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There have been several instances of religious violence against Muslims since the Partition of India in 1947, frequently in the form of violent attacks on Muslims by Hindu nationalist mobs that form a pattern of sporadic sectarian violence between the Hindu and Muslim communities. Over 10,000 people have been killed in Hindu-Muslim communal violence since 1950 in 6,933 instances of communal violence between 1954 and 1982. [1]
The causes of this violence against Muslims are varied. The roots are thought to lie in India's history – resentment toward the Islamic conquest of India during the Middle Ages, policies established by the country's British colonizers, and the violent partition of India into an Islamic state of Pakistan and India with a Muslim minority. Many scholars believe that incidents of anti-Muslim violence are politically motivated and a part of the electoral strategy of mainstream political parties who are associated with Hindu nationalism like the Bharatiya Janata Party (political wing of RSS). Other scholars believe that the violence is not widespread but that it is restricted to certain urban areas because of local socio-political conditions. [2]
The roots of anti-Muslim violence can be traced to India's past– resentment towards the historic Islamic conquest of India during the Middle Ages, the policy of divide et impera ('Divide and Rule') utilised by the British colonizers to regain their political hold after the successful revolt of 1857 (which was enabled in good measure by Muslim traders and rulers of the time), [3] and the violent partition of India into an Islamic state of Pakistan and a largely-Hindu India with the world's second largest Muslim population.
A major factor in the rising tide of violence against Muslims is the proliferation of Hindu-nationalist parties, which work alongside or under the political umbrella of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. [4] The present Bharatiya Janata Party-government is also an affiliate of the RSS and adheres to the Hindutva-ideology of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar and MS Golwalkar. Considered the ideologues of the RSS and other Hindu-nationalist organisations, Savarkar and Golwalkar were open-admirers of Hitler and Mussolini and their rules of Nazism and Fascism, respectively. [5] This is evident in Golwalkar's writings. Writing about Hitler's Nazi-Germany, Golwalker observed: "Race pride at its highest has been manifested here. Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into one united whole, a good lesson for use in Hindusthan to learn and profit by." [6] Since former-BJP leader LK Advani took the Hindutva-ideology to the mainstream of Indian politics by way of a Ram Rath Yatra, violent attacks on Muslim minorities have increased. Scholars argue that anti-Muslim rhetoric, politics, and policies have proved beneficial for Hindutva-leaders, especially the BJP, and therefore can be said to be politically motivated. [7] [8] [9] [10]
Violence against Muslims is frequently in the form of mob attacks on Muslims by Hindus. [11] [12] These attacks are referred to as communal riots in India and are seen to be part of a pattern of sporadic sectarian violence between the majority Hindu and minority Muslim communities, and have also been connected to a rise in Islamophobia throughout the 20th century. [13] Most incidents have occurred in the northern and western states of India, whereas communalist sentiment in the south is less pronounced. [14] Among the largest incidents were Great Calcutta killings in 1946, Bihar and Garmukhteshwar in 1946 after Noakhali riot in East Bengal, the massacre of Muslims in Jammu in 1947, large-scale killing of Muslims following the Operation Polo in Hyderabad, anti-Muslim riots in Kolkata in the aftermath of 1950 Barisal Riots and 1964 East-Pakistan riots, 1969 Gujarat riots, 1984 Bhiwandi riot, 1985 Gujarat riots, 1989 Bhagalpur riots, Bombay riots, Nellie in 1983 [15] and Gujarat riot in 2002 and 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots.
These patterns of violence have been well-established since partition, with dozens of studies documenting instances of mass violence against minority groups. [16] Over 10,000 people have been killed in Hindu-Muslim communal violence since 1950. [17] According to official figures, there were 6,933 instances of communal violence between 1954 and 1982 and, between 1968 and 1980, there were 530 Hindus and 1,598 Muslims killed in a total of 3,949 instances of mass violence. [18]
In 1989, there were incidents of mass violence throughout the north of India. [19] Praveen Swami believes these periodic acts of violence have "scarred India's post independence history" and have also hindered India's cause in Jammu and Kashmir with regard to the Kashmir conflict. [20]
In 2017, IndiaSpend reported that 84% of the victims of cow vigilante violence in India from 2010 to 2017 were Muslims, and almost 97% of these attacks were reported after May 2014. [21] [22]
The roots of this violence lie in India's history, stemming from lingering resentment toward the Islamic domination of India during the Middle Ages, policies established by the country's British colonizers, the violent partition of India into a Muslim Pakistan, and India with a large but minority Muslim population. [23] [ undue weight? ] Some scholars have described incidents of anti-Muslim violence as politically motivated and organized and called them pogroms [24] or acts of genocide, [25] [26] or a form of state terrorism with "organized political massacres" [27] rather than mere "riots". [28] Others argue that, although their community faces discrimination and violence, some Muslims have been highly successful, [29] that the violence is not as widespread as it appears, but is restricted to certain urban areas because of local socio-political conditions, and there are many cities where Muslims and Hindus live peacefully together with almost no incidences of sectarian violence. [30] [31]
Many social scientists feel that many of the stated acts of violence are institutionally supported, particularly by political parties and organizations connected to the Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). In particular, scholars fault the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Shiv Sena for complicity in these incidents of violence [32] [33] [34] [35] and of using violence against Muslims as a part of a larger electoral strategy. [33] [36] For example, research by Raheel Dhattiwala and Michael Biggs has stated that killings are far higher in areas where the BJP faces stiff electoral opposition than in areas in which it is already strong. [17] In 1989, the north of India saw an increase in orchestrated attacks on Muslims, and the BJP had further success in the local and state elections. [37] The social anthropologist Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah concludes that the violence in Bhagalpur in 1989, Hashimpura in 1987 and in Moradabad 1980 were organised killings. [38] According to Ram Puniyani, the Shiv Sena were victorious in the elections due to the violence in the 1990s, and the BJP in Gujarat after the 2002 violence. [39] Gyan Prakash, however, cautions that the BJP's actions in Gujarat do not equate to the entirety of India, and it remains to be seen if the Hindutva movement has been successful in the deployment of this strategy nationwide. [40]
Hindu nationalists use the historical subjugation of India by Muslims as an excuse for violence. They feel that, since the Partition, Indian Muslims are allied to Pakistan and are possibly radicalised and, therefore, the Hindus must take defensive steps to avoid repeat of the past wrongs and reassert their pride.[ original research? ] [41] The higher fertility rate among Muslims has been a recurring theme in the Hindu Right's rhetoric. They claim that the higher birth rate among Muslims is part of a plan to turn the Hindus into a minority within their own country.[ original research? ] [42]
Another reason given for these outbreaks of violence is the upward mobility of the lower castes caused by the expansion of the economy. The violence has become a substitute for class tensions. Nationalists, rather than deal with the claims from the lower class, instead view Muslims and Christians as not "fully Indian" due to their religion, [43] and portray those who carry out these attacks as "heroes" that defended the majority from "anti-nationals". [39] Muslims are viewed as suspect and their loyalty to the state is questioned because of the ill-will still prevalent after the violence during partition. According to Omar Khalidi:
Anti-Muslim violence is planned and executed to render Muslims economically and socially crippled and, as a final outcome of that economic and social backwardness, assimilating them into lower rungs of Hindu society. [44]
Cultural nationalism has also been given as a reason for instances of violence carried out by Shiv Sena which initially claimed to speak for the people of Maharashtra, but quickly turned their rhetoric to inciting violence against Muslims. The Shiv Sena were complicit in the violence in 1984 in the town of Bhiwandi, and again in the violence in Bombay in 1992 and 1993. [19] Violence has been incited by Sena in 1971 and 1986. [45] [37] According to Sudipta Kaviraj, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) are still engaged in the religious conflicts which began in the medieval times. [46]
Anti-Muslim violence creates a security risk for Hindus residing outside of India. Since the 1950s, there have been retaliatory attacks on Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh in response to anti-Muslim violence in India. After the 1992 violence in Bombay, Hindu temples were attacked in Britain, Dubai and Thailand. [47] This recurring violence has become a rigidly conventional pattern which has created a divide between the Muslim and Hindu communities. [48]
Jamaat-e-Islami Hind has spoken out against these communal clashes, as it believes that the violence not only impacts upon Muslims, but India as a whole, and that these riots are damaging to India's progress. [49] In Gujarat, the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities (Prevention) Act (TADA) was used in incidents pertaining to communal violence in 1992 and 1993. The majority of those arrested under the act were Muslim. Conversely, TADA was not used after the violence carried out against Muslims during the Bombay riots. [50]
The BJP politicians, as well as those of other parties, argue that demographics play an essential role in Indian elections. The BJP believe that the higher the number of Muslims within a constituency, the higher are the chances of centrist parties to acquiesce to minority groups' requests, which lowers the chances of Muslims "building bridges" with their Hindu neighbours. As such, according to this argument "Muslim appeasement" is the root cause of communal violence. [51] Susanne and Lloyd Rudolph argue that the economic disparity is a reason for the aggression shown towards Muslims by Hindus. As India's economy expanded due to globalization and investment from overseas companies, the expectations of the Hindu population were not matched by the opportunities. Hindu nationalists then encouraged the perception of Muslims as the source of the Hindus' troubles. [52]
The actions of anti-Hindu and anti-India militant groups in Kashmir and Pakistan have reinforced anti-Muslim feelings in India, which has strengthened the Hindu Right. The Hindutva discourse portrays Muslims as traitors and state enemies, whose patriotism is suspected. [53] Sumit Ganguly argues that the rise in terrorism cannot only be attributed to socioeconomic factors, but also to the violence perpetrated by Hindutva forces. [54]
Year | State | Dead | Injured | Incarcerated | Displaced | Conviction of culprits | Incident |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1964 | West Bengal | 100+ | 438 | 7000+ | ? | ? | 1964 Calcutta riots |
1983 | Assam | 1800 | ? | ? | ? | ? | 1983 Nellie massacre |
1969-1989 | Gujarat | 3130 | ? | ? | ? | ? | 1969 to 1989 Gujarat riots |
1987 | Uttar Pradesh | 42 | ? | ? | ? | ? | 1987 Hashimpura massacre |
1989 | Bihar | 1000 | ? | ? | 50000 | ? | 1989 Bhagalpur riots |
1992 | Maharashtra | 900 | 2036 | ? | 1000 | ? | 1992 Bombay riots |
2002 | Gujarat | 2000 | ? | ? | 200000 | ? | 2002 Gujarat violence |
2013 | Uttar Pradesh | 42 | 93 | 150 | 50000 | ? | 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots |
2020 | Delhi | 53 | 200 | ? | ? | ? | 2020 Delhi riots |
NA | Approximate total | 9067 | 2767 | 7150 | 301000 | NA | NA |
Riots between Hindus and Muslims had left over a hundred people dead, 438 people were injured. Over 7000 people were arrested. 70,000 Muslims have fled their homes and 55,000 were provided protection by the Indian army. Muslims in Kolkata became more ghettoized than ever before in the aftermath of this riot. Violence was also seen in rural West Bengal. [55]
In the state of Assam in 1983 the Nellie massacre occurred. Nearly 1,800 Muslims of Bengali origin were slaughtered by Lalung tribespeople (also known as Tiwa) at a village called Nellie. [56] [57] It has been described as one of the most severe massacres since World War II with the majority of victims being women and children, as a result of the actions of the Assam Movement. [58] [59]
One reason cited for this incident is that it resulted from a build-up of resentment over immigration. [60] The Assam movement insisted on striking the names of illegal immigrants from the electoral register and their deportation from the state. There was widespread support for the movement, which tapered off between 1981 and 1982. [61]
The movement demanded that anyone who had entered the state illegally since 1951 be deported. The central government, however, insisted on a cutoff date of 1971. Towards the end of 1982, the central government called elections and the movement called for people to boycott it, which led to the widespread violence. [62]
The official Tiwari Commission report on the Nellie massacre is still a closely guarded secret (only three copies exist). [63] The 600-page report was submitted to the Assam Government in 1984 and the Congress Government (headed by Hiteswar Saikia) decided not to make it public, and subsequent Governments followed suit. [64] Assam United Democratic Front and others are making legal efforts to make Tiwari Commission report public, so that reasonable justice is delivered to victims, at least after 25 years after the incident. [65]
Since, then there have been no instances of communal violence in Upper Assam. [66]
During the 1969 Gujarat riots, it is estimated that 630 people lost their lives. [67] The 1970 Bhiwandi Riots was an instance of anti-Muslim violence which occurred between 7 and 8 May in the Indian towns of Bhiwandi, Jalgaon and Mahad. There were large amounts of arson and vandalism of Muslim-owned properties. In 1980 in Moradabad, an estimated 2,500 people were killed. [68] The official estimate is 400 and other observers estimate between 1,500 and 2,000. Local police were directly implicated in planning the violence. [69] In 1989 in Bhagalpur, it is estimated nearly 1,000 people lost their lives in violent attacks, [67] believed to be a result of tensions raised over the Ayodhya dispute and the processions carried out by VHP activists, which were to be a show of strength and to serve as a warning to the minority communities. [70]
Hashimpura massacre happened on 22 May 1987, during the Hindu-Muslim riots in Meerut city in Uttar Pradesh state, India, when 19 personnel of the Provincial Armed Constabulary (PAC) allegedly rounded up 42 Muslim youth from the Hashimpura mohalla (locality) of the city, took them in truck to the outskirts, near Murad Nagar, in Ghaziabad district, where they were shot and their bodies were dumped in water canals. A few days later dead bodies were found floating in the canals. In May 2000, 16 of the 19 accused surrendered, and were later released on bail, while 3 were already dead. The trial of the case was transferred by the Supreme Court of India in 2002 from Ghaziabad to a Sessions Court at the Tis Hazari complex in Delhi, [71] [72] where it was the oldest pending case. [73] On 21 March 2015, all 16 men accused in the Hashimpura massacre case of 1987 were acquitted by Tis Hazari Court due to insufficient evidence. [74] The Court emphasized that the survivors could not recognize any of the accused PAC personnel. On October 31, 2018, the Delhi High Court convicted the 16 personnel of the PAC and sentenced them to life imprisonment, overturning the trial courts verdict. [75] [76] [77]
On 24 October 1989 in the Bhagalpur district of Bihar, the violent incidents happened for over 2 months. The violence affected the Bhagalpur city and 250 villages around it. Over 1,000 people were killed, and another 50,000 were displaced as a result of the violence. It was the worst Hindu-Muslim violence in independent India at the time. [78] [79] [80]
The destruction of the Babri Mosque by Hindu nationalists led directly to the 1992 Bombay riots. [81] According to an article published in The Hindu's Frontline magazine, titled Gory Winter, "officially, 900 people were killed in mob rioting and firing by the police, 2,036 injured and thousands internally displaced." [82] BBC correspondent Toral Varia called the riots "a pre-planned pogrom," that had been in the making since 1990, and stated that the destruction of the mosque was "the final provocation". [83]
Several scholars have likewise concluded that the riots must have been pre-planned, and that Hindu rioters had been given access to information about the locations of Muslim homes and businesses from non-public sources. [84] This violence is widely reported as having been orchestrated by Shiv Sena, a Hindu nationalist group led by Bal Thackeray. [85] A high-ranking member of the special branch, V. Deshmukh, gave evidence to the commission tasked with probing the riots. He said the failures in intelligence and prevention had been due to political assurances that the mosque in Ayodhya would be protected, that the police were fully aware of the Shiv Sena's capabilities to commit acts of violence, and that they had incited hate against the minority communities. [86]
Since partition, Muslim community has been subject to and engaged in violence in Gujarat. [28] In 2002, in an incident described as an act of "fascistic state terror," [87] Hindu extremists carried out acts of violence against the Muslim minority population. [88]
The starting point for the incident was the Godhra train burning which was allegedly done by Muslims. [89] During the incident, young girls were sexually assaulted, burned or hacked to death. [90] These rapes were condoned by the ruling BJP, [91] [92] whose refusal to intervene lead to the displacement of 200,000. [93] Death toll figures range from the official estimate of 254 Hindus and 790 to 2,000 Muslims killed. [94] Then Chief Minister Narendra Modi has also been accused of initiating and condoning the violence, as have the police and government officials who took part, as they directed the rioters and gave lists of Muslim-owned properties to the extremists. [95]
Mallika Sarabhai, who had complained over state complicity in the violence, was harassed, intimidated and falsely accused of human trafficking by the BJP. [96] Three police officers were given punitive transfers by the BJP after they had successfully put down the rioting in their wards, so as not to interfere further in preventing the violence. [97] According to Brass, the only conclusion from the evidence which is available points to a methodical pogrom, which was carried out with "exceptional brutality and was highly coordinated". [98]
In 2007, Tehelka magazine released "The Truth: Gujarat 2002," a report which implicated the state government in the violence, and claimed that what had been called a spontaneous act of revenge was, in reality, a "state-sanctioned pogrom". [99] According to Human Rights Watch, the violence in Gujarat in 2002 was pre-planned, and the police and state government participated in the violence. [100] In 2012, Modi was cleared of complicity in the violence by a Special Investigation Team appointed by the Supreme Court. The Muslim community is reported to have reacted with "anger and disbelief," and activist Teesta Setalvad has said the legal fight was not yet over, as they had the right to appeal. [101] Human Rights Watch has reported on acts of exceptional heroism by Hindus, Dalits and tribals, who tried to protect Muslims from the violence. [102]
In year 2013 between August to September, conflicts between the two major religious communities Hindu and Muslims happened in Muzaffarnagar district of Uttar Pradesh state. This riots resulted in at least 62 deaths including 42 Muslims and 20 Hindus and injured 200 and left more than 50,000 displaced.
The 2020 Delhi riots, which left 53 dead and more than 200 seriously injured, [103] were triggered by protests against a citizenship law seen by critics as anti-Muslim. [104] [105] [106] [107] [108] [109] The riots have been referred to by some as a pogrom. [110]
Type | State | Month Year | Year | Victim(s) | Conviction of culprits | Incident |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Mob lynching | Jharkhand | June | 2019 | 1 | ? | On June 18, 2019 at Dhatkidih village of Jharkhand’s Seraikela Kharsawan district, a 22 year old Tabrez Ansari, was lynched where in the video of the attack, he was pleading to the mob and was forced to chant “Jai Shri Ram” and “Jai Hanuman”. [111] [112] |
Mob lynching | Karnataka | June | 2020 | 1 | ? | On June 15, 2020, at Mangalore, in Karnataka, a tempo driver Mohd Hanif was brutally beaten up by the cow vigilante lynch mob and damaged the tempo vehicle. Reportedly, the men belonged to Bajrang Dal. [113] [114] [115] |
Mob lynching | Rajasthan | August | 2020 | 1 | ? | On 8 August 2020 at Sikar district in Rajasthan, a 52 year old Gaffar Ahmed was brutally beaten up and forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and “Modi Zindabad”. The attackers allegedly pulled the driver’s beard, punched his tooth out, and asked him to go to Pakistan [116] [117] |
Mob lynching | Jammu and Kashmir | August | 2020 | 2 | ? | On 16 August 2020 at Reasi in Jammu and Kashmir, Muhammad Asgar (40) and his nephew Javid Ahmad (26) were beaten with sticks, punches and kicks with “Desh ke gaddron ko, goli maaro salon ko” (Shoot the traitors) and “Bharat Mata ki Jai” chants. [118] |
Mob lynching | Haryana | August | 2020 | 1 | ? | On 23 August 2020 at Panipat in Haryana, a 28-year-old Akhlaq Salmani was beaten with bricks and clubs and his right arm carrying '786' (Numerology based Muslim believers consider it Holy) was cut off with chainsaw. [119] |
Mob lynching | Haryana | September | 2020 | 1 | ? | On 3 September 2020 at Karnal, Haryana, an Imam of a masjid Mohammad Ahsan was with sharp-edged swords, rods and batons with heavy injuries to the victim's head. [120] |
Mob lynching | Uttar Pradesh | September | 2020 | 1 | ? | On 6 September 2020 at NCR, Aftab Alam was lynched to say "Jai Sri Ram". [121] |
Mob lynching | Maharashtra | September | 2020 | 4 | ? | On 16 September 2020 at Beed’s Hol village in Maharashtra, Suhail Tamboli, Aslam Ather, Sayyed Layak and Nizamuddin Qazi were attacked with bricks and sticks abusing the community. [122] |
Sexual assault | Jammu and Kashmir | April | 2018 | 1 | ? | On 16 April 2018 at Rasana village near Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir, a 8-year-old girl Asifa Bano was abducted, gang raped, and murdered. [123] [124] [125] |
Approximate total | NA | NA | NA | 13 | NA | NA |
On June 18, 2019 at Dhatkidih village of Jharkhand’s Seraikela Kharsawan district, a 22-year-old Tabrez Ansari, was lynched where in the video of the attack, he was pleading to the mob and was forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and “Jai Hanuman”. [111] [112]
On June 15, 2020, at Mangalore, in Karnataka, a tempo driver Mohd Hanif was brutally beaten up by the cow vigilante lynch mob and damaged the tempo vehicle. Reportedly, the men belonged to Bajrang Dal. [113] [114] [115]
On 8 August 2020 at Sikar district in Rajasthan, a 52-year-old Gaffar Ahmed was brutally beaten up and forced to chant “Jai Shree Ram” and “Modi Zindabad”. The attackers allegedly pulled the driver’s beard, punched his tooth out, and asked him to go to Pakistan. [116] [117]
On 16 August 2020 at Reasi in Jammu and Kashmir, Muhammad Asgar (40) and his nephew Javid Ahmad (26) were beaten with sticks, punches and kicks with “Desh ke gaddron ko, goli maaro salon ko” (Shoot the traitors) and “Bharat Mata ki Jai” chants. [118]
On 23 August 2020 at Panipat in Haryana, a 28-year-old Akhlaq Salmani was beaten with bricks and clubs and his right arm carrying '786' (Numerology based Muslim believers consider it Holy) was cut off with chainsaw. [119]
On 3 September 2020 at Karnal, Haryana, an Imam of a masjid Mohammad Ahsan was with sharp-edged swords, rods and batons with heavy injuries to the victim's head. [120]
On 6 September 2020 at NCR, Aftab Alam was lynched to death before being force fed with alcohol and made to say "Jai Shree Ram". [121]
On 16 September 2020 at Beed’s Hol village in Maharashtra, Suhail Tamboli, Aslam Ather, Sayyed Layak and Nizamuddin Qazi were attacked with bricks and sticks abusing the community. [122]
On 16 April 2018 at Rasana village near Kathua in Jammu and Kashmir, a 8-year-old girl Asifa Bano was abducted, gang raped, and murdered. [123] [124] [125]
The film Parzania , which is based on the Gulbarg Society massacre which occurred during the 2002 violence, was boycotted by cinemas in Gujarat over fear of sparking another riot. The film documents atrocities such as families being burned alive in their homes by Hindu extremists, women being set on fire after being gang-raped, and children being hacked to pieces. [126]
Final Solution by Rakesh Sharma is considered one of the better documentaries which covers the violence in Gujarat in 2002. [127] The Central Board of Film Certification had tried to ban the film but, in 2004, chairman Anupam Kher granted a certificate which allowed an uncut version to be screened. [128]
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, abbreviated as RSS, is an Indian right-wing, Hindu nationalist, paramilitary volunteer organisation. The RSS is the progenitor and leader of a large body of organisations called the Sangh Parivar, which have presence in all facets of the Indian society. RSS was founded on 27 September 1925. As of 2014, it has a membership of 5–6 million.
The Bharatiya Janata Party is one of two major political parties in India, along with Indian National Congress and the ruling political party of the Republic of India since 2014. As of 2019, it is the country's largest political party in terms of representation in the national parliament and state assemblies and is the world's largest party in terms of primary membership. BJP is a right-wing party, and its policy has historically reflected Hindu nationalist positions. It has close ideological and organisational links to the much older Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
The Bajrang Dal is a religious militant organisation that forms the youth wing of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP). It is a member of the RSS family of organisations. The ideology of the organisation is based on Hindutva. Founded on 1 October 1984 in Uttar Pradesh, it has since spread throughout India, although its most significant base remains the northern and central portions of the country. The group runs about 2,500 akhadas, similar to the shakhas (branches) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The name "Bajrang" is a reference to the Hindu deity Hanuman.
Dr Pravin Togadia is an Indian doctor, cancer surgeon and an advocate for Hindu nationalism, coming from the state of Gujarat. He was the former International Working President of the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) and a cancer surgeon by qualification. He is Current President of Antarashtriya Hindu Parishad. He had a falling out with the Sangh Parivar and is a vocal critic of Narendra Modi.
The Bombay riots usually refers to the riots in Mumbai, in December 1992 and January 1993, in which an estimated 900 people died. The riots were mainly due to escalations of hostilities after large scale protests by Muslims in reaction to the 1992 Babri Masjid Demolition by Hindu Karsevaks in Ayodhya.
Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP) is a right-wing all India student organisation affiliated to the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). It claims to be India's largest student organisation with more than three million members.
The Godhra Train Burning was an incident that occurred on the morning of 27 February 2002, in which 59 Hindu pilgrims and karsevaks returning from Ayodhya, were killed in a fire inside the Sabarmati Express train near the Godhra railway station in the Indian state of Gujarat. The commission set up by the Government of Gujarat to investigate the train burning spent 6 years going over the details of the case, and concluded that the fire was arson committed by a Muslim mob of 1,000 to 2,000 people. A commission appointed by the central government, whose appointment was later held to be unconstitutional, stated that the fire had been an accident. A court convicted a group of 31 Muslim individuals for the incident and the conspiracy for the crime. The conviction was later upheld by the Gujarat High Court. The causes of the fire have yet to be proven conclusively. The event is widely perceived as the trigger for the Gujarat riots that followed, which resulted in widespread loss of life, destruction of property and homelessness. Estimates of casualties range from the official figures of 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus, to upwards of 2,000 casualties.
The 2002 Gujarat riots, also known as the 2002 Gujarat violence and the Gujarat pogrom, was a three-day period of inter-communal violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat. The burning of a train in Godhra on 27 February 2002, which caused the deaths of 58 Hindu pilgrims karsevaks returning from Ayodhya, is cited as having instigated the violence. Following the initial riot incidents, there were further outbreaks of violence in Ahmedabad for three months; statewide, there were further outbreaks of violence against the minority Muslim population of Gujarat for the next one year.
Jai Shri Ram is an expression in Indic languages, translating as "Glory to Lord Rama" or "Victory to Lord Rama". The proclamation has been used as an informal greeting or as a symbol of adhering to Hindu faith or for projection of varied faith-centered emotions, by Hindus in recent past.
Religious violence in India includes acts of violence by followers of one religious group against followers and institutions of another religious group, often in the form of rioting. Religious violence in India has generally involved Hindus and Muslims.
Sabrang Communications is an organization founded in 1993 that publishes the monthly Communalism Combat magazine and that operates KHOJ, a secular education program, in schools in Mumbai, India. Communalism Combat is edited by Javed Anand and Teesta Setalvad. The Khoj programs try to help children to get past identity labels.
The Naroda Patiya massacre took place on 28 February 2002 at Naroda, in Ahmedabad, India, during the 2002 Gujarat riots. 97 Muslims were killed by a mob of approximately 5,000 people, organised by the Bajrang Dal, a wing of the Vishva Hindu Parishad, and allegedly supported by the Bharatiya Janata Party which was in power in the Gujarat State Government. The massacre at Naroda occurred during the bandh (strike) called by Vishwa Hindu Parishad a day after the Godhra train burning. The riot lasted over 10 hours, during which the mob looted, stabbed, sexually assaulted, gang-raped and burnt people individually and in groups. After the conflict, a curfew was imposed in the state and army troops were called in to contain further violence.
The Bhagalpur riots of 1989 refers to the violence between the Hindus and the Muslims in the Bhagalpur district of Bihar, India. The riots started on 24 October 1989, and the violent incidents continued for 2 months, affecting the Bhagalpur city and 250 villages around it. Over 1,000 people were killed, and another 50,000 were displaced as a result of the violence. It was the worst instance of Hindu-Muslim violence in independent India at the time.
The 2002 Gujarat Legislative Assembly elections were held in December 2002; they necessitated by the resignation of Chief Minister Narendra Modi and the dissolution of the legislative assembly in July 2002, 8 months before its term was due to expire. Modi resigned due to widespread allegations that he had taken insufficient action to prevent the riots that took place a few months earlier. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party was led by Modi, with the Indian National Congress being the chief opposition.
The 1969 Gujarat riots refer to the communal violence between Hindus and Muslims during September–October 1969, in Gujarat, India. The violence was Gujarat's first major riot that involved massacre, arson and looting on a large scale. It was the most deadly Hindu-Muslim violence since the partition of India in 1947, and remained so until the 1989 Bhagalpur violence.
The 1980 Moradabad riots, also known as the Moradabad Muslim Massacre, refers to violence that happened in the Indian city of Moradabad during August–November 1980. The violence was partly a Hindu-Muslim conflict, and partly a Muslim-Police conflict. It started when a group of Muslims pelted stones at the local police for their refusal to remove a pig from the local Idgah on 13 August. The police responded with indiscriminate firing, which led to over one hundred deaths. This was followed by a series of violent incidents which became religious in nature, and led to arson, looting and murders.
The 1985 Gujarat riots began in February 1985 and lasted till August, in the Indian state of Gujarat. Most of the rioting occurred in the city of Ahmedabad; some other cities, including the state capital of Gandhinagar, were also affected. Between 220 and 275 people were killed in the violence, while several thousands of others were injured, and tens of thousands were displaced. The riots also caused widespread property damage.
In India, cow vigilante violence is the use of physical force in the name of "cow protection". Since 2014, mob attacks targeting mostly illegal cow smugglers, but in some cases even licensed cow traders, have become prominent. There is a debate on whether there has actually been any change in the number of such incidences, as Government Data points out to reduced communal tensions post 2014. Cattle slaughter is banned in most states of India. Recently emerged cow vigilante groups, claiming to be protecting cattle, have been violent leading to a number of deaths. Cow-protection groups see themselves as preventing theft, protecting the cow or upholding the law in an Indian state which bans cow slaughter. According to a Reuters report, a total of 63 cow vigilante attacks had occurred in India between 2010 and mid 2017, mostly since the Modi government came to power in 2014. In these attacks between 2010 and June 2017, "28 Indians – 24 of them Muslims – were killed and 124 injured", states the Reuter's report.
"This is the oldest case pending in Delhi and yet the prosecuting agency is still slow.." – ASJ Kaushik, July 22, 2007.[ permanent dead link ]
not a spontaneous uprising, it was a carefully orchestrated attack against Muslims. The attacks were planned in advance and organised with extensive participation of the police and state government officials
In the fascist Hindutva imagination, the Indian Muslims are continuously reviled as Pakistani "fifth columnists," as "enemies of the nation" and so on, and their patriotism is said to be suspect. The Muslim as the menacing "other" occupies a central place in Hindutva discourse, and this has been used to legitimize large-scale anti-Muslim violence.
one of the most horrific instances of fascistic state terror took place in Gujarat in 2002