Tawala language

Last updated
Tawala
Kehelala
Native to Papua New Guinea
Region Milne Bay Province
Native speakers
20,000 (2000 census) [1]
Austronesian
Language codes
ISO 639-3 tbo
Glottolog tawa1275
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Tawala is an Oceanic language of the Milne Bay Province, Papua New Guinea. It is spoken by 20,000 people who live in hamlets and small villages on the East Cape peninsula, on the shores of Milne Bay and on areas of the islands of Sideia and Basilaki. There are approximately 40 main centres of population each speaking the same dialect, although through the process of colonisation some centres have gained more prominence than others. [2]

Contents

Phonology

Tawala has a consonant inventory of nineteen consonants, an average vowel quality inventory of five vowels, and an also average consonant-vowel ratio of three. [3]

Consonants

Tawala consonants
Labial Alveolar Retroflex Velar Glottal
Plosive p b t d k g ʔ
Labialised Plosive pʷ bʷ kʷ ɡʷ
Nasal m n
Labialized Nasal mʷ
Fricative s h
Approximant j ɭ w

/j/ may have a fricative quality [ z ] when between low vowels.

Vowels

Tawala vowels
Front Central Back
High i u
Mid e o
Low a

/a/ can be fronted before /u/ as [ æ ] in a stressed syllable.

Syntax

Non-verbal clauses

Tawala, like many Austronesian languages, makes frequent use of non-verbal constructions and phrases. This means sentences lacking verbs, not sentences being unspoken. In these situations, the verbs are simply implied by the subject, object, and context. Following are a couple simple examples of non-verbal clauses: in all there is no copula nor verb: [4]

Polo

pig

hai

there

am

food

Polo hai am

pig there food

'The pigs have food'

Tauyai

we.EXCL

uyahi-yai

'at'-1PL.EXCL

ega

NEG

geno-na

worry-DEF

ma

but

tam

you.SG

tunawa-m

alone-2SG

om

your.SG

geno

worry

Tauyai uyahi-yai ega geno-na ma tam tunawa-m om geno

we.EXCL 'at'-1PL.EXCL NEG worry-DEF but you.SG alone-2SG your.SG worry

'For us it is not a worry, but it is your worry only.'

Demonstratives

There are three demonstratives in Tawala. All three are stressed emphatic free form words which can function as spatial deictics, and two can also be used as demonstrative pronouns. [5] Well established in the freedom of their use, they frequently occur as the only word in non-verbal sentences.

Spatial deictics

Tawala has three demonstrative spatial deictics: [5]

PROXIMALgekanear speaker or hearer
NEUTRALnakanot near speaker
DISTALnokaout of sight of speaker or hearer

Tawala's demonstratives can appear in non-verbal sentences where their function is predicative and there is no subject. Following is the simplest example of this permutation:

Tau

I

geka

here

Tau geka

I here

'I am here'

Each demonstrative also has a semi-reduplicated form which repeats the first syllable: ge-geka, na-naka, no-noka. The reduplicated form specifies exact location or time. For example, this non-verbal sentence is taken from a letter; hence the form here parallels the written original:

E-tugu-tugula

3SG.PRES-DUR-sit

no-noka

REDUP-there

E-tugu-tugula no-noka

3SG.PRES-DUR-sit REDUP-there

'He has been sitting right there (in the exact position we put him)'

The demonstrative may also be marked for directional deixis – near the hearer:

Polo

pig

e-ge-ge-hi

3SG.PRES-DUR-come.up-DEI

a-howa-tepa-ni

REDUP-there-DEI

Polo e-ge-ge-hi a-howa-tepa-ni

pig 3SG.PRES-DUR-come.up-DEI REDUP-there-DEI

'The pig is coming up right towards you'

Referential pronouns

While all three demonstratives function as spatial deictics, two also have a referential function as demonstrative pronouns. [5]

PROXIMALgekathis
NEUTRALnakathat

Demonstratives typically precede and modify nouns:

geka

this

dobu

village

geka dobu

this village

'this village'

They may function as heads of full noun phrases (NP):

Geka

this

amaka

already

a-howa-tepa-ni

1SG-spit-top-3SG

Geka amaka a-howa-tepa-ni

this already 1SG-spit-top-3SG

'I have already worked magic on it'

The demonstrative naka is used as a complementizer:

Hi-i-wogatala

3PL-DUR-plan

naka

that

apo

FUT

iyowai

how

hi-na-bagibagi

3PL-POT-work

Hi-i-wogatala naka apo iyowai hi-na-bagibagi

3PL-DUR-plan that FUT how 3PL-POT-work

'They were planning how they would (do their) work.'

When speakers end their discussion they often conclude with the following nonverbal clause:

...na-naka

REDUP-that

noka

that

pite

like

...na-naka noka pite

REDUP-that that like

'... it is exactly like that'

Demonstratives function within discourse to maintain topic and prominence; they can be placed at the end of a NP as well, where they indicate topicalisation. Topicalisation is very common across both verbal and non-verbal sentences. The neutral demonstrative naka is commonly used in complex sentences to this end, but both neutral and proximal terms are applicable:

Ma

and

[odubo-na

old-3SG

naka]

that-TOP

a-lau-hilage

1SG-DUR-finish

duma

very

Ma [odubo-na naka] a-lau-hilage duma

and old-3SG that-TOP 1SG-DUR-finish very

'But as for the old times, I used to get very tired.'

Topicalisation can also occur with a demonstrative in the following phrase, so that two demonstratives are used consecutively:

Ma

and

[meyagai

village

geka]

this-TOP

[naka

that

meyagai

village

dewadewa

good

duma-na]

very-3SG

Ma [meyagai geka] [naka meyagai dewadewa duma-na]

and village this-TOP that village good very-3SG

'As for this village that is very good village.'

And a longer example of demonstrative pronouns: [6]

Ma

and

[geka

this

u

LOC

houga-na]

time-DEF

ega

NEG

emoemota-na

ability-3SG

[noka

there

dewa-hi

custom-DEF

odubo-hi]...

old-3PL

Ma [geka u houga-na] ega emoemota-na [noka dewa-hi odubo-hi]...

and this LOC time-DEF NEG ability-3SG there custom-DEF old-3PL

'But at this time it is not possible for those old customs...'

Phonological history

Tawala demonstratives are reflexes of the small set of demonstratives found in Proto-Oceanic [4] (POC): *e/*ne designating 'near speaker', *a/*na designating 'near addressee', and *o/*no designating 'distant from both speaker and addressee'. [7] The Tawala reflexes have experienced both phonological and semantic change through time and geographic shifts but remain clearly descended from POC. The origin of the suffix -ka is not known, though it is also found with spatial interrogative meka 'where' and the conjunction yaka, and similar suffixes may be found across Pacific languages. [8]

Though the other reflexes are clear, ge- is not obviously a reflex of POC *e/*ne; however, the Maiwala (a nearby dialect of Taupota) form is yana, so a series of phonological shifts leading to the phonemes is plausible.

The neutral form naka includes the POC meaning of 'near hearer', overlapping the meaning of the proximal form geka. Speakers can thus use deictic forms appropriate to themselves or their hearers.

Comparison to neighboring languages

Though it can feature demonstratives following nouns, Tawala is primarily a demonstrative-noun order language. This order is typical of languages in the immediate vicinity like Saliba and Wedau, which are also closely related; however, languages surrounding the mainland area of the Milne Bay Province are predominantly noun-demonstrative order and Trans-New-Guinean. [9] This may suggest a historic localized transit of Papuan Tip languages to the province.

Data on distance-contrast in spatial deictics in the area of Tawala is less prevalent; however, three-way contrast, as present in Tawala, appears common to the Milne Bay Province, and three-way distinction is generally more common in Pacific languages as a whole. [8] There are less defined borders between languages of two- and three-way contrast in the Papuan Tip than for d-n order, however. [9]

Negation

In Tawala, negation is most commonly shown through the negative particle ega, which always appears before the predicate of a clause. [10] When the initial vowel is lengthened, forming eega, the negative particle is taken as the predicate of an existential clause, [11] or as an interjection/response to indicate 'no'. [12]

Ex. (1) Negation using ega [13]

(1)

ega

NEG

a

POSS.3SG

tano

garden

po

and

puwaka

pigs

ega a tano po puwaka

NEG POSS.3SG garden and pigs

'He has no garden or pigs.'

Ex. (2) Negative existential predicate, eega [11]

(2)

Eega

NEG

Eega

NEG

'(it is) not (so).'

Ex. (3) Negative response, eega [12]

(3)

eega

NEG

eega

NEG

'No.'

The negative particle can also take the future tense marker apo as a prefix to form a negative adverb apega. This construction combines with the irrealis and potential mood across both verbal and non-verbal clauses. [10]

Ex. (4) Negative non-verbal clause in irrealis mood [14]

(4)

apega

FUT.NEG

gadiwewe

rain

apega gadiwewe

FUT.NEG rain

'(it will) not rain.'

Ex. (5) Negative verbal clause in irrealis mood [10]

(5)

apega

FUT.NEG

toleha-na

feast-DEF

a-ta-dewa-ya

1SG-IRR-make-3SG

apega toleha-na a-ta-dewa-ya

FUT.NEG feast-DEF 1SG-IRR-make-3SG

'I will not provide the feast.'

Intensified negation

Negation can be intensified by adopting the condition marker wai- as a suffix to the negative particle ega; [15] however, this construction appears to be limited to the use of response or interjection. [12]

Ex. (6) Intensified negation [12]

(6)

ega

NEG

wai

CON

ega wai

NEG CON

'no way/definitely not.'

Negation of non-verbal clauses

As Tawala allows for both verbal and non-verbal clauses, the negative particle will never occur within a clause level noun phrase. [13] For example, if the negative particle were placed between a noun and an adjective, then both would be considered constituents of the clause, with the adjective fulfilling the function of the predicate. The following example illustrates this kind of construction.

Ex. (7) Negation of descriptive clause [13]

(7)

bada

man

ega

NEG

dewadewa-na

good-3SG

bada ega dewadewa-na

man NEG good-3SG

'the man is not good.'

Negation of non-verbal clauses: existential clauses

Existential clauses are common non-verbal clauses which occur within spoken Tawala, though they only occasionally occur within extended discourse. In Tawala, an existential clause consists of a nominal predicate and can often be negated by the addition of the negative particle that precedes the predicate. [11]

Ex. (8) Negation of existential clause [11]

(8)

ega

NEG

wipoya

hot

po

and

ega

NEG

wayau

cold

ega wipoya po ega wayau

NEG hot and NEG cold

'(it is) not hot and (it is) not cold.'

Most negative existential clauses cannot be made positive by simply removing the negative particle; a stative clause would be required instead. [11] The below example illustrates this asymmetry. Ex. (9) Asymmetry of positive and negative existential clauses [11]

(9)

ega

NEG

wipoya

hot

>

 

I-wipoya/*wipoya

3SG-hot

ega wipoya > I-wipoya/*wipoya

NEG hot {} 3SG-hot

'(it is) not hot.' '(it is) hot.'

Negative existential clauses are constructed in the irrealis mood when the negative adverb precedes the existential nominal predicate, [14] as shown in example (4).

As mentioned earlier, the negative particle can be taken as the predicate of an existential clause. This construction is used when asking polar questions. [16] The second clause in the following example illustrates its use.

Ex. (10) Negative existential predicate in polar question [16]

(10)

he-ne-nei

3PL.PRES-DUR-come

imahi

properly

bo

or

eega?

NEG

he-ne-nei imahi bo eega?

3PL.PRES-DUR-come properly or NEG

'Are they coming properly or not?'

Negation of non-verbal clauses: Descriptive clauses

Descriptive non-verbal clauses, where an adjective acts as the predicate of the clause, are not often constructed in the negative. In the instances where this does occur, it implies that the negative condition is permanent. [17]

Ex. (11) Negation of descriptive clause [17]

(11)

gamogamo

animal

ega

NEG

lupalupa-na

flying-3SG

gamogamo ega lupalupa-na

animal NEG flying-3SG

'The animal does not fly.'

Negation of non-verbal clauses: possessive clauses

As Tawala always places the negative before the predicate and never within a noun phrase, if a negative particle is found between two nouns, it indicates a possessive clause. [18] Compare the example below, which combines an equative and possessive clause.

Ex. (12) Negation of possessive clause [19]

(12)

ega

NEG

Limi

Limi

natu-na

child-3SG

babana

because

Limi

Limi

ega

NEG

natu-na

child-3SG

ega Limi natu-na babana Limi ega natu-na

NEG Limi child-3SG because Limi NEG child-3SG

'(That) is not Limi's child because Limi has no child.'

Negation of verbal clauses

Negation of verbal clauses in Tawala follow the same rules applied to non-verbal clauses: for clauses in the past or present tense, the negative particle precedes the predicate, while the negative tense adverb precedes the predicate for clauses in the future tense. These clauses will either carry the irrealis, potential or hypothetical mood. [20] [21]

Ex. (13) Negative durative irrealis [22]

(13)

ega

NEG

lawa

person

i-ta-hagu-hagu-hi

3SG-IRR-DUR-help-3PL

ega lawa i-ta-hagu-hagu-hi

NEG person 3SG-IRR-DUR-help-3PL

'He doesn't help people.'

Ex. (14) Past irrealis [20]

(14)

ega

NEG

wam

boat

i-ta-nei

3SG-IRR-come

ega wam i-ta-nei

NEG boat 3SG-IRR-come

'The boat didn't come.'

Ex. (15) Hypothetical [21]

(15)

inapa

HYP

ega

NEG

u-na-ne-nae

2SG-POT-DUR-go

apo

FUT

hi-na-pani-m

3PL-POT-tie-2SG

inapa ega u-na-ne-nae apo hi-na-pani-m

HYP NEG 2SG-POT-DUR-go FUT 3PL-POT-tie-2SG

'If you don't go they will imprison you.'

Ex. (16) Negative durative potential [21]

(16)

ega

NEG

u-na-tu-tou

2SG-POT-DUR-cry

ega u-na-tu-tou

NEG 2SG-POT-DUR-cry

'You don't need to cry.'

Ex. (17) Future potential [21]

(17)

apega

FUT.NEG

hi-na-nei

3PL-POT-come

apega hi-na-nei

FUT.NEG 3PL-POT-come

'They won't come.'

Negation of verbal clauses: prohibitions

Prohibitive constructions within Tawala are constructed by placing the negative tense adverb before a verbal predicate, [21] as illustrated in the example below.

Ex (18). Prohibitive command [21]

(18)

apega

FUT.NEG

u-na-nae

2SG-POT-go

apega u-na-nae

FUT.NEG 2SG-POT-go

'You must not go.'

Morphology

Pronouns

Tawala distinguishes three persons: first, second and third. There are only two grammatical numbers, singular and plural, although first person plural makes a distinction between inclusive and exclusive. [23]
Although there are five classes of pronouns in Tawala, only the independent pronoun class should be considered as pronouns proper as they are the only class consisting of free forms. The remaining four classes occur with independent pronouns in a phrase. [23]

Independent pronouns

Person Number
SingularPlural
1INCtautauta
1EXCLtauyai
2tamtaumi
3taunatauhi

Subject prefix and object enclitic

Subject prefixes and object enclitics attach to a verb to mark person and number of both subject and object respectively.

1SG2SG3SG1PL.INC1PL.EXC2PL3PL
Object enclitic-u/we-m-ni/ya-ta-yai-mi-hi
Subject prefixa-u-i-ta-to-o-hi-


Example: The following example demonstrates the use of some of the above personal pronouns in context.

Tauhi

they

hai

their

mae

stay

hi-nonogo-ge-ni.

3PL-prepare-TRV-3SG

Tauhi hai mae hi-nonogo-ge-ni.

they their stay 3PL-prepare-TRV-3SG

'They prepared their residence.'

Possession

Tawala distinguishes alienable and inalienable possession.

Possessive pronouns

Alienable possession is constructed by a free-standing possessive pronoun that marks the person and number of the possessor.

Person Number
SingularPlural
1INCuata
1EXCLi
2omomi
3ahai

Example: The following examples demonstrate the use of some of the above personal pronouns in context.

Lawa

person

hai

POSS.3PL

tano

garden

hi-dewa-hi.

3PL-make-3PL

Lawa hai tano hi-dewa-hi.

person POSS.3PL garden 3PL-make-3PL

'The people made their gardens.'

Pronominal enclitics

Inalienable possession is constructed by attaching a pronominal enclitic to the possessed noun.

Person Number
SingularPlural
1INC-u/we-ta
1EXCL-yai
2-m-mi
3-na-hi

Example: The following example demonstrates the use of some of the above personal pronouns in context.

polo

pig

ae-na

leg-POSS.3SG

polo ae-na

pig leg-POSS.3SG

'The pig's leg.'

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References

  1. ↑ Tawala at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015) (subscription required)
  2. ↑ Ezard (1997) , p. 6
  3. ↑ "The World Atlas of Language Structures Online". Archived from the original on 2010-06-12. Retrieved 2010-06-03., chapters 1-3
  4. 1 2 Ezard (1997) , p. 21
  5. 1 2 3 Ezard (1997) , p. 76
  6. ↑ Ezard (1997) , p. 144
  7. ↑ Ross (1988)
  8. 1 2 Ross (2004)
  9. 1 2 "World Atlas of Language Structures". Lexikon des gesamten Buchwesens Online. doi:10.1163/9789004337862__com_230581 . Retrieved 2021-03-26.
  10. 1 2 3 Ezard (1997) , p. 79
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ezard (1997) , p. 181
  12. 1 2 3 4 Ezard (1997) , p. 81
  13. 1 2 3 Ezard (1997) , p. 205
  14. 1 2 Ezard (1997) , p. 180
  15. ↑ Ezard (1997) , p. 56
  16. 1 2 Ezard (1997) , p. 251
  17. 1 2 Ezard (1997) , p. 186
  18. ↑ Ezard (1997) , p. 184
  19. ↑ Ezard (1997) , p. 185
  20. 1 2 Ezard (1997) , p. 120
  21. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ezard (1997) , p. 123
  22. ↑ Ezard (1997) , p. 121
  23. 1 2 Ezard (1997) , p. 72
  24. Ezard (1997) , p. 73
  25. Ezard (1997) , pp. 73–74

Bibliography

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