Glasgow dialect | |
---|---|
Glaswegian | |
Native to | United Kingdom |
Region | Scotland |
Ethnicity | Scottish people |
Native speakers | (undated figure of Unknown, likely up to 1,000,000 (see Greater Glasgow)[ citation needed ]) |
Early forms | |
Latin | |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | – |
IETF | sco-u-sd-gbglg, en-scotland-u-sd-gbglg |
The Glasgow dialect, also called Glaswegian, varies from Scottish English at one end of a bipolar linguistic continuum to the local dialect of West Central Scots at the other. [1] [2] Therefore, the speech of many Glaswegians can draw on a "continuum between fully localised and fully standardised". [3] Additionally, the Glasgow dialect has Highland English and Hiberno-English influences [4] owing to the speech of Highlanders and Irish people who migrated in large numbers to the Glasgow area in the 19th and early 20th centuries. [5] While being named for Glasgow, the accent is typical for natives across the full Greater Glasgow area and associated counties such as Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire, Dunbartonshire and parts of Ayrshire, which formerly came under the single authority of Strathclyde. It is most common in working class people, which can lead to stigma from members of other classes or those outside Glasgow.
As with other dialects, it is subject to dialect levelling where particularly Scots vocabulary is replaced by Standard English words and, in particular, words largely from colloquial English. [6] However, Glaswegians continue to create new euphemisms and nicknames for well-known local figures and buildings.
The Glasgow vernacular has also established itself in Scottish literature. [7] Many authors spell some of the Scots elements phonetically, often coinciding with common spelling errors, [8] rather than using the prestigious Modern Scots conventions. The general effect of that, particularly its comic forms, is to exaggerate the unintelligibility of Glasgow speech to outsiders. [8] The resulting orthographic representation of the vernacular gives the overall impression of an anti-standard rather than a local standard. [8]
Michael Munro wrote a guide to Glaswegian entitled The Patter, first published in 1985. With illustrations by David Neilson, and later by the Paisley-born artist and playwright John Byrne, the book was followed by The Patter – Another Blast in 1988, with The Complete Patter, an updated compendium of the first and second books, being published in 1996.
James Kelman's 1994 novel How Late It Was, How Late is written largely in Glaswegian dialect from the point of view of Sammy Samuels, a 38-year-old ex-convict who wakes up blind after a drinking binge and a fight with police. The novel won the 1994 Booker Prize.
Jamie Stuart, a Church of Scotland elder from the High Carntyne Church, produced "A Glasgow Bible" in 1997, relating some biblical tales in the Glaswegian vernacular. More recently, in 2014 Alice's Adventures in Wonderland was translated into Glaswegian Scots by Thomas Clark as Alice's Adventirs in Wunnerlaun.
A 2020 Graeme Armstrong novel, The Young Team, narrated by a gang member in the local dialect, focuses on the 'ned culture' of the region in the early 21st century (albeit set in Airdrie, North Lanarkshire a few miles east of Glasgow rather than in the city itself). [9] [10] Armstrong, who had been inspired by the style used by Irvine Welsh for Trainspotting – written in the similar but distinct accent of Edinburgh [11] – struggled to have his novel published and was advised to mitigate the use of the dialect to appeal to a wider audience, but refused to compromise the authenticity of the characters' voices. [12]
Jane Stuart-Smith contributed a chapter to the 1999 book Urban Voices entitled "Glasgow: accent and voice quality". She defined two varieties for descriptive purposes:
Differences between the two systems are mostly in lexical incidence. [14] Many working-class speakers use the SSE system when reading aloud, albeit with different qualities for the vowels. [15] The table below shows the vowels used in both variants, as given in Table 11.1 of Stuart-Smith's work. [16]
Lexical set | GSE | GV |
---|---|---|
KIT | ɪ | ɪ̈~i |
DRESS | ɛ | ɛ |
HEAD | ɛ | i |
NEVER | ɛ~ɛ̈ | ɪ̈ |
TRAP | a̠ | a̠ |
STAND | a̠ | ɔ |
LOT | ɔ | o |
STRUT | ʌ̈ | ʌ̈ |
FOOT | ʉ | ɪ̈~ɪ |
BATH | a̠ | a̠ |
AFTER | a̠ | ɛ |
CLOTH | ɔ | o |
OFF | ɔ | a̠ |
NURSE | ʌ̈ | ʌ̈~ɪ |
FLEECE | ï~i̠ | i~i̠ |
FACE | e | e |
STAY | e | e~ʌi |
PALM | a̠ | a̠ |
THOUGHT | ɔ | o |
GOAT | o | o |
MORE | o | e |
GOOSE | ʉ | ʉ |
DO | ʉ | e |
PRICE | ʌi | ʌi |
PRIZE | ae | ae |
CHOICE | ɔe | ɔe |
MOUTH | ʌʉ | ʉ |
NEAR | i | i |
SQUARE | e | ɛ~e |
START | a̠ | e |
BIRTH | ɪ | ɪ̈~ʌ̈ |
BERTH | ɛ | ɛ~ɪ |
NORTH | ɔ | o |
FORCE | o | o |
CURE | jʉ | jʉ |
happY | e | e~ɪ̈ |
lettER | ɪ̈~ʌ̈ | ʌ̈ |
horsES | ɪ | ɪ̈~ʌ̈ |
commA | ʌ̈ | ʌ̈ |
Stuart-Smith also gave the following summary of how consonants differ in the Glasgow patter from other dialects. [17]
This section needs additional citations for verification .(August 2020) |
In the 1970s, the Glasgow-born comedian Stanley Baxter parodied the patter on his television sketch show. "Parliamo Glasgow" was a spoof programme in which Baxter played a language coach and various scenarios using Glaswegian dialogue were played out for laughs. [18] [19] [20] Popular television comedies using the dialect include Rab C. Nesbitt , Chewin' the Fat , Still Game , [21] Burnistoun and Limmy's Show .
The 1998 film by Ken Loach, My Name is Joe , is one of the few films recorded [almost] entirely in Glasgow dialect. As a result, the film had to be given subtitles when released in the United States and even for audiences in England. The same situation occurred with another Loach film, 2002's Sweet Sixteen , based in the town of Greenock which has a local accent virtually identical to that of Glasgow, [22] [23] and with the 2010 release Neds set in the city. [24]
Studies have indicated that working-class adolescents in areas such as Glasgow have begun to use certain aspects of Cockney and other Anglicisms in their speech, [25] infiltrating the traditional Glasgow speech. [26] For example, th-fronting is commonly found, and typical Scottish features such as the post-vocalic /r/ are reduced, [27] although this last feature is more likely to be a development of Central Belt Scots origin, unrelated to Anglo-English nonrhoticity. [28] Researches suggest the use of English speech characteristics is likely to be consequential on the influence of London and south east England accents which feature prominently on television. [29] [30] [31] [32]
The linguist John C. Wells, a critic of the media reporting on Estuary English, has questioned whether Glasgow is being influenced by Cockney speech. He claimed that journalists had misrepresented the prevalence of th-fronting in Glasgow and that there is no evidence that th-fronting originated in London. He also wrote that all dialects change over time and that change does not mean that the Glasgow patter will disappear. [33]
Cockney is a dialect of the English language, mainly spoken in London and its environs, particularly by Londoners with working-class and lower middle-class roots. The term Cockney is also used as a demonym for a person from the East End, or, traditionally, born within earshot of Bow Bells.
Scots is an Anglic language variety in the West Germanic language family, spoken in Scotland and parts of Ulster in the north of Ireland. Most commonly spoken in the Scottish Lowlands, Northern Isles, and northern Ulster, it is sometimes called Lowland Scots to distinguish it from Scottish Gaelic, the Goidelic Celtic language that was historically restricted to most of the Scottish Highlands, the Hebrides, and Galloway after the sixteenth century; or Broad Scots to distinguish it from Scottish Standard English. Modern Scots is a sister language of Modern English, as the two diverged independently from the same source: Early Middle English (1150–1350).
Estuary English is an English accent, continuum of accents, or continuum of accent features associated with the area along the River Thames and its estuary, including London, since the late 20th century. Phonetician John C. Wells proposed a definition of Estuary English as "Standard English spoken with the accent of the southeast of England". He views Estuary English as an emerging standard accent of England, while also acknowledging that it is a social construct rather than a technically well-defined linguistic phenomenon. He describes it as "intermediate" between the 20th-century higher-class non-regional standard accent, Received Pronunciation (RP), and the 20th-century lower-class local London accent, Cockney. There is much debate among linguists as to where Cockney and RP end and where Estuary English begins, or whether Estuary English is even a single cohesive accent.
Ulster Scots or Ulster-Scots, also known as Ulster Scotch and Ullans, is the dialect of Scots spoken in parts of Ulster, being almost exclusively spoken in parts of Northern Ireland and County Donegal. It is normally considered a dialect or group of dialects of Scots, although groups such as the Ulster-Scots Language Society and Ulster-Scots Academy consider it a language in its own right, and the Ulster-Scots Agency and former Department of Culture, Arts and Leisure have used the term Ulster-Scots language.
Scottish English is the set of varieties of the English language spoken in Scotland. The transregional, standardised variety is called Scottish Standard English or Standard Scottish English (SSE). Scottish Standard English may be defined as "the characteristic speech of the professional class [in Scotland] and the accepted norm in schools". IETF language tag for "Scottish Standard English" is en-scotland.
The history of the Scots language refers to how Anglic varieties spoken in parts of Scotland developed into modern Scots.
Yorkshire dialect is a geographic grouping of several dialects of English spoken in the Yorkshire region of Northern England. The varieties have roots in Old English and are influenced to a greater extent by Old Norse than Standard English is. Yorkshire experienced drastic dialect levelling in the 20th century, eroding many traditional features, though variation and even innovations persist, at both the regional and sub-regional levels. Organisations such as the Yorkshire Dialect Society and the East Riding Dialect Society exist to promote the survival of the more traditional features.
In English, the digraph ⟨th⟩ usually represents either the voiced dental fricative phoneme or the voiceless dental fricative phoneme. Occasionally, it stands for. In the word eighth, it is often pronounced. In compound words, ⟨th⟩ may be a consonant sequence rather than a digraph.
The phonological history of English includes various changes in the phonology of consonant clusters.
Ulster English, also called Northern Hiberno-English or Northern Irish English, is the variety of English spoken mostly around the Irish province of Ulster and throughout Northern Ireland. The dialect has been influenced by the local Ulster dialect of the Scots language, brought over by Scottish settlers during the Plantation of Ulster and subsequent settlements throughout the 17th and 18th centuries. It also coexists alongside the Ulster dialect of the Irish (Gaelic) language.
English in Southern England is the collective set of different dialects and accents of Modern English spoken in Southern England.
This article describes those aspects of the phonological history of English which concern consonants.
In English phonology, t-glottalization or t-glottalling is a sound change in certain English dialects and accents, particularly in the United Kingdom, that causes the phoneme to be pronounced as the glottal stop in certain positions. It is never universal, especially in careful speech, and it most often alternates with other allophones of such as, ,, , or.
Th-stopping is the realization of the dental fricatives as stops—either dental or alveolar—which occurs in several dialects of English. In some accents, such as of Indian English and middle- or upper-class Irish English, they are realized as the dental stops and as such do not merge with the alveolar stops ; thus, for example, tin is not a homophone of thin. In other accents, such as varieties of Caribbean English, Nigerian English, Liberian English, and older, rural, or working-class Irish English, such pairs are indeed merged. Variation between both dental and alveolar forms exists in much of the working-class English speech of North America and sometimes southern England. It is also common for babies and toddlers, who are still learning to talk and/or haven't fully grown their front teeth capable of producing the Th sound. Th-stopping occurred in all continental Germanic languages, resulting in cognates such as German die for "the" and Bruder for "brother".
Th-fronting is the pronunciation of the English "th" as "f" or "v". When th-fronting is applied, becomes or and becomes or. Unlike the fronting of to, the fronting of to usually does not occur word-initially. For example, while further is pronounced as fervour, that is rarely pronounced as *vat, although this was found in the speech of South-East London in a survey completed 1990–1994). Th-fronting is a prominent feature of several dialects of English, notably Cockney, Essex dialect, Estuary English, some West Country and Yorkshire dialects, African American Vernacular English, and Liberian English, as well as in many non-native English speakers.
The languages of Scotland belong predominantly to the Germanic and Celtic language families. The main language now spoken in Scotland is English, while Scots and Scottish Gaelic are minority languages. The dialect of English spoken in Scotland is referred to as Scottish English.
The English language spoken and written in England encompasses a diverse range of accents and dialects. The language forms part of the broader British English, along with other varieties in the United Kingdom. Terms used to refer to the English language spoken and written in England include English English and Anglo-English.
Modern Scots comprises the varieties of Scots traditionally spoken in Lowland Scotland and parts of Ulster, from 1700.
Barrovian is an accent and dialect of English found in Barrow-in-Furness and several outlying settlements in Cumbria, England, historically in the county of Lancashire. Although a member of the Cumbrian dialect, The Barrovian and south Cumbria accent has a lot in common with the dialect of northern Lancashire, particularly the Lancaster/Morecambe area.
The distinction between rhoticity and non-rhoticity is one of the most prominent ways in which varieties of the English language are classified. In rhotic accents, the sound of the historical English rhotic consonant,, is preserved in all pronunciation contexts. In non-rhotic accents, speakers no longer pronounce in postvocalic environments: when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel. For example, in isolation, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the words hard and butter as /ˈhɑːrd/ and /ˈbʌtər/, but a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the sound and pronounces them as /ˈhɑːd/ and /ˈbʌtə/. When an r is at the end of a word but the next word begins with a vowel, as in the phrase "better apples," most non-rhotic speakers will preserve the in that position since it is followed by a vowel in this case.