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This article describes the grammar of the Scottish Gaelic language.
Gaelic shares with other Celtic languages a number of interesting typological features: [1]
Lenition and slenderisation (also referred to as palatalisation or "i-infection") play a crucial role in Scottish Gaelic grammar. [2]
Lenition (sometimes inaccurately referred to as "aspiration"), as a grammatical process, affects the pronunciation of initial consonants, and is indicated orthographically by the addition of an ⟨h⟩:
Lenition is not indicated in writing for words beginning with ⟨l, n, r⟩. Nor does it affect words that begin with either a vowel, or with ⟨sg, sm, sp, st⟩. In most cases, lenition is caused by the presence of particular trigger words to the left (certain determiners, adverbs, prepositions, and other function words). In this article, the leniting effect of such words is indicated, where relevant, by the superscript "+L" (e.g. glè+L "very").
Slenderisation, on the other hand, is a change in the pronunciation of the final consonant of a word, and it is typically indicated by the addition of an ⟨i⟩:
In monosyllabic words, slenderisation can cause more complex changes to the vowel:
Slenderisation usually has no effect on words that end in a vowel (e.g. bàta "boat"), or words whose final consonant is already slender (e.g. sràid "street"). In rare cases, for example in words where a historic silent final consonant is elided in spelling, this may re-appear in the slenderised form, e.g. tlà (< tlàth) usually slenderises to tlàith.
Most cases of slenderisation can be explained historically as the palatalizing influence of a following front vowel (such as -⟨i⟩) in earlier stages of the language. Although this vowel has now disappeared, its effects on the preceding consonant are still preserved. [3] Similarly, lenition of initial consonants was originally triggered by the final vowel of the preceding word, but in many cases, this vowel is no longer present in the modern language. [4]
Many word-final consonants have also disappeared in the evolution of Scottish Gaelic, and some traces of them can be observed in the form of prosthetic or linking consonants (⟨n-, h-, t-⟩, etc.) that appear in some syntactic combinations, for example, after some determiners (see below). [5]
Gaelic nouns and pronouns belong to one of two grammatical genders: masculine or feminine. Nouns with neuter gender in Old Gaelic were redistributed between the masculine and feminine.
The gender of a small number of nouns differs between dialects. A very small group of nouns have declensional patterns that suggest mixed gender characteristics. Foreign nouns that are fairly recent loans arguably fall into a third gender class (discussed by Black), if considered in terms of their declensional pattern. It is arguable that feminine gender is under pressure and that the system may be becoming simplified with the feminine paradigms incorporating some typically masculine patterns.
Nouns have three grammatical numbers: singular, dual (vestigially) and plural. Dual forms of nouns are only found after the numeral dà (two), where they are obligatory. The dual form is identical in form to the dative singular; depending on noun class, the dual is therefore either the same in form as the common singular (the nominative-accusative, Class 1 nouns, Class 3 and Class 4 nouns), or have a palatalised final consonant in nouns of Class 2 and Class 5. Plurals are formed in a variety of ways, including suffixation (often involving the suffix -(e)an) and slenderisation. Pluralisation, as in Irish Gaelic and Manx, can vary according to noun class, however on the whole depends on the final sound of the singular form.
Noun Class | Example | English |
---|---|---|
1 | aon òran, dà òran, trì òrain | one song, two songs, three songs |
2 | aon uinneag, dà uinneig, trì uinneagan | one window, two windows, three windows |
3 | aon ghuth, dà ghuth, trì guthan | one voice, two voices, three voices |
4 | aon bhàta, dà bhàta, trì bàtaichean | one boat, two boats, three boats |
5 | aon chara, dà charaid, trì càirdean | one friend, two friends, three friends |
For counting, or with numerals that are not followed by a noun, the form is slightly different.
Gaelic numeral | English translation |
---|---|
a h-aon | one |
a dhà | two |
a trì | three |
a ceithir | four |
a còig | five |
a sia | six |
a seachd | seven |
a h-ochd | eight |
a naoidh | nine |
a deich | ten |
a h-aon deug | eleven |
a dhà dheug | twelve |
Nouns and pronouns in Gaelic have four cases: nominative, vocative, genitive, and dative (or prepositional) case. There is no distinct accusative case form; the nominative is used for both subjects and objects. Nouns can be classified into a number of major declension classes, with a small number of nouns falling into minor patterns or irregular paradigms. Case forms can be related to the base form by suffixation, lenition, slenderisation, or a combination of such changes. See the example paradigms below for further details.
The case system is now under tremendous pressure and speakers exhibit varying degrees of paradigm simplification.[ citation needed ]
Nouns in the dative case only occur after a preposition, and never, for example, as the indirect object of a verb.
Nouns in the vocative case are introduced by the particle a+L, which lenites a following consonant, and is elided (and usually not written) before a vowel. The vocative form of feminine singular nouns is otherwise identical to the nominative; additionally, masculine singular nouns are slenderised in the vocative.
In the genitive construction, the genitive follows the word it governs: taigh m' athar house my father (genitive) "my father's house".
Gaelic has no indefinite article. Cù may mean either "dog" or "a dog", and coin may mean either "dogs" or "some dogs." [6]
The definite article is discussed below in full under articles. A noun or noun phrase is considered to be definite if it fulfils one of the following criteria. [6]
Gaelic has singular and plural personal pronouns (i.e., no dual forms). Gender is distinguished only in the 3rd person singular. A T-V distinction is found in the 2nd person, with the plural form sibh used also as a polite singular. [6]
Person | Pronoun | English | |||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Simple | Emphatic | ||||
Singular | 1st | mi | mise | I, me | |
2nd | Familiar | thu tu | thusa tusa | you | |
Respectful | sibh | sibhse | |||
3rd | Masculine | e | esan | he, him | |
Feminine | i | ise | she, her | ||
Plural | 1st | sinn | sinne | we, us | |
2nd | sibh | sibhse | you | ||
3rd | iad | iadsan | they, them |
In most cases the Classical Gaelic lenited form of tu, i.e. thu, has become generalised. Tu is retained in constructions where it is preceded by a verb ending in -⟨n⟩ -⟨s⟩ or -⟨dh⟩ (incl. historic -⟨dh⟩):
The emphatic pronouns are used to express emphasis or contrast: [6]
Emphatic forms are found in all pronominal constructions:
Adjectives in Gaelic inflect according to gender and case in the singular. In the plural, a single form is used for both masculine and feminine genders, in all cases (although it may be lenited depending on the context).
Adjectives normally follow the noun they modify, and agree with it in gender, number and case. In addition, in the dative singular of masculine nouns, the leniting effect of a preceding definite article (see Articles below) can be seen on both the noun and the following adjective:
A small number of adjectives precede the noun, and generally cause lenition. For example:
Gaelic uses possessive determiners (corresponding to my, your, their, etc.) differently from English. In Gaelic, possessive determiners are used mostly to indicate inalienable possession, for example for body parts or family members.
As indicated in the following table, some possessive determiners lenite the following word. Before a word beginning with a vowel, some of the determiners have elided forms, or require a linking consonant. [6]
Person | Determiner | Examples | ||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
before consonant | before vowel | |||||
Singular | 1st | mo+L | m' | mo mhàthair, m' athair | my mother, my father | |
2nd | Familiar | do+L | d' | do mhàthair, d' athair | your mother, your father | |
Respectful | ur | ur n- | ur màthair, ur n-athair | your mother, your father | ||
3rd | Masculine | a+L | a | a mhàthair, (a) athair | "his mother", "his father" | |
Feminine | a | a h- | a màthair, a h-athair | her mother, her father | ||
Plural | 1st | ar | ar n- | ar màthair, ar n-athair | our mother, our father | |
2nd | ur | ur n- | ur màthair, ur n-athair | your mother, your father | ||
3rd | an/am | an | am màthair, an athair | their mother, their father |
The 3rd plural possessive a takes the form am before words beginning with a labial consonant: ⟨b, p, f, m⟩.
As discussed above, the linking consonants n- and h- reflect the presence of a final consonant that has disappeared in other contexts. Ar and ur are derived from genitive plural forms that originally ended in a nasal. [7] The feminine singular a derives from a form ending in final -⟨s⟩, whose only trace is now the prefixation of h- to a following vowel. [8]
To refer to non-permanent possession, one uses the preposition aig, as described above:
Emphatic suffixes are used with possessive determiners, and other parts of speech, to lend emphatic or contrastive power. They are used following nouns preceded by possessive pronouns to emphasize the pronominal element. Notice that -sa replaces -se in the first person singular in comparison to the pronominal emphatic suffixes above. [6]
Person | Emphatic suffix | Example | English | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Singular | 1st | [noun]-sa | mo làmh-sa | my hand | |
2nd | Familiar | [noun]-sa | do cheann-sa | your head | |
Respectful | [noun]-se | ur n-aodann-se | your face | ||
3rd | Masculine | [noun]-san | a uileann-san | his elbow | |
Feminine | [noun]-se | a co-ogha-se | her cousin | ||
Plural | 1st | [noun]-ne | ar n-ogha-ne | our grandchild | |
2nd | [noun]-se | ur teaghlach-se | your family | ||
3rd | [noun]-san | am baile-san | their town |
Gaelic has a definite article but no indefinite article:
The singular article is often used to designate an entire class. [6]
Abstract nouns consistently take the singular article, as well. [6]
The form of the (definite) article depends on the number, gender, case of the noun. The following table shows the basic paradigm, as used when there is no assimilation to the initial sounds of the following word.
Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|
Masculine | Feminine | ||
Nom. | AN | AN+L | NA |
Dat. | AN+L | ||
Gen. | AN+L | NA | NAN |
The superscript ⟨+L⟩ indicates that the following word is lenited. The actual realization of the capitalised forms in the paradigm above depends on the initial sound of the following word, as explained in the following table:
used in: | masc. nom. sing. | |
---|---|---|
AN | an t- | before vowel |
am | before ⟨b, f, m, p⟩ | |
an | elsewhere | |
used in: | fem. nom. & dat. sing., masc. dat. & gen. sing. | |
AN+L | a'+L | before ⟨b, m, p, c, g⟩ |
an+L | before ⟨f⟩ | |
an t- | before ⟨s⟩ + vowel, ⟨sl, sn, sr⟩ | |
an | elsewhere (before ⟨d, n, t, l, r, sg, sm, sp, st⟩, vowel) | |
used in: | fem. gen. sing., nom. & dat. plural | |
NA | na | before consonant |
na h- | before vowel | |
used in: | gen. plural | |
NAN | nam | before ⟨b, f, m, p⟩ |
nan | elsewhere |
Putting all of those variants together into one table:
Before: | ⟨b, m, p⟩ | ⟨c, g⟩ | ⟨f⟩ | ⟨s⟩ + vowel, ⟨sl, sn, sr⟩ | ⟨d, n, t, l⟩, ⟨r⟩, ⟨sg, sm, sp, st⟩ | vowel | all else | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nom. | Singular | Masculine | am | an | am | an | an | an t- | an |
Feminine | a'+L | a'+L | an+L | an t- | an | an+L | |||
Plural | na | na | na | na | na | na h- | na | ||
Dat. | Singular | Masculine | a'+L | a'+L | an+L | an t- | an | an | an+L |
Feminine | |||||||||
Plural | na | na | na | na | na | na h- | na | ||
Gen. | Singular | Masculine | a'+L | a'+L | an+L | an t- | an | an | an+L |
Feminine | na | na | na | na | na | na h- | na | ||
Plural | nam | nan | nam | nan | nan | nan | nan | ||
The forms of the definite article trace back to a Common Celtic stem *sindo-, sindā-. The initial ⟨s⟩, already lost in the Old Irish period, is still preserved in the forms of some prepositions (for example le "with" becomes leis before an article, similarly (ann) an "in", becomes anns — see below). The original d can be seen in the form an t-, and the leniting effect of the form an+L is a trace of a lost final vowel. The form na h- reflects an original final -⟨s⟩. [9]
The following examples illustrate a number of nominal declension patterns, and show how the definite article combines with different kinds of nouns.
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Verbal constructions may make use of synthetic verb forms which are marked to indicate person (the number of such forms is limited), tense, mood, and voice (active, impersonal/passive). Gaelic has very few irregular verbs, conjugational paradigms being remarkably consistent for two verb classes, with the two copular or "be" verbs being the most irregular. In the paradigm of the verb, the majority of verb-forms are not person-marked and independent pronouns are required as in English, Norwegian and other languages. Alongside constructions involving synthetic verb forms, analytic (or 'periphrastic') aspectual constructions are extremely frequently used and in many cases are obligatory (compare English "be + -ing" and Spanish "estar + [verb]-ndo" verbal constructions). These structures convey tense, aspect and modality, often in fused forms.
'Verbal nouns' play a crucial role in the verbal system, being used in periphrastic verbal constructions preceded by a preposition where they act as the sense verb, and a stative verb conveys tense, aspect and mood information, in a pattern that is familiar from other Indo-European languages. Verbal nouns are true nouns in morphology and inherent properties, having gender, case and their occurrence in what are prepositional phrases, and in which non-verbal nouns are also found. Verbal nouns carry verbal semantic and syntactic force in such core verbal constructions as a result of their meaning content, as do other nouns found in such constructions, such as tha e na thost "he is quiet, he stays silent", literally "he is in his silence", which mirrors the stative usage found in tha e na shuidhe "he is sitting, he sits", literally "he is in his sitting". This is similar to words such as bed in English and letto in Italian when used in prepositional phrases such as in bed and a letto "in bed", where "bed" and letto express a stative meaning. The verbal noun covers many of the same notions as infinitives, gerunds and present participles in other Indo-European languages.
Traditional grammars use the terms 'past', 'future tense', 'conditional', 'imperative' and 'subjunctive' in describing the five core Scottish Gaelic verb forms; however, modern scholarly linguistic texts reject such terms borrowed from traditional grammar descriptions based on the concepts of Latin grammar. In a general sense, the verb system is similar to that found in Irish, the major difference being the loss of the simple present, this being replaced by the periphrastic forms noted above. These periphrastic forms in Irish have retained their use of showing continuous aspect. The tense–aspect system of Gaelic is ill-studied; Macaulay (1992) gives a reasonably comprehensive account.
The number of copular verbs and their exact function in Gaelic is a topic of contention among researchers. There is a certain amount of variation in sources, making it difficult to come to a definitive conclusion about certain aspects of copular verbs. However, there is some information that consistently shows up across these sources, covered in this section.
Gaelic has two copular "be" verbs, though some grammar books treat them as two parts of a single suppletive verb:
Bi: attributes a property to a noun or pronoun; its complement is typically a description that expresses position, state, non-permanent characteristic (see further below)
Tense | form | |
---|---|---|
Present | Independent | tha |
Relative | tha | |
Dependent | bheil, eil | |
Present imperfective, future | Independent | bidh, bithidh |
Dependent | bi | |
Past perfective | Independent | bha |
Dependent | robh | |
Past imperfective | bhiodh |
Is: Historically called the “copula” verb, is can be used in constructions with nominal complements and adjectival complements. It also has the additional function of “topicalization”, a term that means a certain element of a sentence is being emphasized as the topic of interest. [10]
Tense | form | |
---|---|---|
Present | Independent | is, ’s |
Relative | as | |
Past | bu, before a vowel and ⟨fh⟩: b’ |
Is:
In English, italics (for text) and stress (for speech) are used to emphasize different elements of a sentence; one can also change the word order to put the emphasized element first. Scottish Gaelic, however, does not use stress and very rarely uses word order changes to create emphasis. Instead, it uses topicalization, for example when “a sentence with the verb is followed by the element topicalised” (MacAulay, 189). This equates the English fronting device "it is X that...":
Examples (from MacAulay, pages 189–190):
Is
is
e
3SG-MASC-PN
Iain
Ian
a
REL
thug
gave
an
the
leabhar
book
do
to
Anna
Anna
an-dè
yesterday
"It is Ian who gave the book to Anna yesterday."
Is
is
e
3SG-MASC-PN
an
the
leabhar
book
a
REL
thug
gave
Iain
Ian
do
to
Anna
Anna
an-dè
yesterday
"It is the book that Ian gave to Anna yesterday."
Is
is
ann
in-it
do
to
Anna
Anna
a
REL
thug
gave
Iain
Ian
an
the
leabhar
book
an-dè
yesterday
"It is to Anna that Ian gave the book yesterday."
Is
is
ann
in-it
an-dè
yesterday
a
REL
thug
gave
Iain
Ian
an
the
leabhar
book
do
to
Anna
Anna
"It was yesterday that Ian gave the book to Anna."
Is
is
ann
in-it
a’
at
toirt
giving-VN
an
the
leabhair
book-GEN
do
to
Anna
Anna
a
REL
bha
was
Iain
Ian
"It was giving the book to Anna that Ian was."
The fronting use of is is part of its general function of ascribing descriptions to a complement (see below). Most commonly one will see classificatory or adjectival complements, as shown below:
Is
is
duine
man
Iain
Ian
"Ian is a man."
Bi: Historically called the “substantive” verb, tha (the present indicative independent 3rd person singular form of bi) can be used in constructions with adjectival complements, locative predicates, and in aspectually marked sentences (MacAulay, page 180).
Examples (MacAulay, page 178):
Tha
is
an
the
càr
car
mòr
large
"The car is large."
Tha
is
an
the
càr
car
air
on
an
the
rathad
road
"The car is on the road."
Tha
is
an
the
càr
car
a’
at
siubhal
travelling
"The car is travelling."
It is also possible to use tha to describe a noun or pronoun with a nominal complement by using an embedded pronoun (MacAulay, page 179):
Tha
is
Iain
Ian
na
in.3SG.MASC.PN (in-his; for convenience)
shaighdear
soldier
"Ian is a soldier."
Is
is
saighdear
soldier
Iain
Ian
"Ian is a soldier."
The two usages carry a semantic contrast. Is shows a permanent state, while tha shows that the state of being a soldier is temporary in some way or other. Often the tha construction is used when someone has just become a soldier, for example, while the is construction shows that being a soldier is a part of Ian's persona.
Notice that the example using is exhibits a diversion from the typical VSO word order. In Classical Gaelic, is incorporates the subject (3rd person singular), the noun or adjective that follows is in the nominative, and the second noun/pronoun is objective in case. In Modern Gaelic, this has been reanalysed as V – Topic/Complement – S, or V – S – S, a "double nominative construction", as it were. Latin based descriptions, however, assume the first analysis. The tha example maintains VSO/VSC word order, where the complement is a prepositional phrase that states what state the subject is in (in the state of being a soldier); cf. tha e na shuidhe and tha e na thost above.
The difference between tha and is is that tha describes psychologically temporary states:
Is, on the other hand, describes more permanent conditions — that is, states of being that are intrinsic and/or not seen as having an assumed end:
In the last example, for instance, if someone were to become a Scottish citizen, the phrase would be :Tha mi nam Albannach a-nise "I am Scottish now".
Tense and aspect are marked in Gaelic in a number of ways.
Present tense is formed by use of the verb tha and the verbal noun (or participle) form of the main verb. The construction, unlike Irish Gaelic, is neutral to aspect. Apart from this, tense and aspect marking are very similar in the two languages.
The perfective past in regular verbs is indicated by lenition of the initial consonant, and d'/dh addition with verbs that start with a vowel or ⟨f⟩ (do is the underlying form in all cases):
Gaelic conjugates verbs to indicate either the present imperfective or the future tense:
The habitual continuous and future continuous is expressed by using the habitual verb bi:
As in other Celtic languages, Scottish Gaelic expresses modality and psych-verbals (such as "like", "prefer", "be able to", "manage to", "must"/"have to", "make"="compel to") by periphrastic constructions involving various adjectives, prepositional phrases and the copula or another verb, some of which involve highly unusual syntactic patterns when compared to English.
Prepositions in Gaelic govern either the nominative, dative (prepositional), [6] or genitive case.
All so-called "compound prepositions" consist of a simple preposition and a noun, and therefore the word they refer to is in the genitive case:
Some prepositions have different forms (ending in -⟨s⟩ or -⟨n⟩) when followed by the article. In the case of -⟨s⟩, this is from the original initial ⟨s⟩- of the definite article (Old Irish in, ind from Proto-Celtic *sindos, *sindā, etc.), while the -⟨n⟩ continues the article fused with the preposition, with the article being repeated sometimes in modern Scottish Gaelic (eg. Old Irish fond euch "under the horse", Scottish Gaelic fon each or fon an each, in Classical Gaelic fán eoch):
Prepositions that mark the dative take the conjugated dative forms of the personal pronouns, thus *aig mi "at me" and *le iad "with them" are incorrect. Such prepositions have conjugated forms, like verbs (see Inflected preposition). The following table presents some commonly used paradigms. [6]
+ | "me" | "you, sg. fam." | "him" | "her" | "us" | "you, pl." | "them" | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
mi | thu | e | i | sinn | sibh | iad | ||
"at" | aig | agam | agad | aige | aice | againn | agaibh | aca |
"on" | air | orm | ort | air | oirre | oirnn | oirbh | orra |
"with" | le | leam | leat | leis | leatha | leinn | leibh | leotha |
"in" | ann an | annam | annad | ann | innte | annainn | annaibh | annta |
"to, for" | do | dhomh | dhut | dha | dhi | dhuinn | dhuibh | dhaibh |
Like the personal pronouns, inflected prepositions have emphatic forms derived by adding the following suffixes: [6]
+ | sa | sa | san | se | e | se | san | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
"at" | aig | agamsa | agadsa | aigesan | aicese | againne | agaibhse | acasan |
"on" | air | ormsa | ortsa | airsan | oirrese | oirnne | oirbhse | orrasan |
"with" | le | leamsa | leatsa | leisan | leathase | leinne | leibhse | leothasan |
"in" | ann an | annamsa | annadsa | annsan | inntese | annainne | annaibhse | anntasan |
"to, for" | do | dhomhsa | dhutsa | dhasan | dhise | dhuinne | dhuibhse | dhaibhsan |
When the preposition an "in" (often found in the combined form ann an) is followed by a possessive determiner, the two words create a combined form. [6] This also occurs with ag, the form of aig used with verbal nouns, and a+L. [6] As the last elements of these forms are the possessive determiners, the expected mutations occur.
+ | "my" | "your, sg. fam." | "his" | "her" | "our" | "your, pl." | "their" | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
mo | do | a | a | ar | ur | an | ||
"in" | [ann] an | nam+L | nad+L | na+L | na [h-] | nar [n-] | nur [n-] | nan/nam |
"at" | ag | gam+L | gad+L | ga+L | ga [h-] | gar [n-] | gur [n-] | gan/gam |
"to" | a+L | am+L | ad+L | a+L | a [h-] | ar [n-] | ur [n-] | an/am |
The emphatic forms of inflected prepositions based on possessive determiners follows the emphatic forms of the emphatic suffixes with possessive determiners. That is, the suffix is added to the noun following the possessive determiner rather than to the possessive determiner itself. [6]
+ | sa | sa | san | se | ne | se | san | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
"in" | ann an | nam+L {noun}-sa | nad+L {noun}-sa | <na+L {noun}-san | na [h-] {noun}-se | nar [n-] {noun}-ne | nur {noun}-se | nan/nam {noun}-san |
"at" | aig | gam+L {noun}-sa | gad+L {noun}-sa | ga+L {noun}-san | ga [h-] {noun}-se | gar [n-] {noun}-ne | gur {noun}-se | gan/gam {noun}-san |
Less formally, gam etc can undergo lenition – i.e. gham, ghad etc (sometimes erroneously spelled dham, dhad etc) and there are two n-less variants of nam and nad:
+ | sa | sa | san | se | ne | se | san | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
"at" | aig | gham+L {noun}-sa | ghad+L {noun}-sa | gha+L {noun}-san | gha [h-] {noun}-se | ghar [n-] {noun}-ne | ghur {noun}-se | ghan/gham {noun}-san |
"in" | a | 'am+L {noun}-sa | 'ad+L {noun}-sa |
The morphology of Irish is in some respects typical of an Indo-European language. Nouns are declined for number and case, and verbs for person and number. Nouns are classified by masculine or feminine gender. Other aspects of Irish morphology, while typical for an Insular Celtic language, are not typical for Indo-European, such as the presence of inflected prepositions and the initial consonant mutations. Irish syntax is also rather different from that of most Indo-European languages, due to its use of the verb–subject–object word order.
The declension of Irish nouns, the definite article, and the adjectives is discussed on this page.
Russian grammar employs an Indo-European inflexional structure, with considerable adaptation.
Old Irish, also called Old Gaelic, is the oldest form of the Goidelic/Gaelic language for which there are extensive written texts. It was used from c. 600 to c. 900. The main contemporary texts are dated c. 700–850; by 900 the language had already transitioned into early Middle Irish. Some Old Irish texts date from the 10th century, although these are presumably copies of texts written at an earlier time. Old Irish is forebear to Modern Irish, Manx and Scottish Gaelic.
Irish verb forms are constructed either synthetically or analytically.
Irish, like all modern Celtic languages, is characterised by its initial consonant mutations. These mutations affect the initial consonant of a word under specific morphological and syntactic conditions. The mutations are an important tool in understanding the relationship between two words and can differentiate various meanings.
Argobba is an Ethiopian Semitic language spoken in several districts of Afar, Amhara, and Oromia regions of Ethiopia by the Argobba people. It belongs to the South Ethiopic languages subgroup, and is closely related to Amharic.
Although Irish, Manx and Scottish Gaelic are closely related as Goidelic Celtic languages, they are different in many ways. While most dialects are not immediately mutually comprehensible, speakers of the three languages can rapidly develop mutual intelligibility.
Middle Welsh is the label attached to the Welsh language of the 12th to 15th centuries, of which much more remains than for any earlier period. This form of Welsh developed directly from Old Welsh.
Middle Irish, also called Middle Gaelic, is the Goidelic language which was spoken in Ireland, most of Scotland and the Isle of Man from c. 900–1200 AD; it is therefore a contemporary of Late Old English and Early Middle English. The modern Goidelic languages—Modern Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Manx Gaelic—are all descendants of Middle Irish.
Yiddish grammar is the system of principles which govern the structure of the Yiddish language. This article describes the standard form laid out by YIVO while noting differences in significant dialects such as that of many contemporary Hasidim. As a Germanic language descended from Middle High German, Yiddish grammar is fairly similar to that of German, though it also has numerous linguistic innovations as well as grammatical features influenced by or borrowed from Hebrew, Aramaic, and various Slavic languages.
Romanian nouns, under the rules of Romanian grammar, are declined, varying by gender, number, and case.
Hindustani, the lingua franca of Northern India and Pakistan, has two standardised registers: Hindi and Urdu. Grammatical differences between the two standards are minor but each uses its own script: Hindi uses Devanagari while Urdu uses an extended form of the Perso-Arabic script, typically in the Nastaʿlīq style.
This article describes the grammar of Tigrinya, a South Semitic language which is spoken primarily in Eritrea and Ethiopia, and is written in Ge'ez script.
In the Latvian language, nouns, adjectives, pronouns and numerals are inflected in six declensions. There are seven cases:
Erzgebirgisch is a (East) Central German dialect, spoken mainly in the central Ore Mountains in Saxony. It has received relatively little academic attention. Due to the high mobility of the population and the resulting contact with Upper Saxon, the high emigration rate and its low mutual intelligibility with other dialects, the number of speakers is decreasing.
Breton is a Brittonic Celtic language in the Indo-European family, and its grammar has many traits in common with these languages. Like most Indo-European languages it has grammatical gender, grammatical number, articles and inflections and, like the other Celtic languages, Breton has mutations. In addition to the singular–plural system, it also has a singulative–collective system, similar to Welsh. Unlike the other Brittonic languages, Breton has both a definite and indefinite article, whereas Welsh and Cornish lack an indefinite article and unlike the other extant Celtic languages, Breton has been influenced by French.
Cornish grammar is the grammar of the Cornish language, an insular Celtic language closely related to Breton and Welsh and, to a lesser extent, to Irish, Manx and Scottish Gaelic. It was the main medium of communication of the Cornish people for much of their history until the 17th century, when a language shift occurred in favour of English. A revival, however, started in 1904, with the publication of A Handbook of the Cornish Language, by Henry Jenner, and since then there has been a growing interest in the language.
This article describes the grammar of the Old Irish language. The grammar of the language has been described with exhaustive detail by various authors, including Thurneysen, Binchy and Bergin, McCone, O'Connell, Stifter, among many others.
The grammar of the Manx language has much in common with related Indo-European languages, such as nouns that display gender, number and case and verbs that take endings or employ auxiliaries to show tense, person or number. Other morphological features are typical of Insular Celtic languages but atypical of other Indo-European languages. These include initial consonant mutation, inflected prepositions and verb–subject–object word order.