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Icelandic grammar is the set of structural rules that describe the use of the Icelandic language.
Icelandic is a heavily inflected language. Icelandic nouns are assigned to one of three grammatical genders (masculine, feminine, or neuter), and are declined into four cases (nominative, accusative, dative, and genitive). Nominals decline into two numbers: singular and plural, and verbs conjugate for person, number, tense, mood, and voice.
Icelandic morphology is prototypical of Germanic/Indo-European languages. Nouns decline for case, number, definiteness and gender. Adjectives decline for case, number, gender and definiteness (i.e. weak and strong).
Icelandic has only a definite article, which can stand on its own or be attached to its modified noun. Verbs are conjugated for tense, mood, person, number and voice. There are three voices: active, passive and medial. There are only two simple tenses, past and present, along with a number of auxiliary constructions, some of which may be regarded as tenses, others as aspects. [1] [2]
Icelandic nouns are declined in four cases: nominative, accusative, dative and genitive. They belong to three main noun classes (masculine, feminine, neuter) and can be inflected for number (singular, plural) and definiteness (definite, indefinite). There are two main declension paradigms for nouns from all noun classes: strong (i.e. root ending in consonant) and weak nouns (root ending in a vowel), which are further divided in smaller groups for declension, according to many criteria (sound-shifts, consonant clusters, etc.) The following table shows four examples of strong declension.
number | case | masculine | feminine | neuter | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
singular | nom. | hattur | borg | glas | gler |
acc. | hatt | ||||
dat. | hatti | glasi | gleri | ||
gen. | hatts | borgar | glass | glers | |
plural | nom. | hattar | borgir | glös | gler |
acc. | hatta | ||||
dat. | höttum | borgum | glösum | gler(j)um | |
gen. | hatta | borga | glasa | gler(j)a |
The gender of a noun can often be surmised by looking at the ending of the word:
But, this is not always possible. Many endings overlap between genders (see how the -a ending appears in the strong masucline, feminine, and neuter), and exeptions and more complicated rules make this type of discernation impossible. For example, the word Norður (north) is a neuter noun, although it ends in -ur which is typically reserved for masculine nouns.
Icelandic does not have an indefinite article (a/an in English), and the definite article (the in English) is usually joined to the end of the word. The table below shows the different suffix forms for the three genders in the nominative. This list is not exhaustive, and there are numerous exceptions in every case.
No article | Definite article | ||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
masculine | feminine | neuter | masculine | feminine | neuter | ||||||
sg. | pl. | sg. | pl. | sg. | pl. | sg. | pl. | sg. | pl. | sg. | pl. |
-ur | -ar | – | -ir | – | – | -urinn | -arnir | -in | -irnar | -ið | -in |
-i | -inn | ||||||||||
-ll | -a | -ur | -llinn | -an | -urnar | ||||||
-nn | -nninn |
The examples below show three nouns, one for each respective gender, declined in the nominative:
The independent or free-standing definite article (not attached to the noun as a suffix) exists in Icelandic in the form hinn . It is mostly used in poetry and irregularly elsewhere (there are hardly any rules for the latter case; it is mainly a matter of taste).
The personal pronouns in Icelandic are as follows:
case | 1st person | 2nd person | 3rd person | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
masculine | feminine | neuter | |||||
singular | nom. | ég | þú | hann | hún | það | |
acc. | mig | þig | hana | ||||
dat. | mér | þér | honum | henni | því | ||
gen. | mín | þín | hans | hennar | þess | ||
plural | nom. | við | þið | þeir | þær | þau | |
acc. | okkur | ykkur | þá | ||||
dat. | þeim | ||||||
gen. | okkar | ykkar | þeirra |
Icelandic has separate masculine, feminine and neuter words for they. The masculine is used when referring to an all masculine group, the feminine for an all feminine group, and the neuter for either an all neuter or a mixed-gender group.
Like in English, the pronoun usually comes before the verb, as in the example below:
But, just as easily, the order of the sentence may be inverted. In this case, the pronoun moves to the end of the sentence:
In English, changing the word order like this would either render a phrase nonsensical or make it sound poetic. This is mainly due to the fact that whilst being a Germanic language, English has lost most of its noun declension. See syntax for more information.
Icelandic has also two extra lesser used personal pronouns. They are as follows:
case | 1st person | 2nd person |
---|---|---|
nom. | vér | þér |
acc. | oss | yður |
dat. | ||
gen. | vor | yðar |
These two personal pronouns are now archaic. They are a leftover from the Old Icelandic (and Old Norse) use of a dual number along with the singular and plural when it came to the 1st and 2nd person pronouns. Modern Icelandic plural forms of those pronouns (við and þið) are what were the dual number form, while the old plurals (vér and þér) are now only used in formal speech.
Icelandic possesses a reflexive pronoun, functioning in much the same way as German sich, although unlike German it also has a dative and a genitive. The nominative case does not exist.
case | pronoun |
---|---|
acc. | sig |
dat. | sér |
gen. | sín |
For example,
as opposed to being bathed by another,
as opposed to being dressed. The pronoun does not distinguish gender or number.
Modern Icelandic has only possessive pronouns for the first-person singular, second-person singular and the third-person reflexive. They are as follows, where the three columns for each person represent masculine, feminine and neuter genders respectively:
case | 1st person | 2nd person | 3rd person | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
singular | nom. | minn | mín | mitt | þinn | þín | þitt | sinn | sín | sitt |
acc. | mína | þína | sína | |||||||
dat. | mínum | minni | mínu | þínum | þinni | þínu | sínum | sinni | sínu | |
gen. | míns | minnar | míns | þíns | þinnar | þíns | síns | sinnar | síns | |
plural | nom. | mínir | mínar | mín | þínir | þínar | þín | sínir | sínar | sín |
acc. | mína | þína | sína | |||||||
dat. | mínum | þínum | sínum | |||||||
gen. | minna | þinna | sinna |
Minn means mine, þinn means (singular) yours and sinn (which is a reflexive possessive pronoun) means his, her, its or theirs. If one is to indicate possession for a person and number not amongst these pronouns (e.g. ours, plural yours, non-reflexive his, hers, its and theirs) the genitive of the corresponding (same person and number) personal pronoun is used.
Icelandic also has a possessive of the archaic personal pronoun vér.
case | singular | plural | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
nom. | vor | vort | vorir | vorar | vor | |
acc. | vorn | vora | vora | |||
dat. | vorum | vorri | voru | vorum | ||
gen. | vors | vorrar | vors | vorra |
This possessive is only used in formal or official situations, and means ours.
The Icelandic demonstrative pronouns are as follows, where the three columns for each person represent masculine, feminine and neuter genders respectively:
case | "this" | "that" | "the other" | |||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
singular | nom. | þessi | þetta | sá | sú | það | hinn | hin | hitt | |
acc. | þennan | þessa | þann | þá | hina | |||||
dat. | þessum | þessari | þessu | þeim | þeirri | því | hinum | hinni | hinu | |
gen. | þessa | þessarar | þessa | þess | þeirrar | þess | hins | hinnar | hins | |
plural | nom. | þessir | þessar | þessi | þeir | þær | þau | hinir | hinar | hin |
acc. | þessa | þá | hina | |||||||
dat. | þessum | þeim | hinum | |||||||
gen. | þessara | þeirra | hinna |
Þessi and sá roughly correspond to this and that, and hinn means the other one of two.
There are around fifteen to twenty of these, depending on how they are counted. A paradigm for enginn (nobody) is given below.
nobody | case | Masculine | Feminine | Neuter |
---|---|---|---|---|
singular | nom. | enginn | engin | ekkert |
acc. | engan | enga | ||
dat. | engum | engri | engu | |
gen. | einskis | engrar | einskis | |
plural | nom. | engir | engar | engin |
acc. | enga | |||
dat. | engum | |||
gen. | engra |
The numbers one to four are declined for the respective cases and genders:
|
| ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
|
Other numbers are as follows and not declined, except for those that are actually nouns:
five | fimm | nineteen | nítján |
six | sex | twenty | tuttugu |
seven | sjö | twenty-one | tuttugu og einn |
eight | átta | thirty | þrjátíu |
nine | níu | forty | fjörutíu |
ten | tíu | fifty | fimmtíu |
eleven | ellefu | sixty | sextíu |
twelve | tólf | seventy | sjötíu |
thirteen | þrettán | eighty | áttatíu |
fourteen | fjórtán | ninety | níutíu |
fifteen | fimmtán | (one) hundred | (eitt) hundrað |
sixteen | sextán | (one) thousand | (eitt) þúsund |
seventeen | sautján | (one) million | (ein) milljón |
eighteen | átján | zero | núll |
The word hundrað is actually a neuter noun, þúsund can be either feminine or neuter and the higher multiples of a thousand are either masculine or feminine, according to the ending (e.g. milljón is feminine, milljarður is masculine and so on). Núll is neuter.
Adjectives must agree with the gender, number and grammatical case of the nouns they describe. For example, the word íslenskur (Icelandic) agrees as follows:
Icelandic (strong) | case | Masculine | Feminine | Neuter |
---|---|---|---|---|
singular | nom. | íslenskur | íslensk | íslenskt |
acc. | íslenskan | íslenska | ||
dat. | íslenskum | íslenskri | íslensku | |
gen. | íslensks | íslenskrar | íslensks | |
plural | nom. | íslenskir | íslenskar | íslensk |
acc. | íslenska | |||
dat. | íslenskum | |||
gen. | íslenskra |
In strong declension, for example:
Both íslenskri and konu are dative singular. In this case, the preposition með governs the case (með can also take the accusative). This is an example of strong declension of adjectives. If an adjective is modified by the article, or most pronouns, weak declension is used. For this word it would be íslenski:
Icelandic (weak) | case | Masculine | Feminine | Neuter |
---|---|---|---|---|
singular | nom. | íslenski | íslenska | íslenska |
acc., dat., gen. | íslenska | íslensku | ||
plural | All cases | íslensku |
An example of weak declension:
Veiku is the weak declension of veikur (sick) in the accusative singular. Konuna is also accusative singular, but with the definite article attached (-na), and the article forces the adjective to be weak. Here the verb governs the case. The weak forms of nouns are often found in names of organisations, symbols, days and titles, for example:
Here there are far fewer forms to learn, three in total, although one has to learn how they are distributed.
There are four moods in Icelandic: indicative, imperative, conditional, and subjunctive. As with most inflected languages, the verbs in Icelandic determine (or govern) the case of the subsequent nouns, pronouns and adjectives of a sentence. For example:
In the infinitive, most Icelandic verbs end in -a. Some exceptions include a few verbs ending in -á, such as slá ('hit'); flá ('flay'). Other exceptions include the auxiliaries munu and skulu; þvo (wash), which was originally þvá; and a verb borrowed from Danish, ske (happen). There are three main groups of weak verbs in Icelandic: -ar, -ir, and -ur, referring to the endings that these verbs take when conjugated in the third person singular present. The strong verbs and the irregular verbs (auxiliaries, ri-verbs and valda) are a separate matter. Take the infinitive tala ('to talk'), for example:
Number | Singular | Plural | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Person | ég I | þú you (sg.) | hann/hún/það he/she/it | við we | þið you (pl.) | þeir/þær/þau they |
tala to talk | tala talk | talar talk(s) | tölum talk | talið talk | tala talk | |
vera to be | er am | ert are | er is | erum are | eruð are | eru are |
læra to learn | læri learn | lærir learn(s) | lærum learn | lærið learn | læra learn | |
velja to choose | vel choose | velur choose(s) | veljum choose | veljið choose | velja choose |
Note how, for each of the verb groups, the conjugations in the singular change but, in the plural, the endings are nearly always predictable (-um, -ið and -a, respectively). Most English present verbs are regular and have only one change in ending (-s for third person singular). In most cases in Icelandic, the conjugation patterns remain regular across most verbs. The conjugation of a verb cannot be determined from its infinitive. Speakers must memorize which conjugation group a verb belongs to. Strong verbs fall into six groups augmented by reduplication verbs, each with exceptions (such as auxiliary verbs, the r-verbs, and the only verb in Icelandic that has been called 'totally irregular', valda). There is a classification system for all verbs, with the paradigms going into the dozens. The simplification of inflections through person and number seen in Danish (and standard Norwegian & Swedish) with the adoption of the 3.p.s. is seen only in the first person in the conditional and in first person in the past tense where it is formed with suffix and with the first verb (to be) where em was replaced with er.
Some Icelandic infinitives end with a -ja suffix. These verbs can be conjugated like -ur verbs, with the suffix lost in the first person singular. When conjugating -ja verbs, the single j must be removed, so syngja ('to sing') would become ég syng ('I sing') in the first person singular and not ég syngj (and syngja is a strong verb (past tense söng), so irregularities are to be expected). The j in itself is not a reliable indicator. Examples could be emja ('squeal'), which belongs to one class (singular, first person, ég emja, past tense ég emjaði) versus telja ('count'), belonging to another class, (ég tel, past tense ég taldi).
The six primary conjugation classes are characterized as follow:
This classification, with its focus on inflectional features rather than etymologies, leaves very few irregular verbs. The verb 'valda' for example, becomes a totally regular one in the 2nd strong class.
Strictly speaking, there are only two simple tenses in Icelandic, simple present and simple past. All other tenses are formed using auxiliary constructions (some of these are regarded as tenses, others as aspects). For example, the present continuous is formed thus:
This construction is not usually used with stative verbs. For example, to sit would not use this construction. Instead, the simple present should be used (ég sit).
The compound tenses are:
Icelandic possesses the middle voice in addition to both the active and passive. Verbs in the middle voice always end in -st; this ending can be added to both the infinitive and conjugated verb forms. For the conjugated forms, second and third person endings (i.e. -(u)r, -ð and -rð) must be removed, as must any dental consonants (ð, d and t). Compare the verb breyta ('to change') to its middle voice forms, for example: [3]
breyta to change | breyti change | breytir change(s) | breytum change | breytið change | breyta change |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
breytast to change | breytist change(s) | breytumst change | breytist change | breytast change |
The middle voice form of many verbs carries a slightly different meaning, and in some cases may carry a different meaning altogether. Some verbs survive only in their middle voice form, the other forms having been lost over time. The middle voice is generally used in the following situations to express:
Like many other Indo-European languages, Icelandic has the subjunctive mood. It is often used to refer to situations with a degree of hypotheticity, but more specifically in the following situations:
Compared to other lexical categories, Icelandic adverbs are relatively simple, and are not declined, except in some cases for comparison. They can be constructed easily from adjectives, nouns and verbs. These derived adverbs often end in -lega (approximately equivalent to the -ly suffix in English):
The adverbs ending in -lega can be declined for comparison.
This is a regular way to form adverbs. Another way is to take the neutral nominative singular of an adjective and turn it into an adverb:
Another way is taking the stem of an adjective and add an a:
Like in English, many common adverbs do not stick to these patterns but are adverbs in their own right:
The basic adverbs of direction include:
Inn and út denote motion, going in and going out.
In Icelandic, prepositions determine the case of the following noun. Some examples are given below:
accusative | dative | genitive | acc. or dat. depending on context |
---|---|---|---|
um—about | að—at, with | til—to | á—on |
gegnum—through | af—of | án—without | eftir—after |
umfram—in addition | frá—from | meðal—amongst | fyrir—before |
kringum—around | hjá—with | milli—between | í—in |
umhverfis—around | úr—out of | sökum—due to | með—with |
andspænis—opposite | vegna—because | undir—under | |
ásamt—along | handan—beyond | við—by | |
gagnvart—towards | innan—inside | yfir—over | |
gegn—through | utan—outside | ||
gegnt—vis-à-vis | ofan—above | ||
handa—for | neðan—below | ||
meðfram—along | |||
móti—opposite, against | |||
undan—from under |
The case governed by prepositions depends on the context. The most frequent occurrence of this is determined by whether or not motion towards or away from is implied by the context: í, á, eftir, yfir and undir are all affected in this way. The following examples demonstrate this:
Here the preposition á governs the accusative case because specific motion towards/away from is implied, i.e. going to the restaurant.
In this example, the preposition á governs the dative; here the situation is static with no motion towards or away from implied. Yfir, undir and eftir all behave in the same way:
Here the use of the accusative implies that the cat was not under the bed before, but is on its way there now.
Here, the use of the dative implies an unchanging situation. Now the cat is still crawling, but within the confines of under the bed. Note that to govern the accusative, the preposition must imply movement towards or away from something, that is to say a changing situation. If the situation is static, i.e., the same at the end as it was at the start, then the preposition governs the dative.
Icelandic word order is SVO (subject–verb–object), generally speaking, with the subject and verb inverted in questions and when a sentence begins with an adverb. However, the inflectional system allows for considerable freedom in word order. For poetical purposes, every combination is possible, even the rare OSV. The phrase Helga Bjarni drap (Bjarni killed Helgi) might well occur in, say, a ríma.
Despite this, certain rules of syntax are relatively inflexible. For example, the finite verb must always be the second constituent of declarative sentences (this is a feature known as V2 word order, as is common to many Germanic languages). Take the example below (subject in yellow, verb in blue, object in red):
Here the element var (the past tense third person singular form of the verb vera, 'to be', i.e. 'was') is the second constituent of the sentence. If we change the sentence, however:
Here, var is still the second constituent of the sentence, despite the fact that it is not the second word in the sentence. The prepositional phrase árið 2000 (highlighted in green) counts as one constituent, and so for the verb to be the second constituent, it must come after 2000 and not after árið. The subject and object of the verb then follow. An exception to this rule arises when forming questions by inversion:
and when turned into a question:
Here the subject and verb have been inverted to form a question, meaning the verb is the first constituent in the sentence as opposed to the second. This method of forming questions is used in many languages, including English.
As we have seen, questions can be easily formed by rearranging the order of the sentence from subject–verb–object to verb–subject–object. For example:
can be made into a question as follows:
The inversion rule still applies when interrogatives are involved, which are simply added to the front of the sentence. The interrogatives in Icelandic are:
However, interrogative pronouns (hvað/hver) must decline with the verb that they modify, so the case of the pronoun changes depending on the verb. The meaning of a sentence does not change whether hvers vegna or af hverju is used; however they are used in a specific manner in Icelandic. Also of note, hví is rarely used.
Icelandic has a causative construction that can feel quite alien to English speakers (but which is similar to constructions in other languages). The word láta is used to mean "let" or "make". In one use, it is quite similar to English.
However, in another use, the intermediate subject is left out, but the second verb is still in the infinitive.
The syntax here seems somewhat similar to a use of the verb help in English, when speakers say She helped build the house. [7]
There are a number of sound shifts that occur in Icelandic, detailed below. The shifts occur very frequently across all word classes. For one of the most thorough books about the subject see Íslenzk málfræði handa æðri skólum. [8]
This is the oldest umlaut of all, attested in every Germanic language except, perhaps, Gothic. It comes in two varieties:
This umlaut is no longer productive.
The U-umlaut occurs when a stem vowel a changes to ö because of a u in the next syllable. This affects a only, and not á or au. Some examples:
If there is an intermediate syllable between the first a and the u, then the U-shift does not take place.
Although u-umlaut used to be completely regular in that every a followed by u was changed to ö, now there are new u's that don't trigger it from the Old Norse -r ending. Everywhere -r didn't stand by a vowel an u was inserted in front of it, like in vanur from older vanr. This happened after u-umlaut had already taken place and therefore doesn't trigger it, causing a bit of irregularity in the Modern Icelandic u-umlaut.
U-umlaut is not to be confused with breaking, although they appear similar.
Note that if there are two a's preceding the u, the first a becomes an ö and the second becomes a u. An example:
Exceptions to this include several borrowings, for instance banani—banana ⇒ banönum (dative plural) and Arabi—Arab ⇒ Aröbum (also dative plural). Though bönunum is still used as well.
There is also the "phantom" U-umlaut where some words historically ended in an -u but dropped the vowel, the change still occurs, some examples:
Historically, there were four more additional forms of the U-umlaut; these are no longer productive or have been reversed.
The I-umlaut is slightly more complex, and consists of the following vowel changes:
The above effects of the I-umlaut are most visible in strong verbs. Take the verb hafa ('to have'), for example:
Number | Singular | Plural | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Person | ég I | þú you | hann/hún/það he/she/it | við we | þið you (pl.) | þeir/þær/þau they |
hafa to have | hef have | hefur have/has | höfum have | hafið have | hafa have |
In the singular conjugation, the I-umlaut has caused the stem a to become an e. If we look at the plural conjugation however, we can see that the stem a remains intact here, with the notable exception of the 'við' form, where a U-umlaut has taken place (thanks to the -um ending). The I-shift affects verbs only in their singular conjugations.
(The verb hafa actually has two acceptable conjugations. The first is the above, the second goes (ég) hefi, (þú) hefir, (hann) hefir.)
Less known, non-productive and reversed changes include:
Historically, there were many more umlauts in Icelandic, including
These are much more limited in scope, and operate more or less in the same way as the above-mentioned umlauts (i.e. have more or less the same effect). Having mentioned reversed or non-productive umlauts above, it remains to be stressed that the I- and U-umlauts are very much alive, both as a fixture of the declension system as well as being useful tools for composing neologisms. This applies to breaking as well.
A form of elision occurs when asking questions in the second person; the verb and þú have a tendency to merge to ease pronunciation. This is reflected in writing, and so one would more often encounter talarðu as opposed to the expanded form talar þú. The actual change undergone here is the transformation of the voiceless dental fricative ⟨þ⟩ into the voiced dental fricative ⟨ð⟩. This elision rule applies to many verbs, some having their own special forms (for example vera, 'to be', has the form ertu). [3]
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Swedish is descended from Old Norse. Compared to its progenitor, Swedish grammar is much less characterized by inflection. Modern Swedish has two genders and no longer conjugates verbs based on person or number. Its nouns have lost the morphological distinction between nominative and accusative cases that denoted grammatical subject and object in Old Norse in favor of marking by word order. Swedish uses some inflection with nouns, adjectives, and verbs. It is generally a subject–verb–object (SVO) language with V2 word order.
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The grammar of the Polish language is complex and characterized by a high degree of inflection, and has relatively free word order, although the dominant arrangement is subject–verb–object (SVO). There commonly are no articles, and there is frequent dropping of subject pronouns. Distinctive features include the different treatment of masculine personal nouns in the plural, and the complex grammar of numerals and quantifiers.
Ancient Greek grammar is morphologically complex and preserves several features of Proto-Indo-European morphology. Nouns, adjectives, pronouns, articles, numerals and especially verbs are all highly inflected.
Ukrainian grammar is complex and characterised by a high degree of inflection; moreover, it has a relatively free word order, although the dominant arrangement is subject–verb–object (SVO). Ukrainian grammar describes its phonological, morphological, and syntactic rules. Ukrainian has seven grammatical cases and two numbers for its nominal declension and two aspects, three tenses, three moods, and two voices for its verbal conjugation. Adjectives agree in number, gender, and case with their nouns.
Standard Kannada grammar is primarily based on Keshiraja's Shabdamanidarpana which provides the fullest systematic exposition of Kannada language. The earlier grammatical works include portions of Kavirajamarga of 9th century, Kavyavalokana and Karnatakabhashabhushana both authored by Nagavarma II in first half of the 12th century.
In linguistic morphology, inflection is a process of word formation in which a word is modified to express different grammatical categories such as tense, case, voice, aspect, person, number, gender, mood, animacy, and definiteness. The inflection of verbs is called conjugation, while the inflection of nouns, adjectives, adverbs, etc. can be called declension.
Old Norse has three categories of verbs and two categories of nouns. Conjugation and declension are carried out by a mix of inflection and two nonconcatenative morphological processes: umlaut, a backness-based alteration to the root vowel; and ablaut, a replacement of the root vowel, in verbs.
Serbo-Croatian is a South Slavic language that, like most other Slavic languages, has an extensive system of inflection. This article describes exclusively the grammar of the Shtokavian dialect, which is a part of the South Slavic dialect continuum and the basis for the Bosnian, Croatian, Montenegrin, and Serbian standard variants of Serbo-Croatian. "An examination of all the major 'levels' of language shows that BCS is clearly a single language with a single grammatical system."
Historical linguistics has made tentative postulations about and multiple varyingly different reconstructions of Proto-Germanic grammar, as inherited from Proto-Indo-European grammar. All reconstructed forms are marked with an asterisk (*).
The morphology of the Polish language is characterised by a fairly regular system of inflection as well as word formation. Certain regular or common alternations apply across the Polish morphological system, affecting word formation and inflection of various parts of speech. These are described below, mostly with reference to the orthographic rather than the phonological system for clarity.
This article concerns the morphology of the Albanian language, including the declension of nouns and adjectives, and the conjugation of verbs. It refers to the Tosk-based Albanian standard regulated by the Academy of Sciences of Albania.
The grammar of Old Saxon is highly inflected, similar to that of Old English or Latin. As an ancient Germanic language, the morphological system of Old Saxon is similar to that of the hypothetical Proto-Germanic reconstruction, retaining many of the inflections thought to have been common in Proto-Indo-European and also including characteristically Germanic constructions such as the umlaut. Among living languages, Old Saxon morphology most closely resembles that of modern High German.
The grammar of the Silesian language is characterized by a high degree of inflection, and has relatively free word order, although the dominant arrangement is subject–verb–object (SVO). There commonly are no articles, and there is frequent dropping of subject pronouns. Distinctive features include the different treatment of masculine personal nouns in the plural, and the complex grammar of numerals and quantifiers.