Matrilocal residence

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In social anthropology, matrilocal residence or matrilocality (also uxorilocal residence or uxorilocality) is the societal system in which a married couple resides with or near the wife's parents. Thus, the female offspring of a mother remain living in (or near) the mother's house, thereby forming large clan-families, typically consisting of three or four generations living in the same place.

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Frequently, visiting marriage is being practiced, meaning that husband and wife are living apart in their separate families, seeing each other in their spare time. The children of such marriages are raised by the mother's extended matrilineal clan. The father didn't have to interfere in the upbringing of his own children; he does, however, in that of his sisters' children (his nieces and nephews). In direct consequence, property is inherited from generation to generation, and, overall, remains largely undivided.

Matrilocal residence is found most often in horticultural societies. [1]

Examples of matrilocal societies include the people of Ngazidja in the Comoros, the Ancestral Puebloans of Chaco Canyon, the Nair community in Kerala in South India, the Moso of Yunnan and Sichuan in southwestern China, the Siraya of Taiwan, and the Minangkabau of western Sumatra. Among indigenous people of the Amazon basin this residence pattern is often associated with the customary practice of brideservice, as seen among the Urarina of northeastern Peru. [2] In contemporary mainland China, matrilocal residence has been encouraged by the government [3] in an attempt to counter the problem of unbalanced male-majority sex ratios caused by the abortion, infanticide and abandonment of girls. Because girls traditionally marry out in virilocal marriage (living with or near the husband's parents) they have been seen as "mouths from another family" or as a waste of resources to raise. During the Song Dynasty in medieval China, matrilocal marriage became common for wealthy non-aristocratic families.[ citation needed ]

In other regions of the world, such as Japan, during the Heian period, a marriage of this type was not a sign of high status, but rather an indication of the patriarchal authority of the woman's family (her father or grandfather), who was sufficiently powerful to demand it. [4]

Another matrilocal society is the !Kung San of Southern Africa. They practice uxorilocality for the bride service period, which lasts until the couple has produced three children or they have been together for more than ten years. At the end of the bride service period, the couple has a choice of which clan they want to live with. [5] (Technically, uxorilocality differs from matrilocality; uxorilocality means the couple settles with the wife's family, while matrilocality means the couple settles with the wife's lineage. Because the !Kung do not live in lineages, they cannot be matrilocal; they are uxorilocal.)

Early theories explaining the determinants of postmarital residence (by, for example, Lewis Henry Morgan, Edward Tylor, and George Peter Murdock) connected it with the sexual division of labor. However, for many years cross-cultural tests of this hypothesis using worldwide samples failed to find any significant relationship between these two variables. On the other hand, Korotayev's tests have shown that the female contribution to subsistence does correlate significantly with matrilocal residence in general; however, this correlation is masked by a general polygyny factor. Although an increase in the female contribution to subsistence tends to lead to matrilocal residence, it also tends simultaneously to lead to general non-sororal polygyny which effectively destroys matrilocality. If this polygyny factor is controlled (e.g., through a multiple regression model), division of labor turns out to be a significant predictor of postmarital residence. Thus, Murdock's hypotheses regarding the relationships between the sexual division of labor and postmarital residence were basically correct, though, as has been shown by Korotayev, the actual relationships between those two groups of variables are more complicated than he expected. [6] [7]

Matrilocality in the Arikari culture in the 17th–18th centuries was studied anew within feminist archaeology by Christi Mitchell, in a critique of a previous study, [8] :89–94 the critique challenging whether men were virtually the sole agents of societal change while women were only passive. [8] :90–91

According to Barbara Epstein, anthropologists in the 20th century criticized feminist promatriarchal views and said that "the goddess worship or matrilocality that evidently existed in many paleolithic societies was not necessarily associated with matriarchy in the sense of women's power over men. Many societies can be found that exhibit those qualities along with female subordination. Furthermore, militarism, destruction of the natural environment, and hierarchical social structures can be found in societies in which goddess worship, matrilocality, or matriliny exist." [9] [lower-alpha 1] [lower-alpha 2] [lower-alpha 3]

In sociobiology, matrilocality refers to animal societies in which a pair bond is formed between animals born or hatched in different areas or different social groups, and the pair becomes resident in the female's home area or group.[ citation needed ]

List of matrilocal societies

See also

Notes

  1. Paleolithic Age: prehistoric period marked by the development of the most primitive stone tools
  2. Militarism: a belief in a strong military and its aggressive use
  3. Matriliny: a system based on maternal descent

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Polyandry Mating system in which the female partner may have multiple partners

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Mosuo Chinese minority people

The Mosuo, often called the Na among themselves, are a small ethnic group living in Yunnan and Sichuan Provinces in China, close to the border with Tibet. Consisting of a population of approximately 40,000, many of them live in the Yongning region, around Lugu Lake, in Labai, in Muli, and in Yanyuan, located high in the Himalayas.

George Peter ("Pete") Murdock, also known as G. P. Murdock, was an American anthropologist. He is remembered for his empirical approach to ethnological studies and his study of family and kinship structures across differing cultures.

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Group marriage is a non-monogamous marriage-like arrangement where three or more adults live together, all considering themselves partners, sharing finances, children, and household responsibilities. Group marriage is considered a form of polyamory. The term does not refer to bigamy as no claim to being married in formal legal terms is made.

In discussing consanguineal kinship in anthropology, a parallel cousin or ortho-cousin is a cousin from a parent's same-sex sibling, while a cross-cousin is from a parent's opposite-sex sibling. Thus, a parallel cousin is the child of the father's brother or of the mother's sister, while a cross-cousin is the child of the mother's brother or of the father's sister. Where there are unilineal descent groups in a society, one's parallel cousins on one or both sides will belong to one's own descent group, while cross-cousins will not.

Polyandry is a rare marital arrangement in which a woman has several husbands. In Tibet, those husbands are often brothers; "fraternal polyandry". Concern over which children are fathered by which brother falls on the wife alone. She may or may not say who the father is because she does not wish to create conflict in the family or is unsure who the biological father is. Historically the social system compelled marriage within a social class.

The avunculate, sometimes called avunculism or avuncularism, is any social institution where a special relationship exists between an uncle and his sisters' children. This relationship can be formal or informal, depending on the society. Early anthropological research focused on the association between the avunculate and matrilineal descent, while later research has expanded to consider the avunculate in general society.

In social anthropology, patrilocal residence or patrilocality, also known as virilocal residence or virilocality, are terms referring to the social system in which a married couple resides with or near the husband's parents. The concept of location may extend to a larger area such as a village, town or clan territory. The practice has been found in around 70 percent of the world's cultures that have been described ethnographically. Evidence has also been found among Neanderthal remains in Spain and ancient hominid archaeology in Africa.

William Tulio Divale is a professor of anthropology at York College, City University of New York in Jamaica, New York, USA.

Urarina people

The Urarina are an indigenous people of the Peruvian Amazon Basin (Loreto) who inhabit the valleys of the Chambira, Urituyacu, and Corrientes Rivers. According to both archaeological and historical sources, they have resided in the Chambira Basin of contemporary northeastern Peru for centuries. The Urarina refer to themselves as Kachá, while ethnologists know them by the ethnonym Urarina.

Bride service has traditionally been portrayed in the anthropological literature as the service rendered by the bridegroom to a bride's family as a bride price or part of one. Bride service and bride wealth models frame anthropological discussions of kinship in many regions of the world.

Andrey Korotayev Russian anthropologist, economic historian, comparative political scientist, and sociologist

Andrey Vitalievich Korotayev is a Russian anthropologist, economic historian, comparative political scientist, demographer and sociologist, with major contributions to world-systems theory, cross-cultural studies, Near Eastern history, Big History, and mathematical modelling of social and economic macrodynamics.

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Neolocal residence is a type of post-marital residence in which a newly married couple resides separately from both the husband's natal household and the wife's natal household. Neolocal residence forms the basis of most developed nations, especially in the West, and is also found among some nomadic communities.

Ambilocal residence, also called bilocal residence (bilocality) is the societal postmarital residence in which couples, upon marriage, choose to live with or near either spouse's parents. This is contrasted with matrilocality and patrilocality, where the newlyweds are expected to live with either the wife's parents or the husband's parents respectively.

Monogamy is a form of dyadic relationship in which an individual has only one partner during their lifetime—alternately, only one partner at any one time —as compared to non-monogamy. The term is also applied to the social behavior of some animals, referring to the state of having only one mate at any one time.

Mosuo women

The Mosuo are a small ethnic group living in Yunnan and Sichuan provinces in China, close to the border with Tibet. Dubbed the 'Kingdom of Women' by the Chinese, the Mosuo population of about 50,000 live near Lugu Lake in the Tibetan Himalayas 27°42′35.30″N100°47′4.04″E.

References

  1. Haviland, William A. (2003). Anthropology (10th ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. ISBN   978-0534610203.
  2. Dean, Bartholomew (2013). Urarina society, cosmology, and history in peruvian amazonia. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. ISBN   9780813049519.
  3. Wolf, Margery (1985). Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China China . Stanford University Press. pp.  196–198. ISBN   978-0804713481.
  4. Ramusack, Barbara N.; Sievers, Sharon L. (1999). Women in Asia: restoring women to history. Indiana University Press. ISBN   9780253212672.
  5. Stockard, Janice E. (2002). Marriage in Culture. Australia: Wadsworth.
  6. Korotayev, Andrey (2003). "Form of Marriage, Sexual Division of Labor, and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration". Journal of Anthropological Research. 59 (1): 69–89. doi:10.1086/jar.59.1.3631445. JSTOR   3631445.
  7. Korotayev, Andrey (2003). "Division of Labor by Gender and Postmarital Residence in Cross-Cultural Perspective: A Reconsideration". Cross-Cultural Research. 37 (4): 335–372. doi:10.1177/1069397103253685.
  8. 1 2 Mitchell, Christi (May 1991). "10. Activating Women in Arikara Ceramic Production". In Claassen, Chery (ed.). Gender in Archaeology. Appalachian State University. Archived from the original on November 10, 2013. Retrieved September 29, 2013.
  9. Epstein, Barbara Leslie (1991). Political protest and cultural revolution: nonviolent direct action in the 1970s and 1980s . Berkeley: University of California Press. p.  173. ISBN   978-0520070103.
  10. Jacobs, Margaret D. (1999). Engendered Encounters: Feminism and Pueblo Cultures, 1879–1934 . Women in the West. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. p.  7. ISBN   978-0803225862. Also see p. 72

Bibliography