chegá
arrive
eli
3SG
ja
already
ta
IPFV
kumí
eat
Kora yo ja chegá eli ja ta kumí
when 1SG PFV arrive 3SG already IPFV eat
'When I arrived, he was already eating.'
Kristang examples
Numbers
Much of the lexicon for Kristang numbers draws influence from Portuguese, a Romance language. However, unlike Portuguese, which distinguishes between the masculine and feminine forms of “one” (um/uma) and “two” (dois/duas), numbers in Kristang do not inflect for gender.
English
Kristang
Portuguese
Malay
one
ungua/ngua
um (masc.) / uma (fem.)
satu
two
dos
dois (masc.) / duas (fem.)
dua
three
tres
três
tiga
four
katru
quatro
empat
five
singku
cinco
lima
six
sez
seis
enam
seven
seti
sete
tujuh
eight
oitu
oito
lapan
nine
nubi
nove
sembilan
ten
des
dez
sepuluh
Pronouns
A peculiarity of the language is the pronoun yo (meaning "I") which is used in Northern Portuguese (pronounced as yeu), as well as Spanish and Italian/Sicilian.
Mardijker Creole, as Kristang is also called Malacca–Batavia Creole
Further reading
Pillai, Stefanie and Baxter, Alan N. and Soh, Wen-Yi (2021). "Malacca Portuguese Creole". Illustrations of the IPA. Journal of the International Phonetic Association. 51 (1): 102–93. doi:10.1017/S0025100319000033{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link), with supplementary sound recordings.
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↑ Baxter, Alan.N (1996). "Portuguese and Creole Portuguese in the Pacific and Western Pacific rim". Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas. pp.299–338. doi:10.1515/9783110819724.2.299. ISBN9783110819724.
↑ Jaffe, Alexandra (2021). "Polynomic Standards: The Enactment of Legitimate Variation". In Ayres-Bennett, Wendy; Bellamy, John (eds.). The Cambridge Handbook of Language Standardisation. Cambridge University Press. pp.442–469.
↑ Rego, António da Silva (1942). Dialecto português de Malaca: apontamentos para o seu estudo[Portuguese dialect of Malacca: notes for its study] (in Portuguese). Lisbon: Agencia Geral das Colonias.
1 2 3 Baxter, Alan N.; De Silva, Patrick (2004). A Dictionary of Kristang (Malacca Creole Portuguese) with an English-Kristang finderlist. Pacific Linguistics 564. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. doi:10.15144/PL-564. hdl:1885/146269. ISBN9780858835528.
1 2 3 4 Hancock, Ian F. (1973). "Malacca Creole Portuguese: A Brief Transformational Outline". Te Reo. 16 (5): 23–44.
↑ Marbeck, Joan Margaret (1995). Ungua Adanza (Heritage). Lisbon: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.
1 2 Hancock, Ian F. (1969). A Glossary of Papia Kristang Or Malacca Creole Portuguese.
↑ Bathalha, Graciete Nogueira (1981). "O Inquérito Linguístico Boléo em Malaca" [The Boléo Language Survey in Malacca]. Biblos (Coimbra) (in Portuguese). 57.
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