Shanghainese | |
---|---|
上海閒話 / 上海闲话, zaon-he ghe-gho 滬語 / 沪语, wu-gniu | |
Pronunciation | [zɑ̃̀hɛ́ɦɛ̀ɦó] , [ɦùɲý] |
Native to | China |
Region | Shanghainese proper traditionally in the urban center of Shanghai; Bendihua varieties spoken throughout Shanghai and parts of nearby Nantong |
Ethnicity | Shanghainese |
Native speakers | 14 million (2013)[ citation needed ] |
Sino-Tibetan
| |
Chinese characters | |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | – |
ISO 639-6 | suji |
wuu-sha | |
Glottolog | shan1293 Shanghainese |
Linguasphere | > 79-AAA-dbb > |
Shanghainese | |||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Traditional Chinese | 上海話 | ||||||||||
Simplified Chinese | 上海话 | ||||||||||
Literal meaning | Shanghai language | ||||||||||
| |||||||||||
Shanghainese | |||||||||||
Traditional Chinese | 上海閒話 | ||||||||||
Simplified Chinese | 上海闲话 | ||||||||||
Shanghainese Romanization | Zaon6 he5 ghe6 gho6 [zɑ̃̀hɛ́ɦɛ̀ɦò] | ||||||||||
Literal meaning | Shanghai speech | ||||||||||
| |||||||||||
Hu language | |||||||||||
Traditional Chinese | 滬語 | ||||||||||
Simplified Chinese | 沪语 | ||||||||||
Shanghainese Romanization | Wu6 gniu6 [ɦùȵỳ] | ||||||||||
Literal meaning | Hu (Shanghai) language | ||||||||||
|
The Shanghainese language,also known as the Shanghai dialect,or Hu language,is a variety of Wu Chinese spoken in the central districts of the city of Shanghai and its surrounding areas. It is classified as part of the Sino-Tibetan language family. Shanghainese,like the rest of the Wu language group,is mutually unintelligible with other varieties of Chinese,such as Mandarin. [1]
Shanghainese belongs to a separate group of the Taihu Wu subgroup. With nearly 14 million speakers,Shanghainese is also the largest single form of Wu Chinese. Since the late 19th century it has served as the lingua franca of the entire Yangtze River Delta region,but in recent decades its status has declined relative to Mandarin,which most Shanghainese speakers can also speak. [2]
Like other Wu varieties,Shanghainese is rich in vowels and consonants,with around twenty unique vowel qualities,twelve of which are phonemic. Similarly,Shanghainese also has voiced obstruent initials,which is rare outside of Wu and Xiang varieties. Shanghainese also has a low number of tones compared to other languages in Southern China and has a system of tone sandhi similar to Japanese pitch accent.
The speech of Shanghai had long been influenced by those spoken around Jiaxing, then Suzhou during the Qing dynasty. Suzhounese literature, Chuanqi, Tanci, and folk songs all influenced early Shanghainese.
During the 1850s, the port of Shanghai was opened, and a large number of migrants entered the city. This led to many loanwords from both the West and the East, especially from Ningbonese, and like Cantonese in Hong Kong, English. In fact, "speakers of other Wu dialects traditionally treat the Shanghai vernacular somewhat contemptuously as a mixture of Suzhou and Ningbo dialects." [3] This has led to Shanghainese becoming one of the fastest-developing languages of the Wu Chinese subgroup, undergoing rapid changes and quickly replacing Suzhounese as the prestige dialect of the Yangtze River Delta region. It underwent sustained growth that reached a peak in the 1930s during the Republican era, when migrants arrived in Shanghai and immersed themselves in the local tongue. Migrants from Shanghai also brought Shanghainese to many overseas Chinese communities. As of 2016, 83,400 people in Hong Kong are still able to speak Shanghainese. [4] Shanghainese is sometimes viewed as a tool to discriminate against immigrants. [5] Migrants who move from other Chinese cities to Shanghai have little ability to speak Shanghainese. Among the migrant people, some believe Shanghainese represents the superiority of native Shanghainese people. Some also believe that native residents intentionally speak Shanghainese in some places to discriminate against the immigrant population to transfer their anger to migrant workers, who take over their homeland and take advantage of housing, education, medical, and job resources. [6]
After the People's Republic of China's government imposed and promoted Standard Chinese as the official language of all of China, Shanghainese had started its decline. During the Chinese economic reform of 1978, Shanghainese has once again took in a large number of migrants. Due to the prominence of Standard Mandarin, learning Shanghainese was no longer necessary for migrants. However, Shanghainese remained a vital part of the city's culture and retained its prestige status within the local population. In the 1990s, it was still common for local radio and television broadcasts to be in Shanghainese. For example, in 1995, the TV series Sinful Debt featured extensive Shanghainese dialogue; when it was broadcast outside Shanghai (mainly in adjacent Wu-speaking areas) Mandarin subtitles were added. The Shanghainese TV series Lao Niang Jiu (老娘舅, "Old Uncle") was broadcast from 1995 to 2007 [7] and was popular among Shanghainese residents. Shanghainese programming has since slowly declined amid regionalist-localist accusations. From 1992 onward, Shanghainese use was discouraged in schools, and many children native to Shanghai can no longer speak Shanghainese. [8] In addition, Shanghai's emergence as a cosmopolitan global city consolidated the status of Mandarin as the standard language of business and services, at the expense of the local language. [9]
Since 2005, movements have emerged to protect Shanghainese. At municipal legislative discussions in 2005, former Shanghai opera actress Ma Lili moved to "protect" the language, stating that she was one of the few remaining Shanghai opera actresses who still retained authentic classic Shanghainese pronunciation in their performances. Shanghai's former party boss Chen Liangyu, a native Shanghainese himself, reportedly supported her proposal. [9] Shanghainese has been reintegrated into pre-kindergarten education, with education of native folk songs and rhymes, as well as a Shanghainese-only day on Fridays in the Modern Baby Kindergarten. [10] [11] Professor Qian Nairong, linguist and head of the Chinese Department at Shanghai University, is working on efforts to save the language. [12] [13] In response to criticism, Qian reminds people that Shanghainese was once fashionable, saying, "the popularization of Mandarin doesn't equal the ban of dialects. It doesn't make Mandarin a more civilized language either. Promoting dialects is not a narrow-minded localism, as it has been labeled by some netizens". [14] Qian has also urged for Shanghainese to be taught in other sectors of education, due to kindergarten and university courses being insufficient.
During the 2010s, many achievements have been made to preserve Shanghainese. In 2011, Hu Baotan wrote Longtang (弄堂, "Longtang"), the first ever Shanghainese novel. [15] In June 2012, a new television program airing in Shanghainese was created. [16] In 2013, buses in Shanghai started using Shanghainese broadcasts. [17] [18] In 2017, Apple's iOS 11 introduced Siri in Shanghainese, being only the third Sinitic language to be supported, after Standard Mandarin and Cantonese. [19] [20] [21] [22] [23] In 2018, the Japanese-Chinese animated anthology drama film Flavors of Youth had a section set in Shanghai, with significant Shanghainese dialogue. [24] In January 2019, singer Lin Bao released the first Shanghainese pop record Shanghai Yao (上海謠, "Shanghai Ballad"). [25] In December 2021, the Shanghainese-language romantic comedy movie Myth of Love (愛情神話) was released. Its box office revenue was ¥260 million, and response was generally positive. [26] Similarly, in December 2023, the TV show Blossoms Shanghai (繁花) aired with the primary language being Shanghainese. [27]
Today, around half the population of Shanghai can converse in Shanghainese, and a further quarter can understand it. Though the number of speakers has been declining, a large number of people want to preserve it.
Due to the large number of ethnic groups of China, efforts to establish a common language have been attempted many times. Therefore, the language issue has always been an important part of Beijing's rule. Other than the government language-management efforts, the rate of rural-to-urban migration in China has also accelerated the shift to Standard Chinese and the disappearance of native languages and dialects in the urban areas. [28]
As more people moved into Shanghai, the economic center of China, Shanghainese has been threatened despite it originally being a strong topolect of Wu Chinese. According to the Shanghai Municipal Statistics Bureau, the population of Shanghai was estimated to be 24.28 million in 2019, of whom 14.5 million are permanent residents and 9.77 million are migrant residents. [29] To have better communication with foreign residents and develop a top-level financial center among the world, the promotion of the official language, Standard Mandarin, became very important. Therefore, the Shanghai Municipal Government banned the use of Shanghainese in public places, schools, and work. [28] Around half of the city's population is unaware of these policies. [30]
A survey of students from the primary school in 2010 indicated that 52.3% of students believed Mandarin is easier than Shanghainese for communication, and 47.6% of the students choose to speak Mandarin because it is a mandatory language at school. Furthermore, 68.3% of the students are more willing to study Mandarin, but only 10.2% of the students are more willing to study Shanghainese. [31] A survey in 2021 has shown that 15.22% of respondents under 18 would never use Shanghainese. The study also found that the percentage of people that would use Shanghainese with older family members has halved. The study also shows that around one third of people under the age of 30 can only understand Shanghainese, and 8.7% of respondents under 18 cannot even understand it. The number of people that are able to speak Shanghainese has also consistently decreased. [32]
Much of the youth can no longer speak Shanghainese fluently because they had no chance to practice it at school. Also, they were unwilling to communicate with their parents in Shanghainese, which has accelerated its decline. [33] The survey in 2010 indicated that 62.6% of primary school students use Mandarin as the first language at home, but only 17.3% of them use Shanghainese to communicate with their parents. [31]
However, the same study from 2021 has shown that more than 90% of all age groups except 18–29 want to preserve Shanghainese. A total of 87.06% of people have noted that the culture of Shanghai cannot live without its language as it is used as a mechanism to bring people together and create a sense of community and warmth. Moreover, around half of the respondents stated that a Shanghainese citizen should be able to speak Shanghainese. More than 85% of all participants also believe that they help Shanghainese revitalization. [34]
Shanghainese macroscopically is spoken in Shanghai and parts of eastern Nantong, [35] and constitutes the Shanghai subranch of the Northern Wu family of Wu Chinese. Some linguists group Shanghainese with nearby varieties, such as Huzhounese and Suzhounese, which has about 73% lexical similarity with Standard Mandarin, [36] into a branch known as Suhujia (蘇滬嘉小片), due to them sharing many phonological, lexical, and grammatical similarities. Newer varieties of Shanghainese, however, have been influenced by standard Chinese as well as Cantonese and other varieties, making the Shanghainese idiolects spoken by young people in the city different from that spoken by the older population. Also, the practice of inserting Mandarin into Shanghainese conversations is very common, at least for young people. [37] Like most subdivisions of Chinese, it is easier for a local speaker to understand Mandarin than it is for a Mandarin speaker to understand the local language. It is also of note that Shanghainese, like other Northern Wu languages, is not mutually intelligible with Southern Wu languages like Taizhounese and Wenzhounese.
Shanghainese as a branch of Northern Wu can be further subdivided. The details are as follows: [38] [39]
The following are often collectively known as Bendihua (本地話, Shanghainese: 本地閒話, Wugniu: pen-di ghe-gho)
Following conventions of Chinese syllable structure, Shanghainese syllables can be divided into initials and finals. The initial occupies the first part of the syllable. The final occupies the second part of the syllable and can be divided further into an optional medial and an obligatory rime (sometimes spelled rhyme). Tone is also a feature of the syllable in Shanghainese. [40] : 6–16 Syllabic tone, which is typical to the other Sinitic languages, has largely become verbal tone in Shanghainese. [41]
The following is a list of all initials in Middle Period Shanghainese, as well as the Wugniu romanisation and example characters.
Labial | Dental/ Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Nasal | m ⟨m⟩ 美悶梅門 | n ⟨n⟩ 拿囡內男 | ɲ ⟨gn⟩ 粘扭泥牛 | ŋ ⟨ng⟩ 砑我外鵝 | ||
Plosive | plain | p ⟨p⟩ 布幫北 | t ⟨t⟩ 膽懂德 | k ⟨k⟩ 干公夾 | ( ʔ ) 鴨衣烏 | |
aspirated | pʰ ⟨ph⟩ 怕胖劈 | tʰ ⟨th⟩ 透聽鐵 | kʰ ⟨kh⟩ 開擴康 | |||
voiced | b ⟨b⟩ 步盆拔 | d ⟨d⟩ 地動奪 | ɡ ⟨g⟩ 葵共軋 | |||
Affricate | plain | ts ⟨ts⟩ 煮增質 | tɕ ⟨c⟩ 舉精腳 | |||
aspirated | tsʰ ⟨tsh⟩ 處倉出 | tɕʰ ⟨ch⟩ 丘輕切 | ||||
voiced | dʑ ⟨j⟩ 旗羣劇 | |||||
Fricative | voiceless | f ⟨f⟩ 飛粉福 | s ⟨s⟩ 書松色 | ɕ ⟨sh⟩ 修血曉 | h ⟨h⟩ 花荒忽 | |
voiced | v ⟨v⟩ 扶服浮 | z ⟨z⟩ 樹從石 | ʑ ⟨zh⟩ 徐秦絕 | ɦ ⟨gh⟩, ⟨y⟩, ⟨w⟩ 鞋移胡雨 | ||
Lateral | l ⟨l⟩ 拉賴領 |
Shanghainese has a set of tenuis, lenis and fortis plosives and affricates, as well as a set of voiceless and voiced fricatives. Alveolo-palatal initials are also present in Shanghainese.
Voiced stops are phonetically voiceless with slack voice phonation in stressed, word initial position. [42] This phonation (often referred to as murmur) also occurs in zero onset syllables, syllables beginning with fricatives, and syllables beginning with sonorants. These consonants are true voiced in intervocalic position. [43] Sonorants are also suggested to be glottalised in dark tones (i.e. tones 1, 5, 7). [44]
Being a Wu language, Shanghainese has a large array of vowel sounds. The following is a list of all possible finals in Middle Period Shanghainese, as well as the Wugniu romanisation and example characters. [45]
Medial | Nucleus | ||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
∅ | a | ɔ | o | ɤ | e | ø | ã | ɑ̃ | ən | oŋ | aʔ | oʔ | əʔ | liquid | |
∅ | ɿ ⟨y⟩ 知次住 | a ⟨a⟩ 太柴鞋 | ɔ ⟨au⟩ 寶朝高 | o ⟨o⟩ 花摸蛇 | ɤ ⟨eu⟩ 斗丑狗 | e ⟨e⟩ 雷來蘭 | ø ⟨oe⟩ 干最亂 | ã ⟨an⟩ 冷長硬 | ɑ̃ ⟨aon⟩ 黨放忙 | ən ⟨en⟩ 奮登論 | oŋ ⟨on⟩ 翁蟲風 | aʔ ⟨aq⟩ 辣麥客 | oʔ ⟨oq⟩ 北郭目 | əʔ ⟨eq⟩ 舌色割 | əl ⟨er⟩ 而爾耳 [note 1] |
i | i ⟨i⟩ 基錢微 | ia ⟨ia⟩ 野寫亞 | iɔ ⟨iau⟩ 條蕉搖 | iɤ ⟨ieu⟩ 流尤休 | ie ⟨ie⟩ 廿械也 [note 2] | iã ⟨ian⟩ 良象陽 | iɑ̃ ⟨iaon⟩ 旺 [note 3] | in ⟨in⟩ 緊靈人 [note 4] | ioŋ ⟨ion⟩ 窮榮濃 | iaʔ ⟨iaq⟩ 藥腳略 | ioʔ ⟨ioq⟩ 肉浴玉 | iɪʔ ⟨iq⟩ 筆亦吃 | m ⟨m⟩ 呣畝嘸 [note 5] | ||
u | u ⟨u⟩ 波歌做 | ua ⟨ua⟩ 怪淮娃 | ue ⟨ue⟩ 回慣彎 | uø ⟨uoe⟩ 官歡緩 | uã ⟨uan⟩ 橫光 | uɑ̃ ⟨uaon⟩ 廣狂況 | uən ⟨uen⟩ 困魂溫 | uaʔ ⟨uaq⟩ 挖划刮 | uəʔ ⟨ueq⟩ 活擴骨 | ||||||
y | y ⟨iu⟩ 居女羽 | yø ⟨ioe⟩ 園軟權 | yn ⟨iun⟩ 均雲訓 | yɪʔ ⟨iuq⟩ 血缺悅 | ŋ ⟨ng⟩ 五魚午 [note 6] |
The transcriptions used above are broad and the following points are of note when pertaining to actual pronunciation: [46] [47] [48]
The Middle Chinese nasal rimes are all merged in Shanghainese. Middle Chinese /-p-t-k/ rimes have become glottal stops, /-ʔ/. [49]
Shanghainese has five phonetically distinguishable tones for single syllables said in isolation. These tones are illustrated below in tone numbers. In terms of Middle Chinese tone designations, the dark tone category has three tones (dark rising and dark departing tones have merged into one tone), while the light category has two tones (the light level, rising and departing tones have merged into one tone). [50] [40] : 17
Level (平) | Rising (上) | Departing (去) | Checked (入) (only with coda) | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Dark (陰) voiceless initials only | 53 (1) marked with acute | 334 (5) | 55ʔ (7) | |
Light (陽) voiced initials only | 113 (6) | 12ʔ (8) |
Numbers in this table are those used by the Wugniu romanisation scheme.
The conditioning factors which led to the yin–yang (light-dark) split still exist in Shanghainese, as they do in most other Wu lects: light tones are only found with voiced initials, namely [bdɡzvdʑʑmnɲŋlɦ], while the dark tones are only found with voiceless initials. [51]
The checked tones are shorter, and describe those rimes which end in a glottal stop /ʔ/. That is, both the yin–yang distinction and the checked tones are allophonic (dependent on syllabic structure). With this analysis, Shanghainese has only a two-way phonemic tone contrast, [52] falling vs rising, and then only in open syllables with voiceless initials. Therefore, many romanisations of Shanghainese opt to only mark the dark level tone, usually with a diacritic such as an acute accent or grave accent.
Tone sandhi is a process whereby adjacent tones undergo dramatic alteration in connected speech. Similar to other Northern Wu dialects, Shanghainese is characterized by two forms of tone sandhi: a word tone sandhi and a phrasal tone sandhi.
Word tone sandhi in Shanghainese can be described as left-prominent and is characterized by a dominance of the first syllable over the contour of the entire tone domain. As a result, the underlying tones of syllables other than the leftmost syllable, have no effect on the tone contour of the domain. The pattern is generally described as tone spreading (1, 5, 6, 7) or tone shifting (8, except for 4-syllable compounds, which can undergo spreading or shifting). The table below illustrates possible tone combinations.
Tone | One syllable | Two syllables | Three syllables | Four syllables | Five syllables |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | 53 (˥˧) | 55 (˥˥) 21 (˨˩) | 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) | 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) | 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) |
5 | 334 (˧˧˦) | 33 (˧˧) 44 (˦˦) | 33 (˧˧) 55 (˥˥) 21 (˨˩) | 33 (˧˧) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) | 33 (˧˧) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) |
6 | 113 (˩˩˧) | 22 (˨˨) 44 (˦˦) | 22 (˨˨) 55 (˥˥) 21 (˨˩) | 22 (˨˨) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) | 22 (˨˨) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) |
7 | 55 (˥˥) | 33 (˧˧) 44 (˦˦) | 33 (˧˧) 55 (˥˥) 21 (˨˩) | 33 (˧˧) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) | 33 (˧˧) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) |
8 | 12 (˩˨) | 11 (˩˩) 23 (˨˧) | 11 (˩˩) 22 (˨˨) 23 (˨˧) | 11 (˩˩) 22 (˨˨) 22 (˨˨) 23 (˨˧) 22 (˨˨) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) | 22 (˨˨) 55 (˥˥) 33 (˧˧) 33 (˧˧) 21 (˨˩) |
As an example, in isolation, the two syllables of the word 中國 (China) are pronounced with a dark level tone (tsón) and dark checked tone (koq): /tsoŋ⁵³/ and /koʔ⁵⁵/. However, when pronounced in combination, the dark level tone of 中 (tsón) spreads over the compound resulting in the following pattern /tsoŋ⁵⁵koʔ²¹/. Similarly, the syllables in a common expression for 十三點 (zeq-sé-ti, "foolish") have the following underlying phonemic and tonal representations: /zəʔ¹²/ (zeq), /sɛ⁵³/ (sé), and /ti³³⁴/ (ti). However, the syllables in combination exhibit the light checked shifting pattern where the first-syllable light checked tone shifts to the last syllable in the domain: /zəʔ¹¹sɛ²²ti²³/. [40] : 38–46
Phrasal tone sandhi in Shanghainese can be described as right-prominent and is characterized by a right syllable retaining its underlying tone and a left syllable receiving a mid-level tone based on the underlying tone's register. The table below indicates possible left syllable tones in right-prominent compounds. [40] : 46–47
Tone | Underlying Tone | Neutralized Tone |
---|---|---|
1 | 53 | 44 |
5 | 334 | 44 |
6 | 113 | 33 |
7 | 55 | 44 |
8 | 12 | 22 |
For instance, when combined, 買 (ma, /ma¹¹³/, "to buy") and 酒 (cieu, /tɕiɤ³³⁴/, "wine") become /ma³³tɕiɤ³³⁴/ ("to buy wine").
Sometimes meaning can change based on whether left-prominent or right-prominent sandhi is used. For example, 炒 (tshau, /tsʰɔ³³⁴/, "to fry") and 麪 (mi, /mi¹¹³/, "noodle") when pronounced /tsʰɔ³³mi⁴⁴/ (i.e., with left-prominent sandhi) means "fried noodles". When pronounced /tsʰɔ⁴⁴mi¹¹³/ (i.e., with right-prominent sandhi), it means "to fry noodles". [40] : 35
Nouns and adjectives attached to nouns tend to start right-prominent sandhi chains, whereas left-prominent chains are triggered by verbs and adverbs. Grammatical particles cannot start chains of their own, but instead can be realised as a null tone (Chinese :輕聲) or be part of another chain. [55]
我
ngu
/ŋu˩˩˧
1SG
紅 顏 色
ghon- nge- seq-
ɦoŋ˩˩˧꜖ ŋe˩˩˦꜓ səʔ˦꜕
red
個
gheq
ɦəʔ꜖
POS
電 話
di- gho
di˩˩˧꜖ ɦo˩˩˧꜓
phone
尋
zhin-
ʑin˩˩˧꜖
find
勿
veq-
vəʔ˩˨꜓
-NEG
到
tau
tɔ˧˧˦꜖
-POT
了。
leq
ləʔ/
-PRES
"I cannot find my red phone."
In the previous example sentence we see an adjective, noun and pronoun starting sandhi chains, the particles 勿, 到 and 個 being incorporated into other sandhi chains, and the particle 了 having a neutral tone.
Note: Chinese characters for Shanghainese are not standardized and those chosen are those recommended in 上海话大词典. [56] IPA transcription is for the Middle Period of modern Shanghainese (中派上海话), pronunciation of those between 20 and 60 years old.
Due to the large number of migrants into Shanghai, its lexicon is less noticeably Wu, though it still retains many defining features. However, many of these now lost features can be found in lects spoken in suburban Shanghai.
Gloss | Common Wu term | Shanghainese term |
---|---|---|
place | 場化 | 地方 |
rainbow | 鱟 | 彩虹 |
shy | 坍銃 | 難為情 |
Its basic negator is 勿 (veq), [57] [48] which according to some linguists, is sufficient ground to classify it as Wu. [58]
Shanghainese also has a multitude of loan words from European languages, due to Shanghai's status as a major port in China. Most of these terms come from English, though there are some from other languages such as French. [59] Some terms, such as 水門汀, have even entered mainstream and other Sinitic languages, such as Sichuanese.
Gloss | Shanghainese | Standard Mandarin | Origin |
---|---|---|---|
vaseline | 凡士林 | English | |
cement | 水門汀 | 水泥 | English |
à la carte | 阿拉加 | 西餐 點菜 | French |
microphone | 麥克風 | English | |
butter | 白脫 | 黃油 | English |
English gloss | Traditional | Simplified | Romanisation [lower-alpha 1] |
---|---|---|---|
Shanghainese (language) | 上海閒話 | 上海闲话 | zaon-he ghe-gho |
Shanghainese (people) | 上海 人 | zaon-he-gnin | |
I | 我 | ngu | |
we or I | 阿拉 | aq-la, aq-laq | |
he/she | 伊 | yi | |
they | 伊拉 | yi-la, yi-laq | |
you (sing.) | 儂 | 侬 | non |
you (plural) | 㑚 | na | |
hello | 儂好 | 侬好 | non hau |
good-bye | 再會 | 再会 | tsé-we |
thank you | 謝謝 | 谢谢 | zhia-ya, zhia-zhia |
sorry | 對勿起 | 对勿起 | te-veq-chi |
but, however | 但是, 必過 | 但是, 必过 | de-zy, piq-ku |
please | 請 | 请 | chin |
that | 埃, 伊 | é, í | |
this | 搿 | geq | |
there | 埃墶, 伊墶 | 埃垯, 伊垯 | é-taq, í-taq |
here | 搿墶 | 搿垯 | geq-taq |
to have | 有 | yeu | |
to be | 是 | zy | |
to be at | 辣海 | laq-he | |
now, current | 現在, 乃 | 现在, 乃 | yi-ze, ne |
what time is it? | 現在 幾點鐘? | 现在 几点钟? | yi-ze ci-ti-tsón |
where | 何裏墶, 啥地方 | 何里垯, 啥地方 | gha-li-taq, sa(-)di-faon |
what | 啥 | 啥 | sa |
who | 啥人, 何里位 | sa-gnin, gha-li-we | |
why | 為啥 | 为啥 | we-sa |
when | 啥辰光 | sa-zen-kuáon | |
how | 哪能 | na-nen | |
how much? | 幾鈿, 多少 鈔票 | 几钿, 多少 钞票 | ci-di, tú-sau tsau-phiau |
yes | 哎 | é | |
no | 嘸, 勿是, 嘸沒, 覅 | 呒, 勿是, 呒没, 覅 | m, veq-zy, m-meq, viau |
telephone number | 電話 號頭 | 电话 号头 | di-gho(-)hau-deu |
home | 屋裏 | 屋里 | oq-li |
Come to our house and play. | 到 阿拉 屋 裏向 來 白相! | 到 阿拉 屋 里向 来 白相! | tau aq-la oq-li-shian le beq-shian |
Where's the restroom? | 汏手間 辣辣 何裏墶? | 汏手间 辣辣 何里垯? | da-seu-ké laq-laq gha-li-taq |
Have you eaten dinner? | 夜飯 喫 過 了 𠲎? | 夜饭 吃 过 了 𠲎? [lower-alpha 2] | ya-ve chiq-ku-leq-va |
I don't know | 我 勿 曉得。 | 我 勿 晓得。 | ngu veq-shiáu-teq |
Do you speak English? | 儂 英文 講 得 來 𠲎? | 侬 英文 讲 得 来 𠲎? [lower-alpha 2] | non ín-ven kaon-teq le va |
I adore you | 我 愛慕 儂! | 我 爱慕 侬! | ngu é-mu non |
I like you a lot | 我 老 歡喜 儂 個! | 我 老 欢喜 侬 个! | ngu lau huóe-shi non gheq |
news | 新聞 | 新闻 | shín-ven |
[one is] dead | 死 脫了 | 死 脱了 | shi-theq-leq |
[one is] alive | 活 辣海 | weq-laq-he | |
a lot | 交關 | 交关 | ciáu-kue |
inside, within | 裏向 | 里向 | li-shian |
outside | 外頭 | 外头 | nga-deu |
How are you? | 儂好 𠲎? | 侬好 𠲎? [lower-alpha 2] | non hau va |
This section needs additional citations for verification .(August 2016) |
Like other Sinitic languages, Shanghainese exhibits a difference between expected vernacular pronunciations, and literary pronunciations taken from the Mandarinic lingua franca of the time, be it Nanjingnese, Hangzhounese, or Beijingnese. [60]
Sinograph | Literary | Vernacular | Gloss | Mandarin |
---|---|---|---|---|
家 | ciá | ká | house | jiā |
顏 | yi | nge | face | yán |
櫻 | ín | án | cherry | yīng |
孝 | shiau | hau | filial piety | xiào |
學 | yaq | ghoq | learning | xué |
物 | veq | meq | thing | wù |
網 | waon | maon | web | wǎng |
鳳 | von | bon | male phoenix | fèng |
肥 | vi | bi | fat | féi |
日 | zeq | gniq | sun | rì |
人 | zen | gnin | person | rén |
鳥 | gniau | tiau [61] | bird | niǎo |
These readings must be distinguished in vocabulary. Take for instance the following.
Sinograph | Literary | Colloquial |
---|---|---|
生 | 生物 sén-veq | 生菜 sán-tshe |
人 | 人民 zen-min | 人來瘋 gnin-le-fon |
家 | 家庭 ciá-din | 家主 ká-tsy |
Some terms mix the two pronunciation types, such as 大學 ("university"), where 大 is literary (da) and 學 is colloquial (ghoq).
Like other Sinitic languages, Shanghainese is an isolating language [62] that lacks marking for tense, person, case, number or gender. Similarly, there is no distinction for tense or person in verbs, with word order and particles generally expressing these grammatical characteristics. There are, however, three important derivational processes in Shanghainese. [63] However, some analyses do suggest that one can analyse Shanghainese to have tenses. [64]
Although formal inflection is very rare in all varieties of Chinese, there does exist in Shanghainese a morpho-phonological tone sandhi [65] that Zhu (2006) identifies as a form of inflection since it forms new words out of pre-existing phrases. [66] This type of inflection is a distinguishing characteristic of all Northern Wu dialects. [66]
Affixation, generally (but not always) taking the form of suffixes, occurs rather frequently in Shanghainese, enough so that this feature contrasts even with other Wu varieties, [67] although the line between suffix and particle is somewhat nebulous. Most affixation applies to adjectives. [66] In the example below, the term 頭勢 (deu-sy) can be used to change an adjective to a noun.
搿
geq
this
種
-tson
CL
骯三
áon-sé
disgusting
頭勢
deu-sy
deu-sy
勿
veq-
NEG
談
de
mention
了!
leq
P
Forget that disgusting thing!
Words can be reduplicated to express various differences in meaning. Nouns, for example, can be reduplicated to express collective or diminutive forms; [66] adjectives so as to intensify or emphasize the associated description; and verbs to soften the degree of action. [66] Below is an example of noun reduplication resulting in semantic alteration.
走
tseu
walk
走
tseu
walk
take a walk
Word compounding is also very common in Shanghainese, a fact observed as far back as Edkins (1868), [68] and is the most productive method of creating new words. [66] Many recent borrowings in Shanghainese originating from European languages are di- or polysyllabic. [69]
Shanghainese adheres generally to SVO word order. [70] The placement of objects in Wu dialects is somewhat variable, with Southern Wu varieties positioning the direct object before the indirect object, and Northern varieties (especially in the speech of younger people) favoring the indirect object before the direct object. Owing to Mandarin influence, [71] Shanghainese usually follows the latter model. [72]
Older speakers of Shanghainese tend to place adverbs after the verb, but younger people, again under heavy influence from Mandarin, favor pre-verbal placement of adverbs. [73]
The third person singular pronoun 伊 (yi) (he/she/it) or the derived phrase 伊講 (yi kaon) ("he says") can appear at the end of a sentence. This construction, which appears to be unique to Shanghainese, [74] is commonly employed to project the speaker's differing expectation relative to the content of the phrase. [75]
Except for the limited derivational processes described above, Shanghainese nouns are isolating. There is no inflection for case or number, nor is there any overt gender marking. [63] Although Shanghainese does lack overt grammatical number, the plural marker 拉 (la), when suffixed to a human denoting noun, can indicate a collective meaning. [77]
學生
ghoq-sán
student
拉
-la
PL
個
gheq
POSS
書
sý
book
students' books
There are no articles in Shanghainese, [77] and thus, no marking for definiteness or indefiniteness of nouns. Certain determiners (a demonstrative pronoun or numeral classifier, for instance) can imply definite or indefinite qualities, as can word order. A noun absent any sort of determiner in the subject position is definite, whereas it is indefinite in the object position. [77]
老太婆
lau-tha-bu
old lady
出來
tseq-le
come.out
了。
leq
P
The old lady is coming out.
來
le
come
朋友
ban-yieu
friend
了。
leq
P
Here comes a friend.
Shanghainese boasts numerous classifiers (also sometimes known as "counters" or "measure words"). Most classifiers in Shanghainese are used with nouns, although a small number are used with verbs. [78] Some classifiers are based on standard measurements or containers. [79] Classifiers can be paired with a preceding determiner (often a numeral) to form a compound that further specifies the meaning of the noun it modifies. [78]
Classifiers can be reduplicated to mean "all" or "every", as in:
本 | 本 | |
pen | - | pen |
(classifier for books) | ||
every [book] |
Shanghainese verbs are analytic and as such do not undergo any sort of conjugation to express tense or person. [82] However, the language does have a richly developed aspect system, expressed using various particles. This system has been argued to be a tense system. [83]
Some disagreement exists as to how many formal aspect categories exist in Shanghainese, [84] and a variety of different particles can express the same aspect, with individual usage often reflecting generational divisions. Some linguists identify as few as four or six, and others up to twelve specific aspects. [85] Zhu (2006) identifies six relatively uncontroversial aspects in Shanghainese. [86]
Progressive aspect expresses a continuous action. It is indicated by the particles 辣 (laq), 辣辣 (laq-laq) or 辣海 (laq-he), which occur pre-verbally. [85]
伊
yi
3S
辣
laq
PROG
做
tsu
do
功課
kón-khu
homework
𠲎?
vaq
Q
Is he doing his homework?
The resultative aspect expresses the result of an action which was begun before a specifically referenced timeframe, and is also indicated by 辣 (laq), 辣辣 (laq-laq) or 辣海 (laq-he), except that these occur post-verbally. [82]
本事
pen-sy
skill
學
ghoq
learn
辣海
laq-he
RES
將來
cián-le
future
派用場。
pha-yon-zan
take advantage
Acquire the skill and take advantage of it later. Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Perfective aspect can be marked by 了 (leq), 仔 (tsy), 好 (hau) or 唻 (le). [87] 仔 is seen as dated and younger speakers often use 了, likely through lenition and Mandarin influence. [83]
衣裳
í-zaon
clothes
買
ma
buy
來
le
PFV
了。
leq
PF
The clothes have been bought. Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
Zhu (2006) identifies a future aspect, indicated by the particle 要 (iau). [82]
明朝
min-tsáu
tomorrow
要
iau
FUT
落雨
loq-yu
rain
個。
gheq
P
It's going to rain tomorrow.
Qian (1997) identifies a separate immediate future aspect, marked post-verbally by 快 (khua). [87]
電影
di-in
movie
散場
se-zan
finish
快了。
khua-leq
IMM.FUTP
The movie is soon to finish.
Experiential aspect expresses the completion of an action before a specifically referenced timeframe, marked post-verbally by the particle 過 (ku). [88]
我
ngu
1S
到
tau
to
海裡
he-li
sea-inside
去
chi
go
游泳
yeu-yon
swim
游過
yeu-ku
swim-EXP
五趟。
ng-thaon
five-times
I have swum the sea five times (so far).
The durative aspect is marked post-verbally by 下去 (gho-chi), and expresses a continuous action. [88]
儂
non
2S
就
zhieu
even
讓
gnian
let
伊
yi
3S
做
tsu
do
下去
gho-chi
DUR
好了。
hau-leq
good-PF
Please let him continue to do it. Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
In some cases, it is possible to combine two aspect markers into a larger verb phrase. [88]
功課
kón-khu
homework
做
tsu
do
好
hau
PFV
快了。
khua-leq
IMM.FUTPF
The homework will have been completed before long. Unknown glossing abbreviation(s) (help);
There is no overt marking for mood in Shanghainese, and Zhu (2006) goes so far as to suggest that the concept of grammatical mood does not exist in the language. [89] There are, however, several modal auxiliaries (many of which have multiple variants) that collectively express concepts of desire, conditionality, potentiality and ability. [89]
"can" | 能 (nen) / 能夠 (nen-keu) / 好 (hau) |
"be able" | 會 (ue) / 會得 (ue-teq) |
"may" | 可以 (khu-i) |
"would like" | 要 (iau) |
"should" | 應該 (ín-ké) |
"willing to" | 情願 (zhin-gnioe) / 願意 (gnioe-i) |
"happy to" | 高興 (káu-shin) |
"want to" | 想 (shian) / 好 (hau) |
Shen (2016) argues for the existence of a type of passive voice in Shanghainese, governed by the particle 撥 (peq). This construction is superficially similar to by-phrases in English, and only transitive verbs can occur in this form of passive. [90]
餅乾
pin-kóe
biscuit
撥
peq
by
人家
gnin-ká
someone
吃脫了。
chiq-theq-leq
eat-PERF
The biscuits were eaten by someone.
Personal pronouns in Shanghainese do not distinguish gender or case. [91] Owing to its isolating grammatical structure, Shanghainese is not a pro-drop language. [73]
Singular | Plural | ||
---|---|---|---|
1st person | 我 [note 1] | 阿拉 | |
ngu | aq-la aq-laq | ||
2nd person | 儂 | 侬 | 㑚 |
non | na | ||
3rd person | 伊 | 伊拉 | |
yi | yi-la yi-laq |
There is some degree of flexibility concerning pronoun usage in Shanghainese. Older varieties of Shanghainese featured a different 1st person plural 我伲 (ngu-gni), [91] [92] whereas younger speakers tend to use 阿拉 (aq-laq), [92] [93] which originates from Ningbonese. [94] While Zhu (2006) asserts that there is no inclusive 1st person plural pronoun, [91] Hashimoto (1971) disagrees, identifying 阿拉 as being inclusive. [92] There are generational and geographical distinctions in the usage of plural pronoun forms, [93] as well as differences of pronunciation in the 1st person singular. [91]
Reflexive pronouns are formed by the addition of the particle 自家 (zy-ka), [95] as in:
伊
yi
he
只好
tseq-hau
can only
怪
kua
blame
自家。
zy-ka
self
He can only blame himself.
Possessive pronouns are formed via the pronominal suffix 個 (gheq), for instance, 我個 (ngu gheq). [96] This pronunciation is a glottalised lenition of the expected pronunciation, ku.
Most basic Shanghainese adjectives are monosyllabic. [97] Like other parts of speech, adjectives do not change to indicate number, gender or case. [63] Adjectives can take semantic prefixes, which themselves can be reduplicated or repositioned as suffixes according to a complex system of derivation, [98] to express degree of comparison or other changes in meaning. [99] Thus:
The particle 𠲎 (vaq) is used to transform ordinary declarative statements into yes/no questions. This is the most common way of forming questions in Shanghainese.
Nouns and verbs can be negated by the verb 嘸沒 (m-meq), "to not have", whereas 勿veq is the basic negator. [102]
Chinese characters are often used to write Shanghainese. Though there is no formal standardisations, there are characters recommended for use, mostly based on dictionaries. [48] However, Shanghainese is often informally written using Shanghainese or even Standard Mandarin near-homophones. For instance "lemon" (níngméng), written 檸檬 in Standard Chinese, may be written 人 門 (person-door; Pinyin: rénmén, Wugniu: gnin-men) in Shanghainese; and "yellow" (黄; huáng, Wugniu: waon) may be written 王 (meaning king; Pinyin: wáng, Wugniu: waon) rather than the standard character 黃 for yellow.
Some of the time, nonstandard characters are used even when trying to use etymologically correct characters, due to compatibility (such as 伐) or pronunciation shift (such as 辣海).
Correct orthography according to 上海話大詞典 Characters: Wugniu: 上海 zaon-he 人 gnin Characters: Wugniu: 儂 non 飯 ve 吃過 chiq-ku 𠲎 vaq ?
Characters: Wugniu: 啥人 sa-gnin 辣海 laq-he 講 kaon 閒話 ghe-gho ?
| Mandarin-influenced orthography Characters: Pinyin: 上 shàng 海 hǎi 寧 níng Characters: Pinyin: 儂 nóng 飯 fàn 切 qiē 咕 gu 伐 fá ?
Characters: Pinyin: 撒 sā 寧 níng 啦 la 嗨 hài 剛 gāng 嗨 hài 烏 wū ?
|
Romanization of Shanghainese was first developed by Protestant English and American Christian missionaries in the 19th century, including Joseph Edkins. [104] Usage of this romanization system was mainly confined to translated Bibles for use by native Shanghainese, or English–Shanghainese dictionaries, some of which also contained characters, for foreign missionaries to learn Shanghainese. A system of phonetic symbols similar to Chinese characters called "New Phonetic Character" were also developed by in the 19th century by American missionary Tarleton Perry Crawford. [105] Since the 21st century, online dictionaries such as the Wu MiniDict and Wugniu have introduced their own Romanization schemes. Nowadays, the MiniDict and Wugniu Romanizations are the most commonly used standardized ones.
Protestant missionaries in the 1800s created the Shanghainese Phonetic Symbols to write Shanghainese phonetically. The symbols are a syllabary similar to the Japanese kana system. The system has not been used and is only seen in a few historical books. [106] [107]
In the last decade or so, China has been highlighting Shanghai's TV landscape, experiencing a surge of new shows featuring famous Shanghainese actors, incorporating Shanghainese in the TV show dialogues, and simply offering the TV show in the Shanghainese dialect. Though the number of Shanghainese/Shanghai based TV shows are still limited, progress is being made through the latest TV series that was just released. Below are a list of a few popular ones:
TV Shows | Year Released |
---|---|
繁花 (Blossoms Shanghai) | 2023 |
Nothing But Thirty | 2020 |
All Out of Love | 2018 |
Women in Shanghai | 2018 |
If You Are the One | 2010 |
Shanghai Bund | 2007 |
Home with Kids | 2005 |
Once Upon a Time in Shanghai | 1996 |
Sinful Debt | 1995 |
Mandarin is a group of Chinese language dialects that are natively spoken across most of northern and southwestern China. The group includes the Beijing dialect, the basis of the phonology of Standard Chinese, the official language of China. Because Mandarin originated in North China and most Mandarin dialects are found in the north, the group is sometimes referred to as Northern Chinese. Many varieties of Mandarin, such as those of the Southwest and the Lower Yangtze, are not mutually intelligible with the standard language. Nevertheless, Mandarin as a group is often placed first in lists of languages by number of native speakers.
Wade–Giles is a romanization system for Mandarin Chinese. It developed from the system produced by Thomas Francis Wade during the mid-19th century, and was given completed form with Herbert Giles's A Chinese–English Dictionary (1892).
Tone sandhi is a phonological change that occurs in tonal languages. It involves changes to the tones assigned to individual words or morphemes, based on the pronunciation of adjacent words or morphemes. This change typically simplifies a bidirectional tone into a one-directional tone. Tone sandhi is a type of sandhi, which refers to fusional changes, and is derived from the Sanskrit word for "joining."
There are hundreds of local Chinese language varieties forming a branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family, many of which are not mutually intelligible. Variation is particularly strong in the more mountainous southeast part of mainland China. The varieties are typically classified into several groups: Mandarin, Wu, Min, Xiang, Gan, Jin, Hakka and Yue, though some varieties remain unclassified. These groups are neither clades nor individual languages defined by mutual intelligibility, but reflect common phonological developments from Middle Chinese.
Wu is a major group of Sinitic languages spoken primarily in Shanghai, Zhejiang province, and parts of Jiangsu province, especially south of the Yangtze River, which makes up the cultural region of Wu. The Wu languages are at times simply called Shanghainese, especially when introduced to foreigners. The Suzhounese variety was the prestige dialect of Wu as of the 19th century, but had been replaced in status by Shanghainese by the turn of the 20th century, coinciding with a period of rapid language change in the city. The languages of Northern Wu constitute a language family and are mutually intelligible with each other, while those of Southern Wu neither form a phylogenetic language family, nor are mutually intelligible with each other.
Suzhounese, also known as the Suzhou dialect, is the variety of Chinese traditionally spoken in the city of Suzhou in Jiangsu, China. Suzhounese is a variety of Wu Chinese, and was traditionally considered the Wu Chinese prestige dialect. Suzhounese has a large vowel inventory and it is relatively conservative in initials by preserving voiced consonants from Middle Chinese.
Jin is a group of Chinese linguistic varieties spoken by roughly 48 million people in northern China, including most of Shanxi province, much of central Inner Mongolia, and adjoining areas in Hebei, Henan, and Shaanxi provinces. The status of Jin is disputed among linguists; some prefer to include it within Mandarin, but others set it apart as a closely related but separate sister group.
Teochew, also known as Teo-Swa, is a Southern Min language spoken by the Teochew people in the Chaoshan region of eastern Guangdong and by their diaspora around the world. It is sometimes referred to as Chiuchow, its Cantonese rendering, due to English romanization by colonial officials and explorers. It is closely related to Hokkien, as it shares some cognates and phonology with Hokkien.
The Fuzhou language, also Foochow, Hokchew, Hok-chiu, or Fuzhounese, is the prestige variety of the Eastern Min branch of Min Chinese spoken mainly in the Mindong region of Eastern Fujian Province. As it is mutually unintelligible to neighbouring varieties in the province, under a technical linguistic definition Fuzhou is a language and not a dialect. Thus, while Fuzhou may be commonly referred to as a 'dialect' by laypersons, this is colloquial usage and not recognised in academic linguistics. Like many other varieties of Chinese, the Fuzhou dialect is dominated by monosyllabic morphemes that carry lexical tones, and has a mainly analytic syntax. While the Eastern Min branch it belongs to is relatively closer to other branches of Min such as Southern Min or Pu-Xian Min than to other Sinitic branches such as Mandarin, Wu Chinese or Hakka, they are still not mutually intelligible.
The Sinitic languages, often synonymous with the Chinese languages, are a group of East Asian analytic languages that constitute a major branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family. It is frequently proposed that there is a primary split between the Sinitic languages and the rest of the family. This view is rejected by some researchers but has found phylogenetic support among others. The Macro-Bai languages, whose classification is difficult, may be an offshoot of Old Chinese and thus Sinitic; otherwise, Sinitic is defined only by the many varieties of Chinese unified by a shared historical background, and usage of the term "Sinitic" may reflect the linguistic view that Chinese constitutes a family of distinct languages, rather than variants of a single language.
A checked tone, commonly known by the Chinese calque entering tone, is one of the four syllable types in the phonology of Middle Chinese. Although usually translated as "tone", a checked tone is not a tone in the phonetic sense but rather a type of syllable that ends in a stop consonant or a glottal stop. Separating the checked tone allows -p, -t, and -k to be treated as allophones of -m, -n, and -ng, respectively, since they are in complementary distribution. Stops appear only in the checked tone, and nasals appear only in the other tones. Because of the origin of tone in Chinese, the number of tones found in such syllables is smaller than the number of tones in other syllables. Chinese phonetics have traditionally counted them separately.
Erhua ; also called "erization" or "rhotacization of syllable finals") is a phonological process that adds r-coloring or the er sound to syllables in spoken Mandarin Chinese. Erhuayin is the pronunciation of "er" after rhotacization of syllable finals.
The Hangzhou dialect is spoken in the city of Hangzhou, China and its immediate suburbs, but excluding areas further away from Hangzhou such as Xiāoshān (蕭山) and Yúháng (余杭). Its number of speakers has been estimated to be about 1.2 to 1.5 million. It is a dialect of Wu, one of the Chinese varieties.
Wenzhounese, also known as Oujiang, Tong Au or Au Nyü, is the language spoken in Wenzhou, the southern prefecture of Zhejiang, China. It is the most divergent division of Wu Chinese, with little to no mutual intelligibility with other Wu dialects or any other variety of Chinese. It features noticeable elements in common with Min Chinese, which is spoken to the south in Fujian. Oujiang is sometimes used as the broader term, and Wenzhou for Wenzhounese proper in a narrow sense.
The Amoy dialect or Xiamen dialect, also known as Amoyese, Amoynese, Amoy Hokkien, Xiamenese or Xiamen Hokkien, is a dialect of Hokkien spoken in the city of Xiamen and its surrounding metropolitan area, in the southern part of Fujian province. Currently, it is one of the most widely researched and studied varieties of Southern Min. It has historically come to be one of the more standardized varieties.
The Changzhou dialect, sometimes called Changzhounese, is a dialect of Wu, a Sino-Tibetan language family, and belongs to the Taihu dialect group. It is spoken in the city of Changzhou and surrounding areas in Jiangsu province of China. It has many similarities with the Shanghainese and Suzhou dialect. It is not at all mutually intelligible with Mandarin, China's official language. It is much more closely related to the neighboring Wuxi dialect with which it is mostly mutually intelligible.
The phonology of Standard Chinese has historically derived from the Beijing dialect of Mandarin. However, pronunciation varies widely among speakers, who may introduce elements of their local varieties. Television and radio announcers are chosen for their ability to affect a standard accent. Elements of the sound system include not only the segments—e.g. vowels and consonants—of the language, but also the tones applied to each syllable. In addition to its four main tones, Standard Chinese has a neutral tone that appears on weak syllables.
Taihu Wu (吳語太湖片) or Northern Wu (北部吳語) is a Wu Chinese language spoken in much of the southern part of the province of Jiangsu, including Suzhou, Wuxi, Changzhou, the southern part of Nantong, Jingjiang and Danyang; the municipality of Shanghai; and the northern part of Zhejiang province, including Hangzhou, Shaoxing, Ningbo, Huzhou, and Jiaxing. A notable exception is the dialect of the town of Jinxiang, which is a linguistic exclave of Taihu Wu in Zhenan Min-speaking Cangnan county of Wenzhou prefecture in Zhejiang province. Speakers in regions around Taihu Lake and Hangzhou Bay, are the largest population among all Wu speakers. Taihu Wu dialects such as Shanghainese, Shaoxing and Ningbo are mutually intelligible even for L2 Taihu speakers.
Wu Chinese has four major schools of romanization.
Northern Wu, or Taihu Wu, is the largest subbranch of Wu Chinese, and is spoken in Shanghai, southern Jiangsu, and northern Zhejiang. These languages are noted for their extremely high number of vowels, even compared to some Germanic languages, and highly complex tone sandhi. This article will use Wugniu and IPA for transcription.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link){{cite journal}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link), with supplementary sound recordings.