California English

Last updated
California English
Region United States of America
(California)
Early forms
Language codes
ISO 639-3 –
Glottolog None
IETF en-u-sd-usca
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

California English (or Californian English) collectively refers to varieties of American English native to California. As California became one of the most ethnically diverse U.S. states, English speakers from a wide variety of backgrounds began to pick up different linguistic elements from one another and also developed new ones; the result is both divergence and convergence within Californian English. [1] However, linguists who studied English before and immediately after World War II tended to find few, if any, patterns unique to California, [2] [3] and even today most California English still exhibits a General or Western American accent.

Contents

Overview

A distinctive chain shift of vowel sounds, the California Vowel Shift, was first noted by linguists in the 1980s in southern California and the San Francisco Bay Area of northern California. [4] This helped to define an accent emerging primarily among youthful, white, urban, coastal speakers, and popularly associated with the valley girl and surfer dude youth subcultures. [5] [3] The possibility that this is, in fact, an age-specific variety of English is one hypothesis; [6] however, certain features of this accent are intensifying and spreading geographically. [7]

Other documented California English includes a "country" accent associated with rural and inland white Californians, which is also (to a lesser extent) affected by the California Vowel Shift; an older accent once spoken by Irish Americans in San Francisco; and distinctly Californian varieties of Chicano English mainly associated with Mexican Americans. Research has shown that Californians themselves perceive a linguistic boundary between northern and southern California, [8] particularly regarding the northern use of hella and southern (but now nationally widespread) use of dude , bro , and like . [9]

Urban coastal California English

Varieties of English most popularly associated with California largely correlate with the major urban areas along the coast. Notable is the absence of a distinct /ɔ/ phoneme (the vowel sound of caught, stalk, clawed, etc.), which has completely merged with /ɑ/ (the vowel sound of cot, stock, clod, etc.), as in most of the Western United States. [10]

Vowels of California English
Front Central Back
unrounded rounded
laxtenselaxtenselaxtensetense
Close i u
Close-mid ɪ eɪ ə , ʌ ʊ oʊ
Open ɛ æ ɑ
Diphthongs aɪ ɔɪ aʊ

A few phonological processes have been identified as being particular to urban and coastal California English. However, these vowel changes are by no means universal in Californian speech, and any single Californian's speech may only have some or none of the changes identified below. These sounds might also be found in the speech of some people from areas outside of California. [11]

California vowel shift

The California vowel shift. The phoneme transcribed with <o> is represented in this article as <oU> . California vowel shift.png
The California vowel shift. The phoneme transcribed with ⟨o⟩ is represented in this article as ⟨oʊ⟩.

One topic that has begun to receive much attention from scholars in recent decades has been the emergence of a vowel-based chain shift in California. The image in this section illustrates the California vowel shift on a vowel chart. The vowel space of the image is a cross-section (as if looking at the interior of a mouth from a side profile perspective); it is a rough approximation of the space in a human mouth where the tongue is located in articulating certain vowel sounds (the left is the front of the mouth closer to the teeth, the right side of the chart being the back of the mouth). As with other vowel shifts, several vowels may be seen moving in a chain shift around the mouth. As one vowel encroaches upon the space of another, the adjacent vowel in turn experiences a movement in order to maximize phonemic differentiation.

For convenience, California English will be compared with a "typical" General American English, abbreviated "GA". /ɪ/ is pulled towards [ɛ] (bit and kit are sounding more like bet and ket in other dialects) /ɛ/ is pulled towards [ æ ] (wreck and kettle are sounding more like rack and cattle), /æ/ is pulled towards [ ä ], and /ɑ/ and /ɔ/ merge (cot and stock are sounding more like caught and stalk): the cot-caught merger.

Other vowel changes, whose relation with the shift is uncertain, are also emerging: except before /l/, /u/ is moving through [ ʉ ] towards [ y ] (rude and true are almost approaching reed and tree, but with rounded lips), and /oʊ/ is moving beyond [əʊ]. /ʊ/ is moving towards [ ʌ ] (so that, for example, book and could in the California dialect start to sound, to a GA speaker, more like buck and cud), /ʌ/ is moving through [ ɜ ], sometimes approaching [ ɛ ] (duck, crust, what, etc. are sounding like how U.S. Southerners pronounce them, or like how other Americans might pronounce deck, crest, wet, etc.). [16]

New vowel characteristics of the California shift are increasingly found among younger speakers. For example, while some characteristics such as the close central rounded vowel [ʉ] or close front rounded vowel [y] for /u/ are widespread in Californian speech, the same high degree of fronting for /oʊ/ is found predominantly among young speakers. [17]

The effects of the California vowel shift have been noted in varieties of Californian Spanish, particularly in the Bay Area. [18]

Rural inland California English

One dialect of English, mostly reported in California's rural interior, inland from the major coastal cities, [19] has been popularly described as a "country," "hillbilly," or "twang" variety. [20] [21] This California English variety is reminiscent of and presumably related to Southern or South Midland U.S. accents, [22] mostly correlated with white, outdoors-oriented speakers of the Central Valley. It has been studied even as far north as Trinity County but could possibly extend farther, [23] [20] and as far south as Kern County (metropolitan Bakersfield). Similar to the nonstandard accents of the South Midland and Southern United States, speakers of such towns as Redding and Merced have been found to use the word anymore in a positive sense and the verb was in place of the standard English plural verb were. [24] Related other features of note include the pin–pen merger, [22] [23] [25] [26] fill–feel merger, and full–fool merger. [20]

The Great Depression's westward Dust Bowl migrations of settlers into California from the Southern United States, namely from Oklahoma, Texas, Missouri, and Arkansas, [23] is the presumable cause of this rural white accent's presence in California's Central Valley. [22] [27] Rural northern California was also settled by Oklahomans and Arkansans, though perhaps more recently in the 1970s and 1980s, due to the region's timber industry boom. [28] However, even in a single town, any given individual's identification with working and playing outdoors versus indoors appears to be a greater determiner of this accent than the authenticity of the individual's Southern heritage. [25] For example, this correlates with less educated rural men of northern California documented as raising /ɛ/ in a style similar to the Southern drawl. [23] Overall, among those who orient toward a more town lifestyle, features of the California Vowel Shift are more prominent, but not to the same extent as in urban coastal communities such as San Jose. [19] By contrast, among those who orient toward a more country lifestyle, the Southern features are more prominent, but some aspects of the California Vowel Shift remain present as well. [22] [25]

Mission brogue (San Francisco)

The Mission brogue is a disappearing accent spoken within San Francisco, mostly during the 20th century in the Mission District. It sounds distinctly like New York and possibly Boston accents, due to a large number of Irish Americans migrating from those two East Coast cities to the Mission District in the late 19th century. [29] It is today spoken only by some of the oldest Irish-American and possibly Jewish residents of the city. From before the 1870s to the 1890s, Irish Americans were the largest share of migrants coming to San Francisco, [29] the majority arriving by way of Northeastern U.S. cities like New York and Boston, [30] [31] [29] thus bringing those cities' ways of speaking with them. [31] In San Francisco, the Mission District quickly became a predominantly Irish Catholic neighborhood, [32] [31] and its local dialect became associated with all of San Francisco as a way to contrast it with the rest of California. [32] Sounding like a "real San Franciscan" therefore once meant sounding "like a New Yorker", [32] the speakers said to "talk like Brooklynites". [29] Other names included the "south of the Slot" (referring to the cable car track running down Market Street) [32] or "south of Market" accent. [33]

Pronunciation features of this accent included:

Overall, starting in the later half of the 20th century, San Francisco has been undergoing dialect levelling towards the broader regional Western American English, [30] [34] for example: younger Mission District speakers now exhibit a full cot–caught merger, show the vowel shift of urban coastal Californians, and front the GOOSE and GOAT vowels. [35]

Other varieties

Certain varieties of Chicano English are also native to California, sometimes even being spoken by non-Latino Californians. [36] [37] One example is East Los Angeles Chicano English, which has been influenced by both Californian and African American Vernacular English. [38]

The coastal urban accent of California traces many of its features back to Valleyspeak: a social dialect arising in the 1980s among a particular white youthful demographic in the San Fernando Valley, including Los Angeles.

Boontling is a jargon or argot spoken in Boonville, California, with only about 100 speakers today. [39]

Lexical overview

The popular image of a typical southern California speaker often conjures up images of the so-called Valley girls popularized by the 1982 hit song by Frank and Moon Zappa, or "surfer-dude" speech made famous by movies such as Fast Times at Ridgemont High . While many phrases found in these extreme versions of California English from the 1980s may now be considered passé, certain words such as awesome, totally, for sure, harsh, gnarly, and dude have remained popular in California and have spread to a national, even international, level.

A common example of a northern Californian [40] colloquialism is hella (from "(a) hell of a (lot of)", and the euphemistic alternative hecka) to mean "many", "much", "so" or "very". [41] It can be used with both count and mass nouns. For example: "I haven't seen you in hella long"; "There were hella people there"; or "This guacamole is hella good". The word can be casually used multiple times in multiple ways within a single sentence. Pop culture references to "hella" are common, as in the song "Hella Good" by the band No Doubt, which hails from southern California, and "Hella" by the band Skull Stomp, who come from northern California. [42]

California, like other Southwestern states, has borrowed many words from Spanish, especially for place names, food, and other cultural items, reflecting the linguistic heritage of the Californios as well as more recent immigration from Mexico and elsewhere in Latin America. High concentrations of various ethnic groups throughout the state have contributed to general familiarity with words describing (especially cultural) phenomena. For example, a high concentration of Asian Americans from various cultural backgrounds, especially in urban and suburban metropolitan areas in California, has led to the adoption of the word hapa (itself originally a Hawaiian borrowing of English "half" [43] ) to mean someone of mixed European/Islander or Asian/Islander heritage.

In 1958, essayist Clifton Fadiman pointed out that northern California is the only place (besides England and the area surrounding Ontario and the Canadian Prairies) where the word chesterfield is used as a synonym for sofa or couch. [44]

Freeways

In the Los Angeles metropolitan area, Inland Empire, Coachella Valley and San Diego, freeways are often referred to either by name or by route number but with the addition of the definite article "the", such as "the 405 North", "the 99" or "the 605 (Freeway)". This usage has been parodied in the recurring Saturday Night Live sketch "The Californians". [45] In contrast, typical northern California usage omits the definite article. [46] [47] [48] When southern California freeways were built in the 1940s and early 1950s, local common usage was primarily the freeway name preceded by the definite article, such as "the Hollywood Freeway". [49] It took several decades for southern California locals to start to commonly refer to the freeways with the numerical designations, but usage of the definite article persisted. For example, it evolved to "the 605 Freeway" and then shortened to "the 605". [49]

LA freeway 2009.jpg
Interstate80westernend.jpg
Signage along northbound U.S. Route 101, reflecting the different lexicon usage between Southern and Northern California.
Left: signage at the 110 Freeway interchange in Los Angeles, with the leftmost sign for the 101 freeway north listing both its name, the Hollywood Freeway, as well as its destination, Ventura.
Right: signage at the Interstate 80 interchange in San Francisco, with the leftmost sign for US 101 north listing only its destination, the Golden Gate Bridge.

See also

Related Research Articles

American English, sometimes called United States English or U.S. English, is the set of varieties of the English language native to the United States. English is the most widely spoken language in the United States and in most circumstances is the de facto common language used in government, education and commerce. It is also the official language of most US states. Since the late 20th century, American English has become the most influential form of English worldwide.

Canadian English encompasses the varieties of English used in Canada. According to the 2016 census, English was the first language of 19.4 million Canadians or 58.1% of the total population; the remainder spoke French (20.8%) or other languages (21.1%). In the Canadian province of Quebec, only 7.5% of the population are anglophone, as most of Quebec's residents are native speakers of Quebec French.

A vowel shift is a systematic sound change in the pronunciation of the vowel sounds of a language.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Chicano English</span> Dialect of English spoken in the Southwestern United States

Chicano English, or Mexican-American English, is a dialect of American English spoken primarily by Mexican Americans, particularly in the Southwestern United States ranging from Texas to California, as well as in Chicago. Chicano English is sometimes mistakenly conflated with Spanglish, which is a mixing of Spanish and English; however, Chicano English is a fully formed and native dialect of English, not a "learner English" or interlanguage. It is even the native dialect of some speakers who know little to no Spanish, or have no Mexican heritage.

Eastern New England English, historically known as the Yankee dialect since at least the 19th century, is the traditional regional dialect of Maine, New Hampshire, and the eastern half of Massachusetts. Features of this variety once spanned an even larger dialect area of New England, for example, including the eastern halves of Vermont and Connecticut for those born as late as the early twentieth century. Studies vary as to whether the unique dialect of Rhode Island technically falls within the Eastern New England dialect region.

Philadelphia English or Delaware Valley English is a variety or dialect of American English native to Philadelphia and extending into Philadelphia's metropolitan area throughout the Delaware Valley, including southeastern Pennsylvania, counties of northern Delaware, the northern Eastern Shore of Maryland, and all of South Jersey. Other than Philadelphia and arguably Baltimore, the dialect is spoken in cities such as Wilmington, Atlantic City, Camden, Vineland, and Dover. Philadelphia English is one of the best-studied types of English, as Philadelphia's University of Pennsylvania is the home institution of pioneering sociolinguist William Labov. Philadelphia English shares certain features with New York City English and Midland American English, although it remains a distinct dialect of its own. Philadelphia and Baltimore accents together fall under what Labov describes as a single Mid-Atlantic regional dialect.

In the history of English phonology, there have been many diachronic sound changes affecting vowels, especially involving phonemic splits and mergers. A number of these changes are specific to vowels which occur before, especially in cases where the is at the end of a syllable.

North American English regional phonology is the study of variations in the pronunciation of spoken North American English —what are commonly known simply as "regional accents". Though studies of regional dialects can be based on multiple characteristics, often including characteristics that are phonemic, phonetic, lexical (vocabulary-based), and syntactic (grammar-based), this article focuses only on the former two items. North American English includes American English, which has several highly developed and distinct regional varieties, along with the closely related Canadian English, which is more homogeneous geographically. American English and Canadian English have more in common with each other than with varieties of English outside North America.

The cot–caught merger, also known as the LOT–THOUGHT merger or low back merger, is a sound change present in some dialects of English where speakers do not distinguish the vowel phonemes in words like cot versus caught. Cot and caught is an example of a minimal pair that is lost as a result of this sound change. The phonemes involved in the cot–caught merger, the low back vowels, are typically represented in the International Phonetic Alphabet as and, respectively. The merger is typical of most Canadian and Scottish English dialects as well as some Irish and U.S. English dialects.

Pacific Northwest English is a variety of North American English spoken in the U.S. states of Washington and Oregon, sometimes also including Idaho and the Canadian province of British Columbia. Due to the internal diversity within Pacific Northwest English, current studies remain inconclusive about whether it is best regarded as a dialect of its own, separate from Western American English or even California English or Standard Canadian English, with which it shares its major phonological features. The dialect region contains a highly diverse and mobile population, which is reflected in the historical and continuing development of the variety.

New England English is, collectively, the various distinct dialects and varieties of American English originating in the New England area. Most of eastern and central New England once spoke the "Yankee dialect", some of whose accent features still remain in Eastern New England today, such as "R-dropping". Accordingly, one linguistic division of New England is into Eastern versus Western New England English, as defined in the 1939 Linguistic Atlas of New England and the 2006 Atlas of North American English (ANAE). The ANAE further argues for a division between Northern versus Southern New England English, especially on the basis of the cot–caught merger and fronting. The ANAE also categorizes the strongest differentiated New England accents into four combinations of the above dichotomies, simply defined as follows:

The low-back-merger shift is a chain shift of vowel sounds found in several dialects of North American English, beginning in the last quarter of the 20th century and most significantly involving the low back merger accompanied by the lowering and backing of the front lax vowels.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Inland Northern American English</span> English as spoken in the US Great Lakes region

Inland Northern (American) English, also known in American linguistics as the Inland North or Great Lakes dialect, is an American English dialect spoken primarily by White Americans in a geographic band reaching from the major urban areas of Upstate New York westward along the Erie Canal and through much of the U.S. Great Lakes region. The most distinctive Inland Northern accents are spoken in Chicago, Milwaukee, Detroit, Cleveland, Buffalo, Rochester, and Syracuse. The dialect can be heard as far west as eastern Iowa and even among certain demographics in the Twin Cities, Minnesota. Some of its features have also infiltrated a geographic corridor from Chicago southwest along historic Route 66 into St. Louis, Missouri; today, the corridor shows a mixture of both Inland North and Midland American accents. Linguists often characterize the western Great Lakes region's dialect separately as North-Central American English.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Western American English</span> Dialect of American English

Western American English is a variety of American English that largely unites the entire Western United States as a single dialect region, including the states of California, Nevada, Arizona, Utah, New Mexico, Colorado, and Wyoming. It also generally encompasses Washington, Oregon, Idaho, and Montana, some of whose speakers are classified additionally under Pacific Northwest English.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Midland American English</span> Variety of English spoken in the United States

Midland American English is a regional dialect or super-dialect of American English, geographically lying between the traditionally-defined Northern and Southern United States. The boundaries of Midland American English are not entirely clear, being revised and reduced by linguists due to definitional changes and several Midland sub-regions undergoing rapid and diverging pronunciation shifts since the early-middle 20th century onwards.

Texan English is the array of American English dialects spoken in Texas, primarily falling under Southern U.S. English. As one nationwide study states, the typical Texan accent is a "Southern accent with a twist". The "twist" refers to inland Southern U.S., older coastal Southern U.S., and South Midland U.S. accents mixing together, due to Texas's settlement history, as well as some lexical (vocabulary) influences from Mexican Spanish. In fact, there is no single accent that covers all of Texas and few dialect features are unique to Texas alone. The newest and most innovative Southern U.S. accent features are best reported in Lubbock, Odessa, somewhat Houston and variably Dallas, though general features of this same dialect are found throughout the state, with several exceptions: Abilene and somewhat Austin, Corpus Christi, and El Paso appear to align more with Midland U.S. accents than Southern ones.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">New York accent</span> Sound system of New York City English

The sound system of New York City English is popularly known as a New York accent. The New York metropolitan accent is one of the most recognizable accents of the United States, largely due to its popular stereotypes and portrayal in radio, film, and television. Several other common names exist for the accent that associate it with more specific locations in the New York City area, such as "Bronx accent", "Brooklyn accent", "Queens accent", "Long Island accent", and "North Jersey accent"; however, no research has demonstrated significant linguistic differences between these locations.

The distinction between rhoticity and non-rhoticity is one of the most prominent ways in which varieties of the English language are classified. In rhotic accents, the sound of the historical English rhotic consonant,, is preserved in all pronunciation contexts. In non-rhotic accents, speakers no longer pronounce in postvocalic environments: when it is immediately after a vowel and not followed by another vowel. For example, in isolation, a rhotic English speaker pronounces the words hard and butter as /ˈhɑːrd/ and /ˈbʌtər/, but a non-rhotic speaker "drops" or "deletes" the sound and pronounces them as /ˈhɑːd/ and /ˈbʌtə/. When an r is at the end of a word but the next word begins with a vowel, as in the phrase "better apples," most non-rhotic speakers will preserve the in that position since it is followed by a vowel in this case.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Standard Canadian English</span> Variety of Canadian English

Standard Canadian English is the largely homogeneous variety of Canadian English that is spoken particularly across Ontario and Western Canada, as well as throughout Canada among urban middle-class speakers from English-speaking families, excluding the regional dialects of Atlantic Canadian English. Canadian English has a mostly uniform phonology and much less dialectal diversity than neighbouring American English. In particular, Standard Canadian English is defined by the cot–caught merger to and an accompanying chain shift of vowel sounds, which is called the Canadian Shift. A subset of the dialect geographically at its central core, excluding British Columbia to the west and everything east of Montréal, has been called Inland Canadian English. It is further defined by both of the phenomena that are known as Canadian raising : the production of and with back starting points in the mouth and the production of with a front starting point and very little glide that is almost in the Canadian Prairies.

Western New England English refers to the varieties of New England English native to Vermont, Connecticut, and the western half of Massachusetts; New York State's Hudson Valley also aligns to this classification. Sound patterns historically associated with Western New England English include the features of rhoticity, the horse–hoarse merger, and the father–bother merger, none of which are features traditionally shared in neighboring Eastern New England English. The status of the cot–caught merger in Western New England is inconsistent, being complete in the north of this dialect region (Vermont), but incomplete or absent in the south, with a "cot–caught approximation" in the middle area.

References

Citations

  1. ↑ "Do you speak American? - California English". PBS. Retrieved October 28, 2013.
  2. ↑ Walt Wolfram and Ben Ward, ed. (2006). American Voices: How Dialects Differ from Coast to Coast . Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing. pp.  140, 234–236. ISBN   978-1-4051-2108-8.
  3. 1 2 "California English." Do You Speak American? PBS. Macneil/Lehrer Productions. 2005.
  4. ↑ Gordon, Matthew J. (2004). "The West and Midwest: phonology." Kortmann, Bernd, Kate Burridge, Rajend Mesthrie, Edgar W. Schneider and Clive Upton (eds). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Volume 1: Phonology, Volume 2: Morphology and Syntax. Berlin / New York: Mouton de Gruyter. p. 347.
  5. ↑ Podesva, Robert J., Annette D'Onofrio, Janneke Van Hofwegen, and Seung Kyung Kim (2015). "Country ideology and the California Vowel Shift." Language Variation and Change 48: 28-45. Cambridge University Press.
  6. ↑ Ward (2003 :41): "fronted features in the young speakers seems to indicate a nascent chain shift in progress, [but] the lack of a true generational age range in the study precludes too strong of a conclusion. Alternatively Hinton et al. also suggest that possibility that the age-specific pattern could also be a function of age-grading, where the faddish speech style of California adolescents is adopted for its prestige value, only to be abandoned as adolescence wanes."
  7. ↑ Nycum, Reilly (May 2018). "In Defense of Valley Girl English". The Compass Vol. 1, No. 5, p. 28.
  8. ↑ Bucholtz, Mary et al (2007). "Hella Nor Cal or Totally So Cal". Journal of English Linguistics. 35 (4): 337. doi:10.1177/0075424207307780. S2CID   64542514.{{cite journal}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  9. ↑ Bucholtz et al., 2007, 343.
  10. ↑ "The Voices of California Project". web.stanford.edu. Retrieved 2019-03-14.
  11. ↑ Conn, Jeff (2002). "An investigation into the western dialect of Portland Oregon." Paper presented at NWAV31. San Diego, CA.
  12. 1 2 Eckert, Penelope. "Vowel Shifts in California and the Detroit Suburbs". Stanford University.
  13. ↑ Eckert, Penelope (March 2008). "Where do ethnolects stop?". International Journal of Bilingualism. 12 (1–2): 25–42. doi:10.1177/13670069080120010301. ISSN   1367-0069. S2CID   35623478.
  14. ↑ Ritchart, Amanda; Arvaniti, Amalia (2014). The use of high rise terminals in Southern Californian English. Proceedings of Meetings on Acoustics. p. 060001. doi: 10.1121/1.4863274 . hdl: 2066/220874 .
  15. ↑ Stanley, Joseph A. (2022). Regional patterns in prevelar raising. American Speech: A Quarterly of Linguistic Usage, 97(3), 374-411.
  16. ↑ "Professor Penelope Eckert's webpage". Stanford.edu. Retrieved 2011-12-30.
  17. ↑ "The Voices of California Project". web.stanford.edu. Retrieved 2019-03-14.
  18. ↑ Helms, Annie (22 February 2022). "Bay Area Spanish: regional sound change in contact languages" (PDF). Open Journal of Romance Linguistics. 8 (2). Retrieved 8 September 2023.
  19. 1 2 Podesva, Robert J. (2015). Country ideology and the California Vowel Shift Language Variation and Change. Stanford University.
  20. 1 2 3 Ornelas, Cris (2012). "Kern County Accent Studied Archived 2016-06-10 at the Wayback Machine ." 23 ABC News. E. W. Scripps Company.
  21. ↑ Geenberg, Katherine (2014). "The Other California: Marginalization and Sociolinguistic Variation in Trinity County". Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University. p. iv.
  22. 1 2 3 4 Podesva, Robert J. (September 2014). The California Vowel Shift and Fractal Recursivity in an Inland, Non-Urban Community. Stanford University.
  23. 1 2 3 4 Geenberg, Katherine (August 2014). The Other California: Marginalization and Sociolinguistic Variation in Trinity County (PDF). Stanford University.
  24. ↑ King, Ed (2012). "Stanford linguists seek to identify the elusive California accent". Stanford Report. Stanford University.
  25. 1 2 3 Geenberg, Katherine (2014). What it means to be Norcal Country: Variation and marginalization in rural California. Stanford University.
  26. ↑ Labov, Ash & Boberg (2006 :279)
  27. ↑ Geenberg, Katherine (2014). "The Other California: Marginalization and Sociolinguistic Variation in Trinity County". Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University. pp. 4, 14.
  28. ↑ Geenberg, Katherine (2014). "The Other California: Marginalization and Sociolinguistic Variation in Trinity County". Doctoral Dissertation, Stanford University. pp. 182-3.
  29. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 DeCamp, David (1953). The Pronunciation of English in San Francisco. University of California, Berkeley. pp. 549–569.
  30. 1 2 Hall-Lew, Lauren (September 2009). Ethnicity and Phonetic Variation in a San Francisco Neighborhood. Stanford University.
  31. 1 2 3 Veltman, Chloe. "Why the Myth of the 'San Francisco Accent' Persists". KQED News. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
  32. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Hall-Lew, Lauren (2008). "I went to school back East... in Berkeley"1:San Francisco English and San Francisco Identity.
  33. ↑ Nolte, Carl (28 February 2012). "How to Talk Like a San Franciscan". SFGATE. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
  34. ↑ Graff, Amy (June 7, 2018). "Is there a San Francisco accent? The answer may have changed over the years". SFGATE. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
  35. ↑ Hall-Lew, Lauren (August 2015). San Francisco English and the California Vowel Shift (PDF). The University of Edinburgh. Retrieved 27 November 2019.
  36. ↑ Take Two (2013). "Map: Do Californians have an accent? Listen to some examples and add your own." Southern California Public Radio.
  37. ↑ Guerrero, Armando Jr. (2014). "'You Speak Good English for Being Mexican' East Los Angeles Chicano/a English: Language & Identity". Voices. 2 (1): 56–7.
  38. ↑ Guerrero, Armando Jr. (2014). "'You Speak Good English for Being Mexican' East Los Angeles Chicano/a English: Language & Identity". Voices. 2 (1): 4.
  39. ↑ Rawles, Myrtle R. (1966); "'Boontling': Esoteric Language of Boonville, California." In Western Folklore, Vol. 25, No. 2, pp. 93–103. California Folklore Society [Western States Folklore Society].
  40. ↑ "However, science isn't all that sets northern California apart from the rest of the world," Sendek wrote. "The area is also notorious for the creation and widespread usage of the English slang 'hella', which typically means 'very', or can refer to a large quantity (e.g. 'there are hella stars out tonight')."
  41. ↑ "Jorge Hankamer WebFest". Ling.ucsc.edu. Archived from the original on 2005-10-31. Retrieved 2011-12-30.
  42. ↑ "Lyrics | Skull Stomp - Hella". SongMeanings. 2008-11-02. Retrieved 2011-12-30.
  43. ↑ Mary Kawena Pukui, Samuel H. Elbert & Esther T. Mookini, The Pocket Hawaiian Dictionary (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983)
  44. ↑ Fadiman, Clifton. Any Number Can Play. 1958.
  45. ↑ Rose, Joseph (April 16, 2012). "Saturday Night Live's 'The Californians': Traffic's one big soap opera (video)". The Oregonian . Portland, Oregon . Retrieved December 3, 2013.
  46. ↑ Simon, Mark (2000-06-30). "'The' Madness Must Stop Right Now". San Francisco Chronicle . Retrieved 2012-11-19.
  47. ↑ Simon, Mark (2000-07-04). "Local Lingo Keeps 'The' Off Road". San Francisco Chronicle . Retrieved 2012-11-19.
  48. ↑ Simon, Mark (July 29, 2000). "S.F. Wants Power, Not The Noise / Brown rejects docking floating plant off city". San Francisco Chronicle . Retrieved June 13, 2017.
  49. 1 2 Geyer, Grant (Summer 2001). "'The' Freeway in Southern California". American Speech. 76 (2): 221–224. doi:10.1215/00031283-76-2-221. S2CID   144010897.

General and cited sources

  • Labov, William; Ash, Sharon; Boberg, Charles (2006), The Atlas of North American English, Berlin: Mouton-de Gruyter, pp. 187–208, ISBN   3-11-016746-8
  • Ward, Michael (2003), "The California Movement, etc." (PDF), Portland Dialect Study: The Fronting of /ow, u, uw/ in Portland, Oregon, Portland State University, pp. 39–45, archived from the original (PDF) on 2007-07-29

Further reading

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.