| People's Republic of China | |
|---|---|
| | |
| First nuclear weapon test | October 16, 1964 |
| First thermonuclear weapon test | December 28, 1966 |
| Last nuclear test | July 29, 1996 |
| Largest yield test | 4 Mt
|
| Current stockpile | 600 (estimated) [1] [2] [3] |
| Maximum missile range | 15,000 km [4] |
| NPT party | Yes (1992, one of five recognized powers) |
| Weapons of mass destruction |
|---|
| |
| By type |
| By country |
|
| Non-state |
| Biological weapons by country |
| Chemical weapons by country |
| Nuclear weapons by country |
| Proliferation |
| Treaties |
The People's Republic of China has possessed nuclear weapons since the 1960s. It was the last to develop them of the five nuclear-weapon states recognized by the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). China acceded to the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) in 1984, [5] acceded to the NPT in 1992, [6] and ratified the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) in 1997. [7]
China tested its first nuclear bomb in 1964 and its first full-scale thermonuclear bomb in 1967. It carried out 45 nuclear tests before signing the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty in 1996.
The Federation of American Scientists and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute estimate China's stockpile at approximately 600 nuclear warheads as of 2025 [update] , [8] [3] [9] making it the third-largest in the world. It is the only NPT nuclear-weapon state significantly expanding its arsenal, which has doubled since 2019, [10] and is projected to reach between 750 and 1,500 warheads by 2035, although it has not restarted fissile material production. Unlike the US and Russia, nearly all Chinese warheads are believed to be in central storage, separate from their delivery system. [8]
Since 2020, China has operated a nuclear triad. [11] Of its 600 warheads, it is estimated 376 are assigned to Dongfeng intermediate and intercontinental ballistic missiles, 72 to Julang-3 submarine-launched ballistic missiles on Type 094 submarines, and 20 to Jinglei-1 air-launched ballistic missiles on Xi'an H-6N bombers. A remaining 132 warheads await assignment. [2]
In 1964, China adopted a policy of no-first-use (NFU) and called for an international NFU treaty, [12] [13] both of which it continues to renew. [14] [15] Some of its nuclear forces are reported to have moved toward a launch on warning (LOW) posture in the early 2020s. [16] [17]
China denies current offensive chemical and biological weapons programs, while the US alleges it is not in compliance with treaty obligations. [18] In its declaration to the OPCW, China claimed it destroyed its three chemical weapon production facilities and stockpile. [19]
During the Second Sino-Japanese War, the Imperial Japanese Army's biological warfare department, led by Unit 731, used bubonic plague, cholera, and other pathogens, killing between 200,000 and 500,000 people. Japanese forces also used chemical weapons including lewisite and mustard gas, causing over 90,000 deaths or casualties. Some 700,000 to 2 million Japanese chemical weapons were abandoned in China, with less than 100,000 recovered as of 2023 [update] . [20] [21]
Mao Zedong referred to nuclear weapons as a paper tiger which, although they would not determine the outcome of a war, could still be used by great powers to scare and coerce. [22] : 44 In 1946 comments to American journalist Anne Louise Strong, he stated, "The atom bomb is a paper tiger which the US reactionaries use to scare people. It looks terrible, but in fact it isn't. Of course, the atom bomb is a weapon of mass slaughter, but the outcome of a war is decided by the people, not one or two new types of weapon." [23] : 9–10
During the Korean War, the US Eisenhower administration pursued the New Look policy through which nuclear weapons would be viewed as a "virtually conventional" force. [23] : 11 US nuclear weapons were deployed to Guam in 1951, Japan in 1954, the Philippines in 1957, and South Korea and Taiwan in 1958, and in 1962, UK nuclear weapons were deployed to Singapore. [24] The Eisenhower administration's threats during the First Taiwan Strait Crisis to use nuclear weapons against military targets in Fujian province prompted Mao to begin China's nuclear program. [25] : 89–90 Mao favored China's development of nuclear weapons because "In today's world, if we don't want to be bullied by others, we should have atomic weapons by all means." [22] : 44–45 While Mao did not expect to be able to match the large American nuclear arsenal, he believed that even a few bombs would increase China's diplomatic credibility. As a result of the Anti-Party Group incident in the Soviet Union, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev's position within the Eastern Bloc became insecure for a time, thus necessitating the support of Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and Mao. The CCP subsequently traded its support for Khrushchev for Soviet technology of nuclear weapons. The Agreement on New Technology for National Defence was later signed in October, which promised Soviet support for Chinese development of nuclear weapons. [26]
Mao's attitude toward nuclear weapons sometimes strained relations with the Soviet Union, which regarded his statements as cavalier, particularly his 1955 assertion that: [23] : 11
The Chinese people are not to be cowed by US atomic blackmail. Our country has a population of 600 million and an area of 9,600,000 square kilometers. The United States cannot annihilate the Chinese nation with its small stack of atom bombs. Even if the US atom bombs were so powerful that, when dropped on China, they would make a hole right through the earth, or even blow it up, that would hardly mean anything to the universe as a whole, though it might be a major event for the solar system.
In July 1954, one Soviet expert began working with the Chinese on uranium ore exploration. In 1955, the Soviet Union began the granting of student visas for nuclear physics courses to Chinese students. Qian Sanqiang, Jiang Nanxiang, and Yu Wen selected 350 students to study in the USSR and other Warsaw Pact countries, in benefit of Chinese nuclear research. From 1955, the two countries began signing nuclear-related treaties, and in October 1957, concluded the "New Defense Technical Accord", which allowed for nuclear-weapons technology transfer, including a model of a Soviet atomic bomb and two R-2 theatre ballistic missiles. [27]
Construction of a uranium refinement plant in Baotou and enrichment plant in Lanzhou began in 1958, and a plutonium facility in Jiuquan and the Lop Nur nuclear test site by 1960. The Soviet Union provided assistance in the early Chinese program by sending advisers to help in the facilities devoted to fissile material production. In return, China exported raw uranium ore to the USSR. [28] [29] [30]
In 1958, Khrushchev told Mao that he planned to discuss arms control with the United States and Britain. China was already opposed to Khrushchev's post-Stalin policy of peaceful coexistence. Although Soviet officials assured China that it was under the Soviet nuclear umbrella, the disagreements widened the emerging Sino-Soviet split. In June 1959, the two nations formally ended their agreement on military and technology cooperation, [30] and in July 1960, all Soviet assistance with the Chinese nuclear program was abruptly terminated and all Soviet technicians were withdrawn from the program. [31] As the Soviets backed out, Chinese officials realized that they had to develop hydrogen bomb technology without any Soviet assistance and would need to begin the work immediately, without waiting for successful results from a fission bomb. [29]
In 1961, Premier Zhou Enlai articulated China's rationale for its conventional and nuclear military strategies, stating, "Once we have missiles and nuclear weapons, we can then prevent the use of missiles and nuclear weapons; if we don't have missiles, the imperialists can use missiles. But to face combat, we still need conventional weapons." [32] : 74
According to Arms Control and Disarmament Agency director William Foster, the American government, under the Kennedy and Johnson administrations, was concerned about China's nuclear program and studied ways to sabotage or attack it, perhaps with the aid of Taiwan or the Soviet Union, but Khrushchev was not interested. China conducted its first nuclear test, code-named 596, on 16 October 1964. [28] [30]
In 1966, Chinese leadership established a new branch of the People's Liberation Army, the Second Artillery, to operate nuclear missiles. [32] : 75
In late 1965, Chinese physicists developed a Teller-Ulam design equivalent for thermonuclear weapons. On May 9, 1966, China carried out the 596L nuclear test, of a layer cake design, a type of boosted fission weapon. China's first multi-stage thermonuclear weapon test, "629", occurred on December 28, 1966, at a demonstration 120 kt yield. [29] A full-scale hydrogen bomb was then tested at 3.3 Mt in the Project 639 test on June 17, 1967, outpacing the French hydrogen bomb project's first success in 1968. [33]
China shifted from highly enriched uranium to plutonium weapons beginning with its eighth nuclear test, codenamed "524", also at 3 Mt, on December 27, 1968. [34] [35] [ better source needed ] It subsequently focused on weapon miniaturization, for missile warheads, and for delivery by fighter instead of bomber. [36] [37] [38]
In 1969, following the border conflict Battle of Zhenbao Island in March, the USSR considered a massive nuclear attack on China, targeting cities and nuclear facilities. It made military activity in the Russian Far East, and informed its allies and the United States of this potential attack. The Chinese government and archives were evacuated from Beijing while the People's Liberation Army scattered from its bases. The crisis abated when US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger informed the Soviet Union that an attack on China would be met by a US nuclear attack on 130 Soviet cities. [39] [40] [41] This threat of attack lead to the development of the Kuangbiao-1 tactical nuclear bomb, which could be delivered against invading Soviet tank columns by Nanchang Q-5 ground-attack fighters instead of Xi'an H-6 bombers. [36] [37] [38]
Despite the 1963 Partial Nuclear Test Ban Treaty concluded by the US, UK, and USSR, China, alongside France, continued atmospheric nuclear testing in the 1960s and 1970s. China conducted its first underground nuclear test in 1969. [42] It tested its first boosted fission weapon in 1971. [43] In 1980, China conducted the most recent atmospheric nuclear test in the world, at between 200 kt to 1 Mt, possibly using a missile. [44]
After moving to underground testing in the 1980s and 1990s, China developed advanced and miniaturized nuclear weapons. Tests between 1982 and 1988 developed a neutron bomb, which was ultimately not deployed. [45] In 1992, a two-point implosion aspherical primary was first tested. China was accused using espionage, most notably in the Cox Report, throughout the 1980s and early 1990s to acquire the US's W88 nuclear warhead design as well as guided ballistic missile technology. [46] [47] [48] [49] Details of US intelligence on Chinese nuclear weapons were released in the US press surrounding the Cox Report and abortive trial of Wen Ho Lee. [43]
In 1982, Deng Xiaoping initiated transfer of nuclear weapons technology to Pakistan, including the design of the simple "548" codenamed highly enriched uranium implosion bomb. This design was first tested by China in its fourth nuclear test in 1966, mated to a Dongfeng 2 missile. A Pakistani derivative of the device was tested in China in 1990. China is also believed to have conducted "hydronuclear" possibly subcritical testing for France in the 1990s. [42] China's last nuclear test was on July 29, 1996. [50] In September 1996, China signed but did not ratify the Comprehensive Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT), which has yet to enter into force. [51]
During the Cold War, China relied on concealment of its nuclear forces as the primary mechanism for their survivability. [32] : 113 Beginning in 1996, China has increasingly relied on the mobility of its land-based nuclear forces as a means of survivability. [32] : 113
In 2020, the United States Department of State alleged that excavation and "explosive containment chambers" at Lop Nur could allow China to return to low-yield nuclear testing, violating the zero-yield standard of the CTBT. China denied the claim, and Jeffrey Lewis pointed to satellite and seismic signatures of such tests being "indistinguishable" from CTBT-compliant subcritical testing. [51] [52] [53] In 2023, satellite open-source intelligence showed evidence of drilling shafts in Lop Nur where nuclear weapons testing could resume. [54]
On 25 September 2024, China's People's Liberation Army Rocket Force test launched a Dong Feng-31 intercontinental ballistic missile. The missile was launched from Hainan island over 11,700 km to just west of French Polynesia, reaching an estimated apogee of 1,200 km. It was the first test of an ICBM into the Pacific for China in over 40 years, typically testing ICBMs at very high apogees within its own borders. [55] China alerted the US, Britain, France, Australia and New Zealand ahead of the test, and was criticized by Australia, New Zealand, Japan, Fiji, and Kiribati. [56]
In December 2024, the United States updated its assessment of China's nuclear weapon stockpile, assessing that China had 600 nuclear warheads and would have 1,000 by 2030. [57] [58]
On 16 August 2025, China transported an uncovered very large unmanned undersea vehicle (XLUUV) via road in Beijing ahead of the 2025 China Victory Day Parade. It had designation number "AJX002" and was analyzed as similar to Russia's Status-6 Oceanic Multipurpose System, which is a nuclear-powered nuclear weapon used for strategic attacks against coastal cities, however it is not known whether it is nuclear-powered or nuclear-armed. [59]
In 2022, United States Strategic Command indicated that China has equipped more nuclear warheads on its ICBMs than the United States (550 according to the New START treaty). [60] In October 2024, the Defense Intelligence Agency reported that China has approximately 300 missile silos and is estimated to reach at least 1000 operational warheads by 2030. [61] In December 2024, the United States Department of Defense estimated China possesses more than 600 operational nuclear warheads. [62]
In March 2025, the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists and the Federation of American Scientists estimated that China has approximately 600 nuclear warheads. [63] [64] In June 2025, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) estimated the country operates at least 600 nuclear warheads, growing by approximately 100 new warheads per year. [65]China's nuclear command and control requires the agreement of both the Politburo and Central Military Commission for alerting and use of weapons. [66] : 119 As a contingency if communications are disrupted, arrangements exist for teams dispatched from central command to personally deliver launch orders. [66] : 120 Academic Fiona Cunningham writes that because such arrangements are difficult to replicate for sea-based nuclear deterrents, the possibility for pre-delegation of nuclear launch authority "cannot be ruled out" but if these arrangements exist, "they are likely to be one of the most closely held secrets of China's nuclear posture." [66] : 120
China's nuclear weapons have historically always been kept at a low readiness, with its warheads in a central storage location, physically separated from their launch vehicles. This has historically assuaged leadership fears of an unauthorized or accidental use. Nonetheless, sometime between 1995 and 2019, China is believed to have equipped its nuclear warheads with a technical control mechanism, similar to the US permissive action link. In 2020, the United States assessed that some DF-31A units have warheads physically available to them, representing a higher readiness level than central storage. [66] [ page needed ]
China has historically had a separate chain of command for nuclear and conventional forces, with nuclear missile brigades undergoing separate training, exclusively for retaliatory attacks. This has changed since the introduction of the DF-26 dual-capable missile, for which brigades are trained in the use of its swappable nuclear and conventional warheads. [66] [ page needed ]
China's policy has been one of no first use while maintaining a secure second-strike capability. [67] Following its first test in 1964, China stated that it would "never at any time or under any circumstances be the first to use nuclear weapons." [68] [69] It also implemented centralized command and control arrangements for nuclear weapons so that they could not be used without orders from top leadership. [66] : 75 The 1975 General Combat Regulations for a Combined Army stated, "at any time, under any circumstances, we will absolutely not use nuclear weapons first, only when the enemy uses them first, will we, according to the order of the supreme command, then use this kind of weapon to resolutely counterattack." [66] : 75 China maintains a no-first-use policy as of 2025 [update] . [70] [66] : 108–109
In its 1964 statement, China called for international treaties prohibiting first use and nuclear use and threats against non-nuclear countries. In 1994, China submitted a "Draft Treaty on No-First Use of Nuclear Weapons" to the other four NPT nuclear-weapon states. [71] In 2024, China submitted to the NPT review conference a "No-first-use of Nuclear Weapons Initiative", repeating calls for an NFU treaty between the P5 states and a separate treaty which prohibits nuclear use and threats against non-nuclear states and nuclear-weapon-free zones. [72]
During the Cold War, China developed a neutron bomb but refrained from deploying tactical nuclear weapons on delivery systems such as gravity bombs or artillery. [66] : 76 In peacetime, it has traditionally stored nuclear warheads separately from their launching systems. [73] [74]
From 1986 to 1993, debates in China addressed the role of China's nuclear forces in potential local wars. [66] : 66 Chinese leadership doubted that a first-use posture was credible. [66] : 66 After these debates, China decided to remain in a no first use posture. [66] : 76 Jiang Zemin stated, "We develop strategic nuclear weapons, not in order to attack, but in order to defend. If people don't attack us, we won't attack them, but if people attack us, we must attack them." [66] : 86–87
From 2000 to 2006, in the wake of the 1999 United States bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade, PLA strategists and civilian strategists debated whether China should add conditions to its no first use policy. [66] : 73 China has not publicly clarified whether U.S allies covered by U.S nuclear guarantees are exempt from Chinese nuclear use. [75] Some Chinese proponents of conditioning the no-first use policy pointed to the Bush administration's Nuclear Posture Review, which discussed US nuclear weapons in the context of a "Taiwan contingency". [66] : 98–99 Proponents of adding conditions contended that doing so would make China's nuclear deterrence more effective if a "Taiwan contingency" occurred. [66] : 99 Ultimately, Chinese leadership rejected the idea of conditioning its no first use policy. [66] : 73
The 2023 U.S. Congressional Strategic Posture Commission assessed that China would likely use nuclear weapons if non-nuclear attacks threaten its nuclear forces or command system. [76]
In the early 2020s, some of China's nuclear forces are reported to have moved toward a launch on warning (LOW) posture. [77] [78] PLA doctrine first stated in 2013 that it viewed launch-on-warning as consistent with no-first-use. [66] [ page needed ] In 2024, the United States Department of State described China's no-first-use policy as "ambiguous". [79] American defense analysts have contended that China is shifting away from a strict no-first-use strategy and toward a LOW posture, which would allow it to retaliate upon the detection of incoming warheads without waiting for them to strike Chinese targets first. [78]
The move to LOW was seen as a response to progress made in U.S. missile defense systems (such as the Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense System and Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) and long-range precision strike abilities (such as Conventional Prompt Strike), which decreases the survivability of a Chinese second strike, as well as the possibility that American strategy may require nuclear weapons to compensate for the numerical disadvantage of its conventional forces overseas. There is debate among Chinese strategists regarding the merits and drawbacks of a LOW posture similar to that of Russia and the United States, and as of 2023 the bulk of China's strategic forces had not moved to a LOW posture. [77] Some analysts contend that because a LOW posture empowers the PLA to a greater degree due to compressed decision-making timelines, it could potentially degrade the CCP's absolute control of the military. [80]
Historically, China has been implicated in the development of the Pakistani nuclear program before China acceded to the NPT in 1992. In the early 1980s, China is believed to have given Pakistan a "package" including uranium enrichment technology, high-enriched uranium, and the design for a compact nuclear weapon. [81] China also received stolen technology that Abdul Qadeer Khan brought back to Pakistan and Pakistan set up a centrifuge plant in China as revealed in his letters which state "(1)You know we had cooperation with China for 15 years. We put up a centrifuge plant at Hanzhong (250km south-west of Xi'an). We sent 135 C-130 plane loads of machines, inverters, valves, flow meters, pressure gauges. Our teams stayed there for weeks to help and their teams stayed here for weeks at a time. Late minister Liu We, V. M. [vice minister] Li Chew, Vice Minister Jiang Shengjie used to visit us. (2)The Chinese gave us drawings of the nuclear weapon, gave us 50 kg enriched uranium, gave us 10 tons of UF6 (natural) and 5 tons of UF6 (3%). Chinese helped PAEC [Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission, the rival organization to the Khan Research Laboratories] in setting up UF6 plant, production reactor for plutonium and reprocessing plant." [82]
Before the 1980s, China viewed arms control and nuclear non-proliferation regimes as mechanisms for Western powers (particularly the US) to restrain China. [83] : 266–267 The Chinese government believed that the NPT "[served] the interests of some States" and only favored the countries that already had nuclear weapons. [84] China considered the NPT an attempt to constrain China, which had only just tested them successfully, rather than countries like the United States or USSR, which had at least 100 times more nuclear weapons. [85]
Beginning in the 1980s, China's policy and attitude toward nuclear weapons and the NPT had changed under the administration of Deng Xiaoping. [84] Though China continued developing more advanced nuclear technology and weapons, by the 1980s, the country had indicated that it intended on accepting the terms of the NPT; [86] China acceded to the treaty in 1992. [87]
China joined the Nuclear Suppliers Group in 2004, [88] but continued to build nuclear reactors for Pakistan. The NSG Guidelines prohibit new nuclear exports to countries like Pakistan that do not have full-scope IAEA safeguards, but China claimed its exports to Pakistan were "grandfathered" under prior supply arrangements. [89]
China was active in the six-party talks in an effort to end North Korea's nuclear program in the early 2000s. [83] : 71 The six-party talks ultimately failed, [83] : 75 and in 2006, China voted in favor of sanctioning North Korea for its nuclear program. [83] : 237
The field of nuclear security has become a well-established area of successful US-China cooperation. [90] In 2009, CCP general secretary Hu Jintao called for a bolstered arms control agenda at the United Nations General Assembly, joining United States President Barack Obama's earlier calls for a nuclear-free world. [83] : 237 Precipitated by a 2010 Nuclear Security Summit convened by the Obama administration, China and the United States launched a number of initiatives to secure potentially dangerous, Chinese-supplied, nuclear material in countries such as Ghana or Nigeria. [90] In 2017, they converted the GHARR-1 research reactor in Accra, Ghana, a China-supplied Miniature Neutron Source Reactor (MNSR), from highly enriched uranium to using low-enriched uranium, thus no longer directly weapons-usable. [91] China-supplied MNSRs with HEU cores remain in Nigeria, Iran, Pakistan, and Syria. [92]
China, along with all other nuclear weapon states and all members of NATO, decided not to sign the UN treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, a binding agreement for negotiations for the total elimination of nuclear weapons. [93]
China refused to join talks in 2020 between the United States and Russia on extending their bilateral New START nuclear arms reduction treaty, as the Trump administration requested. China's position is that as its nuclear warhead arsenal is a small fraction of the US and Russian arsenals, their inclusion in an arms reduction treaty is unnecessary, and that it will join such talks when both US and Russia has reduced their arsenal to near China's level. [94] [95]
The United States has a classified strategy called Nuclear Employment Guidance, updated by president Joe Biden in March 2024, reported to refocus US nuclear deterrence strategy more toward China. [96]
In April 2025, the China Institute of Atomic Energy announced a deep learning algorithm for differentiating genuine nuclear weapons from decoys, without revealing design details such as geometry, for arms control inspection purposes. [97] The system analyses weapon neutron flux obscured by a wall, and compares it against a generated data set of nuclear components including highly enriched uranium, low enriched uranium, and lead. [97]
On 27 August 2025, China declined US President Donald Trump's proposal to join nuclear disarmament talks with the United States and Russia, calling the idea "neither reasonable nor realistic." While Beijing said it is in favor of disarmament in principle, it has regularly rejected invitations from Washington to join talks with Moscow regarding reducing these countries' nuclear arsenals, arguing that the two nations with the largest stockpiles should take primary responsibility for reductions. [98]
Indian sources cite China's development of nuclear weapons as a factor in the decision to initiate India's nuclear weapons program. [99] [100]
President Chiang Kai-shek of the Republic of China (Taiwan) believed, prior to China's first nuclear test in 1964, that such a capability would only be possible from 1967. The shock prompted Taiwan to accelerate development of its nuclear weapons infrastructure. [101] : 9–10| Nuclear weapons |
|---|
| |
| Background |
| Nuclear-armed states |
|
The PRC makes use of the country's large geographic area as a strategy to protect its nuclear forces against a theoretical first strike against the country. [32] : 114 Nuclear missile units are dispersed and missile brigades are not located in the same places as the bases that command them. [32] : 114 The nuclear forces are commanded by six missile bases located in Liaoning, Anhui, Yunnan, Hunan, Henan, and Gansu. [32] : 114 Most of the nuclear forces are commanded by the three missile bases in the interior of the country (in Hunan, Henan, and Gansu). [32] : 114–115
China stores many of its missiles in huge tunnel complexes; US Representative Michael Turner [102] referring to 2009 Chinese media reports said "This network of tunnels could be in excess of 5,000 kilometers (3,110 miles), and is used to transport nuclear weapons and forces." [103] A People's Liberation Army newspaper calls this tunnel system an underground Great Wall of China. [104] The PRC has traditionally focused more on its land-based nuclear weapons than other delivery systems as they are more readily controllable by the country's political leadership. [105]
The Empire of Japan's use of biological weapons in the Second Sino-Japanese War is estimated to have killed between 200,000 [113] and 300,000 people. [114]
Japan became interested in obtaining biological weapons during the early 1930s. [113] Following the international ban on germ warfare in interstate conflicts by the 1925 Geneva Protocol, Japan reasoned that disease epidemics make effective weapons. [113] Japan developed new methods of biological warfare (BW) and used them on a large scale in China. [115] During the Sino-Japanese War and World War II, Unit 731 and other Special Research Units of the Imperial Japanese Army conducted human experimentation on thousands, mostly Chinese, Korean, Russian, and other nationalities, mainly across Asia (Taiwanese, Vietnamese, Cambodians, Filipinos, etc.), as well as some American, British and Dutch POWs and Japanese criminals. [116] In military campaigns, the Japanese army used biological weapons on Chinese soldiers and civilians. [117]
The Imperial Japanese Army's infamous biological warfare Unit 731 was led by Lt. General Shirō Ishii. [115] Unit 731 used plague-infected fleas and flies covered with cholera to infect the population in China. [115] The Japanese military dispersed insects by spraying them from low-flying airplanes and dropping ceramic bombs they had developed that were filled with mixtures containing insects and diseases that could affect humans, animals, and crops. [118] Localized and deadly epidemics resulted, and an estimated 200,000 [113] to 500,000 Chinese died of disease. [115] [119] Recent[ when? ] additional firsthand accounts testify the Japanese infected civilians through the distribution of plague-infested foodstuffs, such as dumplings and vegetables. [117] During the Changde chemical weapon attacks, the Japanese also employed biological warfare by intentionally spreading infected fleas. [113] In Zhejiang Province cholera, dysentery, and typhoid were employed. [113] Harbin also suffered Japanese biological attacks. [113] Other battles include the Kaimingye germ weapon attack in Ningbo. [113] Japan was the first country to use anthrax in warfare, with one such attack in Zhejiang. [120]Scholars agree that information on a current offensive chemical weapons program is extremely limited, allowing either a small clandestine program or no program at all. Chinese officials have never publicly admitted to an offensive chemical weapons program, and there is no unclassified confirmation of one. [18] Per the Federation of American Scientists (FAS), China had a significant quantity of chemical weapons until the 1980s, and in its 1997 declaration to the CWC, China claimed it destroyed three chemical weapon production facilities and its existing stockpile. [19] China signed the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC) on January 13, 1993, and ratified it on April 25, 1997. [7]
The PRC is believed to have supplied Albania with chemical weapons in the 1970s during the Cold War. [121] [122] In 1999, the Federation of American Scientists mentioned in passing an allegation of Chinese-origin mustard gas potentially intended for training found in Albania. [19] In 2003, Albania declared 16 tons of mustard gas to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) which was later destroyed. Scholars have questioned the extent to which the stockpile was previously known to Albanian and Western officials. In regard to China, Matthew V. Tompkins writing in the Nonproliferation Review posited the reluctance of the OPCW, United States, and European Union to confront China over a tacitly acknowledged offensive chemical weapons capability. [123]
During the Cultural Revolution, weapons of mass destruction, including chemical weapons were seized during conflicts, but not directly used. Citizens wrote letters to the Zhongnanhai residence of government leaders, warning of attacks on facilities that stored poisonous plant samples, poison gas, toxicants, and other dangerous substances. [124] : 218–220
During Republic of China's Warlord Era, the warlords Zhao Hengti, Cao Kun, Feng Yuxiang, and Zhang Zuolin. Zhang secured an agreement to build a factory in Shenyang to manufacture mustard gas, phosgene, and chlorine, with the German company Witte and German and Russian chemical engineers. Zhao received a small shipment of "gas-producing shells" in August 1921. [19]
The Imperial Japanese Army used chemical weapons during the Second Sino-Japanese War, including lewisite, mustard, cyanide, phosgene, and probably a range of irritating gases. Chinese historians estimate that Japanese forces used chemical weapons on over 2,000 instances, killing or wounding 90,000 to 100,000 people. [19] [125] More recent scholars suggest that the numbers may be even higher, as many survivors did not realize that they had experienced chemical attacks. [125] In spring 1944, the US began to discuss retaliatory chemical use against Japan, significantly decreasing Japanese chemical attacks in China for the remainder of the war. [125]
This resulted in an estimated 700,000 to 2 million abandoned chemical weapons in China. Many are improperly stored, unlocated, or buried. As of 2023 [update] , less than 100,000 of these have been recovered, with joint work between China and Japan to destroy them. They are estimated to have caused 500 to 2,000 injuries and at least 5 deaths in China. [20] [21]
Some Chinese sources allege that during the Korean War, the United States Army and Republic of Korea Army used chemical weapons against units of the People's Volunteer Army (PVA) and Korean People's Army. This included rocket artillery, artillery shells, and hand grenades. A mixture of chloropicrin and phenacyl chloride, as well as a "sneezing powder" are alleged to have been used, with grenades being targeted against the PVA's tunnel warfare. [126]
During the Cultural Revolution, in Changchun, rebels working in geological institutes developed and tested a dirty bomb, a crude radiological weapon, testing two "radioactive self-defense bombs" and two "radioactive self-defense mines" on 6 and 11 August 1967. [124] : 218–220
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link)