\n"}},"i":0}}]}" id="mw4Q">.mw-parser-output .interlinear .bold{font-weight:bold}.mw-parser-output .interlinear .smallcaps{text-transform:uppercase;font-size:smaller}
Sagele
go.up
pule
return
mae
come
eri
PRO:3PL
karu.
two
'They (two) came back up.' (Pg 47, Figure 68) [2]
Some other characteristics to note with the use of pronouns in Hoava are that pronouns can be followed by demonstratives and by the restrictive particle qa; an example of this can be seen below.
There exist some cases in Hoava in which it is not completely necessary for a pronoun to be present or where exceptions to the use of pronouns exist. Firstly, it is common for the pronoun to be dropped from a sentence completely once it has been made clear who is being referred to, or if it is clear who is being referred to by other information such as object markers. Also, the dropping of pronouns referring to animate objects is predominantly done with first-person singular and plural and second-person plural pronouns in object position, as the object marker on the verb is the same as the pronoun.
Inanimate objects in Hoava do not often have a pronominal reference, a construction which resembles a pronoun to identify the object. However, it is possible to use a pronoun for an inanimate object even though it is rare.
In Hoava there exist no reflexive forms of the pronouns. In order to create the same meaning as a reflexive, the verb pule (meaning 'return') is used. "There is no subject or object pronoun used, other than the object marker on the applicative suffix...in any of the sentences elicited with the pule used in this manner." (pg.49) [2]
Vaquru
new
teqe
cut
pule-ni-rao
return-AP-1SG
qa.
REST
'I've just cut myself.' (Pg 49, Figure 78b) [2]
As seen in the example above, pule has been used with the applicable suffix and the singular exclusive first-person pronoun rao to create the meaning of the reflexive form 'I've'. Also, the pronoun is followed by the restrictive particle qa, which is a characteristic that was mentioned earlier to sometimes occur with the use of pronouns.
The morpheme tale- can also be used in the instances mentioned above, but rather than performing a reflexive function, it acts as an emphasis that no other people were involved apart from the speaker.
Vaquru
new
teqe
cut
pule-ni-a
return-AP-3SG
tale-na.
alone-3SG
'(She) has just cut herself.' (Pg. 49, Figure 79) [2]
Within the lexicon of Hoava there are some verbs which have an inherent reflexive meaning built in and therefore the use of an extra form which suggests that it is reflexive is not needed. These are verbs which automatically mean performing an action to oneself, such as hele 'wash oneself' or viraka 'scratch (oneself)'.
In Hoava there exists a three-way spatial differentiation of deixis. This includes proximal, close to the speaker; distal, close to the hearer; and remote, distant for the speaker and the hearer. Of the three sets of demonstratives in Hoava, two sets concern the use of pronouns: a set of long forms that are used as both noun modifiers and as demonstrative pronouns and another set which is restricted to being used only as demonstrative pronouns. An extra set of 'near to hearer' long demonstratives is also used both as a noun modifier and demonstrative pronoun. These sets all have both singular and plural forms which can be used.
Singular | Plural | |
---|---|---|
proximal (close to speaker) | heni | heri |
distal (close to hearer) | sani | sari |
remote (distant) | hunai | huari |
These long demonstratives can act as demonstrative pronouns at the beginning of a noun phrase.
An example of the use of long demonstratives is as follows:
Heri
PROX:PL
ria
ART:PL
nikana
man
vihe.
choose
'These are the chosen men.' (pg.85, figure 204d) [2]
It is more common in Hoava for the morphemes isana and tiara to be used in place as demonstrative pronouns in favour of the singular distal demonstratives sani and the plural sari. It is also not common for the remote demonstratives Huani and Huari to be used.
Hoava has a set of short demonstratives, which are a group of particles found after the noun head of a noun phrase. They have the noun-modifying function of adding a sense of definiteness and they may also signify tense. They can be used with common nouns, names, and pronouns.
Singular | Plural | |
---|---|---|
Close | ni | ri |
Distant | na | ra |
Remote/past | so | ro |
For example, a short demonstrative follows a personal pronoun:
Kolo,
friend
na
ART
sa
what
taveti-a
do.TR-3SG
gamu
PRO:2PL
na?
DEM
'Friend, what are you doing?' (pg.87, figure 213c) [2]
The long demonstratives mentioned above cannot occur after the emphatic particles ba and ga as another set of emphatic demonstrative pronouns exist for that case. This other set is used also in questions or as an alternative to the long forms.
Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|
Visible | Near speaker | pi | piri |
Near hearer | sana | sara | |
Distant | pu | puru | |
Not visible | si | siri |
Na
ART
sa
what
heni?
PRO:SG
Na
ART
binu
lime
ba
EMPH
sana.
DIST:SG
'What is this?' 'That's lime!' (pg.94. figure 237b) [2]
Hoava has a set of possessive pronouns which are used at the head of a noun phrase before the item which is being possessed. They are used in cases of exclusive possession.
Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|
1st person | exclusive | qua | mami |
inclusive | nada | ||
2nd person | mua | mi | |
3rd person | nana | dia |
Mami
POSS:1PL.EX
gugusu
village
'our village'
Hoava has two optional articles, E and se, which may or may not be used with personal names or personified animals and birds. These articles are used before the name and although Se is more likely to be used over E, neither example is completely necessary and can be dropped.
Samu Gobe
Samu Gobe
misianare
teacher
tami
POSS:1PL.EX
gami
PRO:1PL.EX
'Our teacher was Samu Gobe.' (Pg. 59, Figure114b) [2]
Hoava has four types of sentential negation; kipu, kae, kahi and maki. All of these negative particles are placed before the predicate.
The negator kipu expresses factual negation, whereby the speaker claims that what they are saying is correct. As shown below, kipu can be used in past and present events. These are asserted to be factual.
Kipu
NEG
gilalí
know.TR:3PL
rao
PRO:1SG
vivine-di
story-3PL
ria
PRO:3PL
ra.
DEM
'I don't know the stories of them.'
Saonae
long.time
kipu
NEG
pule
return
sa
ART.SG
loa-na.
spouse-3SG
'Her husband did not return for a long time.'
Kipu
NEG
isa
PRO:3SG
qa
REST
sa
ART:SG
pakupaku.
necklace
'It's not the necklace.' (Pg. 243, Figure 68a, b and c) [2]
However, kipu can also be used to indicate future events that are expected to be true. Note that kipu can both precede and follow the future particle.
Pula
if
ve,
like
koni
FUT
kipu
NEG
ta-va-mate.
PASS-CAUS-be.dead
'If so, (he) will not be killed.'
Kipu
NEG
koni
FUT
tavetí
make.TR:3PL
ria
PRO:3PL
ba
EMPH
sara.
those
'They will not make those.' (Pg. 243, Figure 69a and b) [2]
Below, kipu is placed after the definite article of a nominal predicate:
Se
ART
Matakale
M.
sagi
TOP
na
ART
kipu
NEG
tu-na
child-3SG
sa
ART:SG
nikana
man
so.
PAST:SG
'Matakale, he was not a son of man.' (Pg. 243, Figure 70) [2]
In cases where a noun phrase is placed before the verb phrase or noun phrase predicate, kipu is not fronted.
Ria
PRO:3PL
pa
PRP
Vareso,
V.
ria
PRO:3PL
kipu
NEG
ṉaní
eat.TR:3PL
sa.
PRO:3SG
'Those from Vareso, them he did not eat.' (Pg. 243, Figure 71) [2]
The negator kae is occasionally shortened in Kusaghe to ke. It is used to emphasise events and states that are not possible, not allowed or which run counter to the usual state of affairs.
Kae is used to mark events and states that are not possible due to some factor which prevents their occurrence.
Isa
PRO-3SG
sa
PRO:3SG
pu
REL
kae
NEG
dugili-ni-a
be.deaf-AP-3SG
Pilipi.
Pilipi
'That's what stops Pilipi from being deaf.' (Pg. 244, Figure 74a) [2]
Prohibitions can also use kae. Similar to kipu which can be used with imperatives, kae can also be used to display everyday imperatives which are generally used towards children.
Kae
NEG
kabo.
cry
'Don't cry.'
Kae
NEG
do=dola
REDUP=stare
la-ia
go-TR:3SG
ṉina
possibly
goe
PRO:2SG
se
ART
Maqiqo
Mangginggo
na.
DEM
'Don't you go staring at that Mangginggo.' (Pg. 244, Figure 76a and b) [2]
Another use of kae is when an event of state is not the expected one, such as an event that was expected to happen but did not.
Kae
NEG
atu
go.to.you
velu
yesterday
ba
EMPH
rao
PRO:1SG
so.
PAST:SG
'I did not come to you yesterday.' (Pg. 245, Figure 78) [2]
Kae can also be used for hypothetical events that are not generally expected to occur.
Pula
if
vena
SIM
kae
NEG
ta-poka
PASS-be.nailed
labete,
board
doluru
all
kasitoṉa
thing
heri,
these
koni
FUT
uke
fall
qa
REST
sa
ART:SG
kabasa.
house
'If boards, all these things, are not nailed, the house will fall.' (Pg. 245, Figure 80a) [2]
Contradictory statements is often expressed using the phrase kae gua, which means 'not so, not as stated'.
“Vegoa,
how
solodia
soldier
goe
PRO:2SG
ni?”
DEM
gua
said
isa.
PRO:3SG
“Kari,
no
solodia
soldier
kae
NEG
gua.”
said
'“What, are you a soldier?” he said. “No, (I'm) not a soldier.”' (Pg. 246, Figure 82a) [2]
Kahi which means 'not yet' is a negator used to express the likelihood that an event or state will occur, despite not having taken place yet at the point in time referred to. Kahi, like the other negative particles, can be seen to precede the verb phrase.
Kipu
NEG
hana
anyhow
ṉani
bite
pu
COND
kahi
not.yet
varavara,
pray
mi
but
varavara
pray
paki
first
tu
REST
tiqe
then
ṉani
bite
qa.
REST
'(You) don't eat if have not yet prayed, but pray first and then eat.' (Pg. 247, Figure 84a) [2]
Maki is a modal negative particle which expresses the desire of the speaker that negative consequences of an event do not occur. It is placed immediately before the verb phrase.
Maki
NEG:WARN
ta-ṉani
PASS-bite
leboto.
machete
'Don't be hurt by the machete.'
Hoava has a decimal system of numbering (Davis 2003).
There are not many materials written in Hoava. The only material of outside world access is a guide to grammar by Karen Davis and a storybook, which is only beginning to fall out of use. There are translations of the Bible and stories but not much else is known about surviving materials.
According to Ethnologue , Hoava has a 6b (Yellow) endangerment status. "Intergenerational transmission is in the process of being broken, but the childbearing generation can still use the language so it is possible that revitalization efforts could restore transmission of the language in the home" (Lewis 2013). Without intergenerational transfer, main outlet uses will soon be destroyed or fade away while other languages take its place. With the decrease of L1 speakers, the value of the language in the community will only drop until it is no longer applicable to the community. Combined with the low number of speakers, if no action is to take place, Hoava will fade to away into disuse.
Mbula is an Austronesian language spoken by around 2,500 people on Umboi Island and Sakar Island in the Morobe Province of Papua New Guinea. Its basic word order is subject–verb–object; it has a nominative–accusative case-marking strategy.
Vaeakau-Taumako is a Polynesian language spoken in some of the Reef Islands as well as in the Taumako Islands in the Temotu province of Solomon Islands.
Taba is a Malayo-Polynesian language of the South Halmahera–West New Guinea group. It is spoken mostly on the islands of Makian, Kayoa and southern Halmahera in North Maluku province of Indonesia by about 20,000 people.
The Nafsan language, also known as South Efate or Erakor, is a Southern Oceanic language spoken on the island of Efate in central Vanuatu. As of 2005, there are approximately 6,000 speakers who live in coastal villages from Pango to Eton. The language's grammar has been studied by Nick Thieberger, who has produced a book of stories and a dictionary of the language.
Kambera, also known as East Sumbanese, is a Malayo-Polynesian language spoken in the eastern half of Sumba Island in the Lesser Sunda Islands, Indonesia. Kambera is a member of Bima-Sumba subgrouping within Central Malayo-Polynesian inside Malayo-Polynesian. The island of Sumba, located in Eastern Indonesia, has an area of 11,243.78 km2. The name Kambera comes from a traditional region which is close to the town of Waingapu in East Sumba Regency. Because of export trades which concentrated in Waingapu in the 19th century, the language of the Kambera region has become the bridging language in eastern Sumba.
Tamambo, or Malo, is an Oceanic language spoken by 4,000 people on Malo and nearby islands in Vanuatu. It is one of the most conservative Southern Oceanic languages.
Roviana is a member of the North West Solomonic branch of Oceanic languages. It is spoken around Roviana and Vonavona lagoons at the north central New Georgia in the Solomon Islands. It has 10,000 first-language speakers and an additional 16,000 people mostly over 30 years old speak it as a second language. In the past, Roviana was widely used as a trade language and further used as a lingua franca, especially for church purposes in the Western Province, but now it is being replaced by the Solomon Islands Pijin. Published studies on Roviana include: Ray (1926), Waterhouse (1949) and Todd (1978) contain the syntax of Roviana. Corston-Oliver discuss ergativity in Roviana. Todd (2000) and Ross (1988) discuss the clause structure in Roviana. Schuelke (2020) discusses grammatical relations and syntactic ergativity in Roviana.
Ughele is an Oceanic language spoken by about 1200 people on Rendova Island, located in the Western Province of the Solomon Islands.
Biak, also known as Biak-Numfor, Noefoor, Mafoor, Mefoor, Nufoor, Mafoorsch, Myfoorsch and Noefoorsch, is an Austronesian language of the South Halmahera-West New Guinea subgroup of the Eastern Malayo-Polynesian languages.
Uyghur is a Turkic language spoken mostly in the west of China.
Buru or Buruese is a Malayo-Polynesian language of the Central Maluku branch. In 1991 it was spoken by approximately 45,000 Buru people who live on the Indonesian island of Buru. It is also preserved in the Buru communities on Ambon and some other Maluku Islands, as well as in the Indonesian capital Jakarta and in the Netherlands.
Buli, or Kanjaga, is a Gur language of Ghana primarily spoken in the Builsa District, located in the Upper East Region of the country. It is an SVO language and has 200 000 speakers.
Moi is a West Papuan language of the Bird's Head Peninsula of New Guinea.
Mav̋ea is an Oceanic language spoken on Mavea Island in Vanuatu, off the eastern coast of Espiritu Santo. It belongs to the North–Central Vanuatu linkage of Southern Oceanic. The total population of the island is approximately 172, with only 34 fluent speakers of the Mav̋ea language reported in 2008.
Tawala is an Oceanic language of the Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. It is spoken by 20,000 people who live in hamlets and small villages on the East Cape peninsula, on the shores of Milne Bay and on areas of the islands of Sideia and Basilaki. There are approximately 40 main centres of population each speaking the same dialect, although through the process of colonisation some centres have gained more prominence than others.
Lewo is an Oceanic language spoken on Epi Island, in Vanuatu.
Toʼabaita, also known as Toqabaqita, Toʼambaita, Malu and Maluʼu, is a language spoken by the people living at the north-western tip of Malaita Island, of South Eastern Solomon Islands. Toʼabaita is an Austronesian language.
Lengo is an Oceanic language spoken on the island of Guadalcanal. It belongs to the Southeast Solomonic language family.
Longgu (Logu) is a Southeast Solomonic language of Guadalcanal, but originally from Malaita.
Neverver (Nevwervwer), also known as Lingarak, is an Oceanic language. Neverver is spoken in Malampa Province, in central Malekula, Vanuatu. The names of the villages on Malekula Island where Neverver is spoken are Lingarakh and Limap.