YIMBY is an acronym for "yes, in my back yard", a pro-housing movement in contrast and opposition to the NIMBY ("not in my back yard") phenomenon. [1] The YIMBY position supports increasing the supply of housing within cities where housing costs have escalated to unaffordable levels. [2] YIMBYs often seek rezoning that would allow denser housing to be produced or the repurposing of obsolete buildings, such as shopping malls, into housing. [3] [4] [5] Some YIMBYs have also supported public-interest projects like clean energy or alternative transport. [6] [7] [8]
The YIMBY movement has supporters across the political spectrum including left-leaning adherents who believe housing production is a social justice issue and free-market libertarian proponents who think the supply of housing should not be regulated by the government. YIMBYs argue cities can be made increasingly affordable and accessible by building more infill housing, [9] [10] [11] : 1 and that greenhouse gas emissions will be reduced by denser cities. [12]
A 1993 essay published in the Journal of the American Planning Association entitled "Planners' Alchemy, Transforming NIMBY to YIMBY: Rethinking NIMBY" used 'YIMBY' in general reference to development, not only housing development. [13]
The pro-housing YIMBY position emerged in regions experiencing unaffordable housing prices. The Guardian and Raidió Teilifís Éireann say this movement began in the San Francisco Bay area in the 2010s due to high housing costs created as a result of the local technology industry adding many more jobs to the region than the number of housing units constructed in the same time span. [14] [15]
The debate over YIMBY policies does not follow the usual political lines with YIMBYs activists often aligning from all over the political spectrum. [16]
Conversely because "NIMBY" is a pejorative, [17] self-identified NIMBYs are rare, but opposition to YIMBY policies comes from other leftists, [18] right-wing figures like Donald Trump [19] and Tucker Carlson, [20] historical preservationists, local power brokers, [21] wealthy homeowners concerned about their property values, and renter advocates concerned about displacement and gentrification who disagree with the prevailing view among progressive housing economists that displacement is caused by lack of enough housing. [22] [23]
In general, support for development is higher when the development is less local. For example, a statewide upzoning bill will have more popular support statewide than a new apartment building will have from the immediate neighbors. [24] For example, while the national Sierra Club is in favor of infill development, local Sierra Club chapters oppose making development easier in their own cities. [25] According to a 2019 scientific poll conducted by Lake Reach Partners for California YIMBY, in terms of public opinion, support for more infill development is higher among renters, Democrats, and black people, though it enjoys majority support among all groups in California. [26]
The particular contours of housing politics have led to some unusual political bedfellows and accompanying political beliefs. For example, opposition to market-rate housing has been branded as "PHIMBY", [27] for "public housing in my backyard". Similarly, refusal to support any non-subsidized housing or requiring an unrealistically high inclusionary (i.e., subsidized) percentage for new construction has the same result, as subsidized homes are more expensive to build than market-rate ones. [28] The origins of the modern YIMBY movement are separate from pre-existing tenants' rights groups, [29] which are suspicious of their association with young, white technology workers [30] and may be wary of disrupting the status quo, which allows incumbent groups to use discretionary planning processes to negotiate for benefits while slowing development in general. [21] [31] This can manifest as "vacancy trutherism", the idea that most new apartments or condos remain empty even in high-demand cities and therefore will not alleviate the housing crisis. [32] It can also manifest in a belief that new housing in an expensive city draws more migration than it houses, and will actually worsen the housing crisis via induced demand. [33]
Academic research has yielded some generalizable results on the effects of upzoning, the root causes of unaffordability, and the most efficacious policy prescriptions to help low-income workers in prosperous cities.
Studies show that strict land use regulations reduce housing supply and raise the price of houses and land. [34] [35] [36]
Research into the granular effects of additional housing supply show that new housing units in hot markets do not increase nearby rents: the effect on demand pressure is greater than the amenity effect. This has been observed in New York City, [37] in San Francisco, [38] in Helsinki, [39] and across multiple cities. [40] Additionally, in California, new market-rate housing reduced displacement and slowed rises in rent. [41]
Upzoning (rezoning for more housing) in the absence of additional housing production appeared to raise prices in Chicago, [42] though the author disputed that this could lead to general conclusions about the affordability effects of upzoning. [43]
Another study published in Urban Studies in 2006 observed price trends within Canadian cities and noted very slow price drops for older housing over a period of decades; the author concluded that newly constructed housing would not become affordable in the near future, meaning that filtering was not a viable method for producing affordable housing, especially in the most expensive cities. [44]
The change in rent is inversely proportional to vacancy rates in a city, which are related to the demand for housing and the rate of construction. [45] Homelessness rates are correlated with higher rents, with an inflection point where the median rent passes thirty percent of the median income. [46]
Research shows that strict land use regulations contribute to racial housing segregation in the United States. [47] [48] Surveys have shown that white communities are more likely to have strict land use regulations and whites are more likely to support those regulations. [47]
A 2019 study by Chang-Tai Hsieh and Enrico Moretti in the American Economic Journal found that liberalization of land use regulations would lead to enormous productivity gains. The study estimated that strict land use regulations "lowered aggregate US growth by 36 percent from 1964 to 2009." [49] [50] [51]
In Toronto, a self-styled YIMBY movement was established in 2006 by community members in response to significant development proposals in the West Queen West area, and a YIMBY festival, launched the same year, has been held annually since. [52] [53] The festival's organizer stated that "YIMBYism is a community mindset that's open to change and development." [53] An advocacy group called HousingNowTO fights to maximize the number of homes when the government builds housing. [54] [55] Another group, More Neighbours Toronto (MNTO), advocates for policy changes to increase the housing supply. [56]
In Vancouver, Abundant Housing Vancouver was formed in 2016 to support more housing. [57] [58]
In 2014, the blog YIMBY Bratislava was created as a response to rising aversion to development in Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. The blog informs about development in the city, promotes it, but also criticizes it. In 2018 it was renamed to YIM.BA — Yes In My Bratislava. [59] It's a private blog of one author with the fan group of its readers and fans on Facebook.
Yimby is an independent political party network founded in Stockholm in 2007, which advocates physical development, densification and promotion of urban environment with chapters in Stockholm, Gothenburg, and Uppsala. [60] [ citation needed ] The group believes that the PBL (Plans and Constructions Act, from 1987) is a major impediment to any new construction, and should be eliminated or dramatically reformed. [61]
London YIMBY was set up in 2016, publishing its first report with the Adam Smith Institute in 2017 [62] which received national press coverage. [63] Its members advocate a policy termed 'Better Streets'. This proposal would allow residents of individual streets to vote by a two-thirds majority to pick a design code and allow extensions or replacement buildings of up to five or six stories, allowing suburban homes to be gradually replaced by mansion blocks. This flagship policy has achieved a degree of recognition, being endorsed by former Liberal Democrat MP Sam Gyimah [64] and the leader of the House of Commons Jacob Rees-Mogg. [65]
Other YIMBY groups have been set up in individual London boroughs and in cities suffering similar housing shortages, such as Brighton, Bristol and Edinburgh.
Members of the British YIMBY movement have been critical of established planning organisations such as the Town and Country Planning Association and the Campaign to Protect Rural England, accusing them of pursuing policies that worsen Britain's housing shortage. [66] [67]
The YIMBY movement has been particularly strong in California, a state experiencing a substantial housing shortage crisis. [68] Since 2017, YIMBY groups in California have pressured California state and its localities to pass laws to expedite housing construction, follow their own zoning laws, and reduce the stringency of zoning regulations. [68] YIMBY activists have also been active in helping to enforce state law on housing by bringing law-breaking cities to the attention of authorities. [69]
Since 2014, in response to California's housing affordability crisis, several YIMBY groups were created in the San Francisco Bay Area. [70] [71] These groups have lobbied both locally and at the state level for increased housing production at all price levels, as well as using California's Housing Accountability Act (the "anti-NIMBY law") [70] : 1 [71] : 1 to sue cities when they attempt to block or downsize housing development. [70] The New York Times explained about one organization: "Members want San Francisco and its suburbs to build more of every kind of housing. More subsidized affordable housing, more market-rate rentals, more high-end condominiums." [71]
In 2017, YIMBY groups successfully lobbied for the passage of Senate Bill 35 (SB 35), which streamlines housing under certain criteria, among other "housing package" of bills. [72]
From 2018 to 2020, the lobbying group California YIMBY joined over 100 Bay Area technology industry executives in supporting state senator Scott Wiener's Senate Bills 827 and 50. The bills failed in the state senate after multiple attempts at passage. [73] : 1 [74] : 1 [75] California YIMBY received $100,000 from Yelp CEO Jeremy Stoppelman, $1 million from Irish entrepreneurs John and Patrick Collison through their company, Stripe, and $500,000 raised by Pantheon CEO Zach Rosen and GitHub CEO Nat Friedman. [76] [77]
YIMBY groups in California have supported the split roll effort to eliminate Proposition 13 protections for commercial properties, and supported the ballot measure known as Proposition 15, which would implement this change but failed to pass in 2020. This change would have potentially incentivized local governments to approve commercial property development (for its attendant business, payroll, sales and property tax revenue) over residential development and would not have provided funding earmarked for affordable housing development. [78]
Since 2012, several YIMBY groups were established in the greater Boston area. [79] [80] [81] One group argues that "...more smart housing development is the only way to retain a middle class in pricey cities like Boston and Cambridge." [82]
Several YIMBY groups, chiefly Open New York, have been created in New York City; according to an organizer: "In high-opportunity areas where people actually really want to live, the well-heeled, mostly white residents are able to use their perceived political power to stop the construction of basically anything," adding that low-income communities don't share that ability to keep development at bay: "Philosophically, we think that the disproportionate share of the burden of growth has been borne by low income, minority or industrial neighborhoods for far too long." [83] .
In 2011, a news website called `New York YIMBY` was created that focuses on construction trends in New York City. [84] While this news website is not strictly related to YIMBY political movement, in an interview with Politico , the creator of the site stated: "Zoning is the problem, not development in this city. I think people don't really understand that." [85]
In September 2018, the third annual Yes In My Backyard conference, named "YIMBYTown" occurred in Boston, hosted by that area's YIMBY community. [86] The first YIMBY conference was held in 2016 in Boulder, Colorado [87] and hosted by a group that included Boulder's former mayor, who commented that: "It is clearer than ever that if we really care about solving big national issues like inequality and climate change, tackling the lack of housing in thriving urban areas, caused largely by local zoning restrictions, is key." [88] The second annual conference was held in the San Francisco Bay Area city of Oakland, California. [89] These conferences have attracted attendees from the United States, as well as some from Canada, England, Australia, and other countries. [90] [11]
Name | Area |
---|---|
5th Square [91] | Philadelphia, Pennsylvania |
A Better Cambridge [92] | Cambridge, Massachusetts |
Abundant Housing LA [72] | Greater Los Angeles |
Abundant Housing Massachusetts [93] | Massachusetts |
Abundant Housing Vancouver [57] [58] | Vancouver |
AURA [94] [95] | Austin, Texas |
Bend YIMBY [96] | Bend, Oregon |
California Renters Legal Advocacy and Education Fund (CaRLA) [96] | California |
California YIMBY [73] | California |
East Bay for Everyone [96] | San Francisco East Bay |
East Bay YIMBY [96] | San Francisco East Bay |
Greater Greater Washington [96] | Washington metropolitan area |
Greenbelt Alliance | San Francisco Bay Area |
Grow the Richmond [96] | Richmond District, San Francisco |
Open New York [97] | New York City |
More Neighbors Dallas | Dallas, Texas |
More Neighbours Toronto | Toronto |
Neighbors for More Neighbors [96] | Minneapolis |
People for Housing Orange County [96] | Orange County, California |
Peninsula for Everyone [96] | San Francisco Peninsula |
Portland for Everyone [96] | Portland, Oregon |
Santa Cruz YIMBY | Santa Cruz, California |
SF YIMBY [96] | San Francisco |
Sightline Institute [96] | Pacific Northwest |
Somerville YIMBY [98] | Somerville, Massachusetts |
SV@Home [96] | Santa Clara County, California |
Up for Growth [96] | United States |
YIMBY Action [96] [97] | United States |
YIMBY Democrats of San Diego County [96] | San Diego County, California |
YIMBY Denver [99] | Denver |
YIMBY Durham [96] | Durham, North Carolina |
YIMBY Law [96] | California |
YIMBYs of Northern Virginia | Northern Virginia |
Zoning is a method of urban planning in which a municipality or other tier of government divides land into areas called zones, each of which has a set of regulations for new development that differs from other zones. Zones may be defined for a single use, they may combine several compatible activities by use, or in the case of form-based zoning, the differing regulations may govern the density, size and shape of allowed buildings whatever their use. The planning rules for each zone determine whether planning permission for a given development may be granted. Zoning may specify a variety of outright and conditional uses of land. It may indicate the size and dimensions of lots that land may be subdivided into, or the form and scale of buildings. These guidelines are set in order to guide urban growth and development.
NIMBY, an acronym for the phrase "not in my back yard", is a characterization of opposition by residents to proposed developments in their local area, as well as support for strict land use regulations. It carries the connotation that such residents are only opposing the development because it is close to them and that they would tolerate or support it if it were built farther away. The residents are often called nimbys, and their viewpoint is called nimbyism. The opposite, pro-housing movement is known as YIMBY for "yes in my back yard".
Secondary suites are self-contained apartments, cottages, or small residential units, that are located on a property that has a separate main, single-family home, duplex, or other residential unit. In some cases, the ADU or in-law is attached to the principal dwelling or is an entirely separate unit, located above a garage or in the backyard on the same property. In British English the term annex or granny annex is used instead. Reasons for wanting to add a secondary suite to a property may be to receive additional income, provide social and personal support to a family member, or obtain greater security.
Medium-density housing is a term used within urban planning and academic literature to refer to a category of residential development that falls between detached suburban housing and large multi-story buildings. There is no singular definition of medium-density housing as its precise definition tends to vary between jurisdiction. Scholars however, have found that medium density housing ranges from about 25 to 80 dwellings per hectare, although most commonly sits around 30 and 40 dwellings/hectare. Typical examples of medium-density housing include duplexes, triplexes, townhouses, row homes, detached homes with garden suites, and walk-up apartment buildings.
Zoning in the United States includes various land use laws falling under the police power rights of state governments and local governments to exercise authority over privately owned real property. Zoning laws in major cities originated with the Los Angeles zoning ordinances of 1904 and the New York City 1916 Zoning Resolution. Early zoning regulations were in some cases motivated by racism and classism, particularly with regard to those mandating single-family housing. Zoning ordinances did not allow African-Americans moving into or using residences that were occupied by majority whites due to the fact that their presence would decrease the value of home. The constitutionality of zoning ordinances was upheld by the Supreme Court of the United States in Village of Euclid, Ohio v. Ambler Realty Co. in 1926.
Village Preservation is a non-profit organization which advocates for the preservation of architecture and culture in several neighborhoods of Lower Manhattan, New York. Since it began in 1980, it has engaged in efforts to attain landmark status for a variety of sites like the Stonewall Inn and Webster Hall. The organization and its Executive Director, Andrew Berman, have been described as influential in New York real estate, while some of its activities to prevent development and to support restrictive zoning have attracted criticism.
Missing middle housing describes a range of multi-family or clustered housing types that are compatible in scale with single-family or transitional neighborhoods. Missing middle housing is intended to meet the demand for walkable neighborhoods, respond to changing demographics, and provide housing at different price points. The term "missing middle" is meant to describe housing types that were common in the pre-WWII United States such as duplexes, rowhomes, and courtyard apartments but are now less common and, therefore, "missing". Rather than focusing on the number of units in a structure, missing middle housing emphasizes scale and heights that are appropriate for single-family neighborhoods or transitional neighborhoods. After the introduction of the term in 2010, the concept has been applied in the United States, Canada, and Australia.
Starting in the 1990s, the city of San Francisco, and the surrounding San Francisco Bay Area have faced a serious affordable housing shortage, such that by October 2015, San Francisco had the highest rents of any major US city. The nearby city of San Jose, had the fourth highest rents, and adjacent Oakland, had the sixth highest. Over the period April 2012 to December 2017, the median house price in most counties in the Bay Area nearly doubled. Late San Francisco mayor Ed Lee called the shortage a "housing crisis", and news reports stated that addressing the shortage was the mayor's "top priority". The Bay Area's housing shortage is related to the California housing shortage.
The San Francisco Bay Area Renters' Federation (SFBARF) is a political advocacy group formed in response to the present-day San Francisco housing shortage. SFBARF advocates for more housing development, and fewer zoning restrictions on the production of housing. It is one of several formed YIMBY groups in the San Francisco Bay Area.
The Housing Accountability Act (HAA) is a California state law designed to promote infill development by speeding housing approvals. The Act was passed in 1982 in recognition that "the lack of housing, including emergency shelter, is a critical statewide problem," and has also been referred to as "the anti-NIMBY law." It empowers the State of California to limit the ability of local government to restrict the development of new housing. The Act was strengthened by its amendment in 2017.
Since about 1970, California has been experiencing an extended and increasing housing shortage, such that by 2018, California ranked 49th among the states of the U.S. in terms of housing units per resident. This shortage has been estimated to be 3-4 million housing units as of 2017. Experts say that California needs to double its current rate of housing production to keep up with expected population growth and prevent prices from further increasing, and needs to quadruple the current rate of housing production over the next seven years in order for prices and rents to decline.
California Senate Bill 50 was a proposed California bill that would have preempted local government control of land zoning near public transit stations and jobs centers. The bill would have also required, at minimum, four-plex residential zoning statewide. The bill was the successor to a similar bill introduced by state senator Scott Wiener in January 2018 as Senate Bill 827 ; both would have applied to areas within one-half-mile (0.8 km) of frequent transit corridors, including rail stations and bus routes. The bills were sponsored by California YIMBY, a pro-housing lobbying group while they were opposed by local governments, anti-gentrification activists, and suburban homeowners. The bills were written in response to an ongoing housing affordability crisis in California's largest urban areas.
Affordable housing is a housing which is deemed affordable to those with a median household income as rated by the national government or a local government by a recognized housing affordability index. A general rule is no more than 30% of gross monthly income should be spent on housing, to be considered an affordable for the challenges of promoting affordable housing varies by location.
Dean E. Preston is an American attorney and member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors. He founded Tenants Together, a California tenant advocacy organization. In November 2019, Preston won a special election to finish Mayor London Breed's term on the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, defeating incumbent Vallie Brown to represent District 5. He was re-elected in the November 2020 election.
Housing in the United States includes both detached homes and apartment buildings. Housing is a vital economic sector, contributing to 15% of the GDP. Owner-occupancy is commonplace; the majority own their home. For regional details, see also housing in the United States by state.
Single-family zoning is a type of planning restriction applied to certain residential zones in the United States and Canada in order to restrict development to only allow single-family detached homes. It disallows townhomes, duplexes, and multi-family housing (apartments) from being built on any plot of land with this zoning designation. It is a form of exclusionary zoning, and was created as a way to keep minorities out of white neighborhoods. It both increases the cost of housing units and decreases the supply. In many United States cities, 75% of land zoned for residential uses is zoned single-family.
Open New York (ONY) is a New York-based non-profit advocacy organization focused on addressing metropolitan New York's housing shortage by increasing the rate of housing production in the city and region. Part of the broader "YIMBY" movement, the group advocates for the lifting of exclusionary zoning restrictions and reforms to zoning regulations to enable more residential homebuilding in what it terms "high-opportunity" areas near job centers and transit with high incomes.
The 2022 California 17th State Assembly district special election was a special election to fill the vacant 17th Assembly District. The special election was called after incumbent Assemblymember David Chiu resigned the seat to become City Attorney of San Francisco. Matt Haney, a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors, won the election.
In United States public policy, supply-side progressivism is a political ideology that emphasizes increasing the supply of essential goods and services, such as housing, healthcare, and higher education, in order to make them more abundant and affordable. Supply-side progressives believe that some regulations artificially restrict the supply and drive up costs of essential goods and services, while other regulations, such as antitrust law, need to be implemented or enforced to encourage market competition and innovation. They also advocate for more investment in research and development for technologies such as sustainable energy sources in order to increase abundance and reduce costs over time.
More Neighbours Toronto is a Toronto-based YIMBY advocacy group that supports any policy change that increases the supply of housing. It has more than 200 active volunteers and drafts recommendations, submits deputations to the city, duputations to the province and attends public consultation meetings, all in an effort to push for more substantive housing development in the city. It is a registered third party advertiser in Toronto elections, has endorsed city council candidates for elections and was the target of attack ads.
Out of a desire for more-equitable housing policy, some city dwellers have started allying with developers instead of opposing them.
There's a growing recognition that opposition to growth — in Berkeley and Oakland, for example — contributed to environmentally unfriendly suburban and exurban sprawl, and that "infill development" — dense urban housing near mass transit — is now the way to go.
The cause of our current shortage is 100% political," wrote Trauss in 2015, in an internet post that helped her build an army of followers to speak at public hearings, send letters and drum up support for housing on the internet.
Although they span the political spectrum, from far left social-justice activists to hard-core libertarian free marketeers, YIMBYs generally agree that cities should be accessible and affordable for everyone, whether they own a million-dollar mansion or rent a $900-a-month studio, and whether they work as a barista or just moved to Seattle for a new job at Amazon.
And its prescriptions vary thanks to the different groups that inevitably come together under its banner, such as construction industry people seeking deregulation aligning with social justice advocates who want tenant protections and affordability set-asides. Despite their different backgrounds, YIMBYs, who tend to be young and lean liberal, unify around the broad idea of adding more housing.
...Gustav Svärd, spokesperson for the progressive urban network YIMBY, which has more than 6,000 members. ... Gustav Svärd agrees that Stockholm has many positive things going on, and has witnessed a dramatic change among politicians since YIMBY was founded in 2007.
Svärd wants to completely rethink the PBL structure. "The PBL was basically shaped to prevent new developments, and it makes it virtually impossible to create truly connected urban fabrics. We need to transform, or abolish, the PBL and create real urban plans for larger areas. At the moment, every single house has to go through a massive process of bureaucracy and appeals.