This is the alphabetical categorised list of statewide, regional and local political families involved in the politics and various elections of Haryana state of India at state (Haryana Legislative Assembly) and national level (Lok Sabha).
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The political dynasties of Haryana are not driven by the ideology, but by the goal of holding the power and keeping the rivals out. [1] Dynastic politicians have unfair advantage from the start of their political career. [2] The dynastic political clans of Haryana are often criticised for the infamous self-serving politics of the Aaya Ram Gaya Ram turncoats who notoriously engage in the frequent party switching, political horse trading, unholy political alliances, political corruption, political cronyism, nepotistic-dynastic rule which serves their own clan more than it serves their voters and people of Haryana they ought to serve. [3] [4]
Though dynasties exist across the left–right political spectrum of political continuum, the self-professed centrist Congress and regional parties are more dynastic than the right-wing BJP or the left-wing communists.
In 2019 Lok Sabha elections, there were at least 8 dynasts grandchildren, great-grandsons and sons of ex-CMs of Haryana, all of them were the usual suspects, i.e. Lal trio clans, Hooda-Birender clan and Rao-Yadav clan. [5] Of total 10 seats from Haryana, the highest number of dynasts candidates were from Congress 9 (2 from Hooda clan, Shruti Chaudhary from Bansi Lal clan, Bhavya Bishnoi from Bhajan Lal clan, Kumari Selja, Kuldeep Sharma, Tanwar), followed by 2 from Devi Lal clan (Digvijay and Arjun Chautala), and 2 from BJP (Bijender Singh and Rao Inderjit). [6] The BJP won all the 10 seats in the election.
A data based scientific empirical research, which studied the impact of dynastic politics on the level of poverty of the provinces, found a positive correlation between dynastic politics and poverty i.e. the higher proportion of dynastic politicians in power in a province leads to higher poverty rate. [7] There is significant evidence that these political dynasties use their political dominance over their respective regions to enrich themselves, using methods such as graft or outright bribery of legislators. [8] Even relatively richer provinces could not become truly richer due to the dynastic politics.
Since the political dynasties hold significant economic power and their interests are overrepresented due to dynastic politics, it leads to the conflicts of interests and corruption. [8] As of December 2009 [update] , 120 (22%) of India's 542 parliament members were accused of various crimes under India's First Information Report procedure. [9] Many of the biggest scandals since 2010 [update] have involved high level government officials, including Cabinet Ministers and Chief Ministers, such as the 2010 Commonwealth Games scam (₹70,000 crore (US$8.4 billion)), the Adarsh Housing Society scam, the Coal Mining Scam (₹1.86 lakh crore (US$22 billion)), the Mining Scandal and the Cash for Vote scams. The industries most vulnerable to corruption as: government-run social development projects, infrastructure development & real estate projects, mining, aerospace & defence, and Power & Utilities (2013 EY and 2011 KPMG). [10] [11] India ranked at 78th place out of 180 in the 2018 Corruption Perception Index and more than 50% of Indians had at some point or another paid a bribe to a public official to get a job done (Transparency International, 2008). [12] [13]
The negative impact of dynasties on the economy and wealth of province can be explained by the "Carnegie Effect" named after the industrialist Andrew Carnegie who donated all his wealth for philanthropy to non-family members, because he believed the dynasts have less incentive of working hard if they are assured of inherited power, connections and wealth. [14] Political dynasties prefer status quo and develop self-serving interests largely different from the interests of voters they ought to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the upper classes, are naturally biased towards defending their own vested interests.
In a blatant act of self-promotion by misusing state institutes, the Bhupinder Singh Hooda led Congress govt in Haryana, introduced a chapter titled "Haryana Ke Gaurav" (Pride of Haryana) in the curriculum of class V to teach students about the political dynasties in a glorified light i.e. highlighted only the positive aspects of dynast leaders related to top 5 prolific dynasties of the state, e.g. Devi Lal and Bansi Lal, Chotu Ram and Ranbir Singh Hooda, etc. [15] Based on the recommendations by a committee that had members of NCERT and SCERT in 2016 this chapter was removed by the BJP government led by the Chief Minister Manohar Lal. [15] It was replaced by a new chapter titled "Gaurav Gatha" (Glorious Legends), which replaced the dynast leaders with the freedom fighters non-dynast leaders of national stature, including the greats such as Bhagat Singh, Vallabhbhai Patel, Lala Lajpat Rai and Lokmanya Tilak to name a few. [15] To reinforce their political image and lineage to gain unfair "instant recognition" for multiple generations, dynasts engage in wastage of government resources and taxpayer's money, for example erecting numerous statues of the dynast leaders, naming multiple institutes and schemes after the same dynastic leaders of own clan, etc.; this money could have been better spent on the welfare of poor and the development of the state. To reverse and prevent this, there have been demands for the "anti-dynasty laws" and the "anti-dynasties pro-martyrs institution naming policies" to specifically exclude the dynasts and politicians, and to include the martyrs and the non-political prominent achievers in the specific area. [ citation needed ]
To keep the rivals out of power and to prevent the rise of emerging challengers, the political dynasties often misuse state agencies, police, vigilance bureau, false cases with planted evidence to persecute and harass their rivals in each district and village in a psychopathic manner. [16]
"Why do we invest our lives in politics, Why do we endure the dust, heat, bumpy helicopters, ‘dhakka-mukki’ (push-and-shove), court cases, arrests, to get this thing called power? Is mein aisa kya current hai (what is this irresistible pull)? Not the money. After all, even after you made all your money, you couldn’t really enjoy it. In our politics, you can’t be seen to be rich, even your cars, homes and kurtas had to look modest. Even your families couldn’t be seen flaunting jewellery, or splurging. When you get power you do to the guy you defeated exactly what he did to you. Not even so much to him, but to his people. We know who his people are, in every district, every village. We send our police, vigilance bureau, whatever after them. For those we really want to target, we may even keep a kilo of illegal opium or a murder charge handy. When we hurt these people, they go running to their bosses and say, huzoor, bachao mujhe (sir, please save me). Then, their leader says he can’t, because he hasn’t got the power any more. The torture he suffers (jab woh tadapta hai), that is our fix. Tab dil mein jo thandak padti hai, uske liye 5 saal dhakke khaate hain (the incredible pleasure we get from our rivals’ helplessness to help his own is why we work so hard at our politics)."
- Om Prakash Chautala then Chief Minister of Haryana between 1998 and 2005 who was subsequently convicted and imprisoned for 10 years for a political corruption scam,as told to Shekhar Gupta editor-in-chief of "The Print", published in ThePrint on 31 August 2019. [16]
Dynastic politicians tend to be generally less capable compared to non-dynastic politicians, because of their reliance on dynastic connections rather than academic and professional competence for their position. [2] Unethical practices of nepotism and cronyism have negative consequences because the truly qualified and talented people have to face injustices and it eventually leads to corruption and brain drains which creates the social discrimination. [17] Research has found that the dynast members of parliament (MPs) are less likely to have served at the grassroots politics, such as panchayat elections, than the non-dynastic MPs. [18] Political dynasties collude to maintain the status quo, by preventing the non-dynastic better-skilled more-capable challengers/candidates being elected to the power. This in turn leads to the bureaucratic inefficiencies and underdevelopment, the lack of accountability and transparency in governance, and the resistance to adoption of new progressive-transformative ideas needed for the faster-paced development.
Rise of political dynasties caused by the creation of family-controlled self-serving despotic non-democratic parties in democracy which breed nepotistic parasitic patron-psychophants hegemony. Dynasties sustain and perpetuate their power by the collaboration of competing dynasties aimed at maintaining their mutual hegemony and preventing the rise of others as new political challengers. The collaborating dynasties do so by building strong friendly and family ties outside the politics (usually inter-marrying across rival parties) to sustain each other, while keeping the facade of being the political adversaries. [18]
Parties go in decline with the death of the chief patron, internal squabbling for power among the members of controlling-family, rise of new non-dynastic charismatic leaders, anti-dynasty disgust among the voters with the increased literacy rate in the country, rising aspirations of the politically aware non-dynastic masses and civil society. Dynasties can be reduced and eliminated by implementing the anti-dynasty laws, stringent conflict of interest laws, stringent laws for the transparency in governance and party operations, mandatory intra-party democracy law as a precondition for maintaining the ongoing registration of the party, laws limiting the number of terms for the elected representatives and party officials, laws limiting the number of simultaneous candidates from the same families, laws to enforce a cooling period between the generations of dynasties for the entry into politics, developing grassroot leadership, institutionalised mechanism for the progression of grassroot leaders into state and national politics e.g. mandatory for MLA and MP to have served at panchayat or municipal level, strengthening the institutionalised role of the civil society in the enforcing the accountability and transparency in governance. [18]
Five rampant and large dynasties over several generations have been prominent in Haryana's politics since the formation of Haryana in 1966, namely: the Lal Trio, the Hooda-Birender Singh clans, Pandit Bhagwat Dayal Sharma clan and Rao-Yadav clans. [4]
The Lal trio in the politics of Haryana refers to three influential political leaders who have had a significant impact on the state's political landscape. The leaders are Devi Lal, Bansi Lal, and Bhajan Lal. All of the Lal trio started their politics from Congress party, became turncoats, often founding, merging, splitting and switching parties.
This clan, once dominant at the state level, is now declining and limited only to Bhiwani Lok Sabha and Tosham assembly seats.
This clan, once dominant at the state level, is now declining and struggling to retain their traditional hold on Hisar Lok Sabha and Adampur assembly seats.
This clan is originally from Rajasthan and not from Haryana. [28] In the 19th century, Devi Lal's grandfather Teja Ram Sihag (belonging to the 'Sihag' clan of Jats, but that surname is generally not used) came from Bikaner in Rajasthan and settled in Teja Khera village of Sirsa district. [28] Teja Ram had three sons: Deva Ram, Asha Ram and Hukam Ram. Asharam had two sons, Lekhram and Tara Chand. [28] Lekhram had two sons, Sahib Ram and Devi Lal. [28] Due to Devi Lal, the obscure farming family became a political dynasty.
Sahib Ram was the first politician from the family to be elected as MLA in 1938, under British rule. Fourteen years later, in 1952, Devi Lal followed in his footsteps, by becoming MLA. [28] Devi Lal had four sons, namely Partap Singh, Om Prakash Chautala, Ranjit Singh and Jagdish Chander. [29] Partap Singh was MLA in the 1960s, [29] Ranjit Singh was a Congress MP, [30] Om Prakash Chautala became Chief Minister, [30] [29] and Jagdish died young, before he could join politics. [30] [29]
Om Prakash Chautala has two sons, Ajay Singh Chautala and Abhay Singh Chautala. Both have been MLA and MP. [31] [30] Devi Lal's numerous grandsons, greatgrandsons and other family members are also in politics, such as Aditya Devilal, Dushyant Chautala and his brother Digvijay Chautala as well as their cousin Arjun Chautala. This clan, once dominant at the state level and now in decline due to divisions and internal family squabbling in the large clan, is struggling to revive their statewide hold while still retaining some pockets of influence in Hisar and Sirsa area.
Chhotu Ram Ohlan, was the founder of the Unionist Party and a Revenue Minister in Punjab govt., these branches are descended from or related to him. He had no son, his nephew Sri Chand became his political successor and his son-in-law Neki Ram (husband of Chottu Ram's daughter and father of Birender Singh) became prominent politician in Jind area. [1]
This clan is related to Chotu Ram. [36]
Origin of this political dynasty is related to Matu Ram Hooda, an Arya Samajist. Matu Ram was one of the key members of the first Congress conference in Rohtak. [37] [38] Hooda's traditional sphere of influence originates from Rohtak and sometimes extends to Sonipat and Jhajjar.
Ahirwal region of South Haryana has 11 assembly seats spread across 3 districts (Rewari, Gurugram and Mahendragarh) and 3 Lok Sabha seats, [40] and politics of this region of various parties is prominent in by the turncoat-politician descendants of Rao Tula Ram who often compete with each other in elections while otherwise remaining united in keeping new challengers out.
Following claim either direct descent or from the clan of Rao Tula Ram. [41]
This clan claims descent from Rao Tula Ram. [42] This clan is also related to the Lalu Prasad Yadav. [43] [44]
This clan became prominent due to Rao Birender Singh, who served as the 2nd Chief Minister of Haryana. He is the great-grandson of Rao Tula Ram.
These clans are prominent in the politics only in some burrows of the state, and the clan has contested elections from two or more districts.
This clan is prominent in the politics of Sirsa and Ambala.
This industrial clan, a perfect example of industrialist-politicians nexus and conflict of interests, is prominent in the politics of Hisar and Kurukshetra lok sabha as well as Hisar assembly seats.
This clan plays a significant role in the politics of Mewat area and has participated in elections from all three assembly seats of the Nuh district (Nuh, Punahana, Ferozepur Jhirka). They also have immense influence in the Hathin area of the Palwal district and the Taoru area of the Nuh district. Their political involvement has even extended to the Faridabad Lok Sabha constituency region as well. The clan's patriarch, Chaudhary Rahim Khan, served as a Member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha from the Faridabad constituency. This clan originates from the Katpuri village of the Nuh district of Haryana.
These political branches greatly benefited from their relationship with former Indian President Dr. Shankar Dayal Sharma. There are many more from his lineage in the national politics, only following branches are active in Haryana.
This branch of clan is prominent in INC politics of Sirsa.
This clan became extremely influential due to Tayyab Husain, who served as a Member of Parliament in the Lok Sabha from Gurgaon and Faridabad, and holds the unique record of serving as a Minister in the undivided state of Punjab, Rajasthan and Haryana. This clan is prominent interstate level into the Mewat region of Rajasthan as well. Yasin Khan, the father of Tayyab Husain, was originally given the social leadership of Mewat and is said to be the first lawyer from the Mewat region. He has also been associated with prominent Indian political figures such as Sir Chhotu Ram and Mahatma Gandhi. This clan originates from the Rehna village of the Nuh district of Haryana.
These clans hog the politics only in a certain district or assembly seat.
THE SAINIS OF HISAR
1.CH. Hari Singh Saini- Hari Singh has been in many political party but is currently in Bhartiya Janta Party. He is well known for his previous elections against Om Prakash Jindal.
2. Rekha Saini- Rekha Saini is the daughter-in-law of Hari Singh Saini and is an active member of Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP).
This clan is prominent in the politics of Karnal.
This clan is prominent in the politics of Sirsa city.
This clan is prominent in the assemblies of Indri in Karnal and Pai in Kaithal.
These clans only have prominence in one or two assembly constituencies within or near the Nuh district area where there is a significant Meo population.
This clan is specifically prominent the politics of the Nuh constituency and used to be prominent in the former Taoru constituency of the Nuh district.
This clan is specifically prominent the politics of the Hathin constituency in the Palwal district.
This clan is prominent in the meo politics of Ferozepur Jhirka constituency in the Nuh district near the Haryana-Rajasthan border. [83]
This clan is prominent in the politics of Ferozepur Jhirka constituency and the Punahana constituency in the Nuh district. The clan's patriarch is Azmat Khan [83]
This clan is prominent in the politics of Jind-Kaithal-Narwana area in mid-north Haryana.
This branch of clan is prominent in INC politics of Ambala.
Harpal Singh clan of Tohana
This clan is prominent in the politics of Tohana-Ratia-Fatehbad District.
Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) is a political party based primarily in the Indian state of Haryana. It was initially founded as the Haryana Lok Dal (Rashtriya) by Devi Lal in 1996, who served as the Deputy Prime Minister of India.
Devi Lal, also known as Chaudhary Devi Lal, was an Indian statesman and politician who served as 6th Deputy Prime Minister of India from 1989 to 1990 and from 1990 to 1991. Lal emerged as farmer leader from the state of Haryana, and served as the Chief Minister of Haryana from 1977 to 1979 and then from 1987 to 1989. He was the founder of Indian National Lok Dal. He was popularly known as Tau, meaning uncle.
Although India is a parliamentary democracy, the country's politics has become dynastic or with high level of nepotism, possibly due to the absence of party organizations, independent civil-society associations which mobilize support for a party, or centralized financing of elections. The dynastic phenomenon is present at the national, state, regional, and district level. The Nehru–Gandhi family has produced three Indian prime ministers, and family members have largely led the Congress party since 1978. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) also has several dynastic leaders. In addition to the major national parties, other national and regional parties such as Shiromani Akali Dal, Shiv Sena, Samajwadi Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal Secular, Jharkhand Mukti Morcha, Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, Kerala Congress, Jammu & Kashmir National Conference, Indian Union Muslim League, AIMIM, and the Nationalist Congress Party are all dominated by families, mostly those of the party founders.
Bansi Lal Legha, also known as Chaudhary Bansi Lal, was an Indian politician and independence activist, who served as the Minister of Defence of India and three-time Chief Minister of Haryana. He is also known as the 'architect of modern Haryana'.
Bhajan Lal Bishnoi was a politician and three-time chief minister of the Indian state of Haryana. He became the Chief Minister for the first time in 1979, was re-elected in 1982, and became the chief minister for the third time by winning the elections in 1991. He also served as the Minister of Agriculture and the Minister of Environment and Forests in the Rajiv Gandhi government.
Arvind Kumar Sharma is an Indian dental surgeon, politician and a Member of Parliament in the 17th Lok Sabha from Rohtak. He represented the Karnal constituency of Haryana in 15th Lok Sabha and was a member of the Indian National Congress but he joined Bharatiya Janata Party in 2019.
Kuldeep Bishnoi is an Indian politician and a member of Bharatiya Janata Party. He served as fourth-time member of Haryana Legislative Assembly from Adampur in the Hisar (city) of Haryana. He was also a member of Congress Central Working Committee (CWC). Earlier in 2007, Bishnoi had founded a new party, Haryana Janhit Congress, a breakaway faction of Indian National Congress.
Ajay Singh Chautala is a former Indian MP and sports administrator. He is elder son of former Chief Minister of Haryana Om Prakash Chautala and father of former Deputy Chief Minister of Haryana Dushyant Chautala.
Shruti Choudhry is an Indian politician from Haryana state. She is a member of Bharatiya Janata Party since June, 2024. Previously, she was a member of the Indian National Congress since 2005 and represented Bhiwani constituency in the Indian Parliament from 2009 till 2014.
Maharaja Rao Birender Singh was an Indian politician. He served first as a minister in the state government of Punjab and then as Chief Minister of Haryana, and also served as a minister in Punjab state, Haryana state and the Union cabinet. He also served as the second speaker of Haryana state assembly in 1967. He coined an Indian political vocabulary Aya Ram, Gaya Ram to describe the practice of frequently floor-crossing by legislature.
Chaudhary Birender Singh is a senior Indian political leader and a well-known face in Indian Politics. He lately served as Minister of Rural Development, Panchayati Raj, Sanitation & Drinking Water from 2014 to 2016 and later as the Union Minister of Steel from 2016 to 2019 in the Narendra Modi led NDA Government in India.
Chandrawati Sheoran was an Advocate, Indian politician and activist who served as an M.P. (member of parliament), 6 times M.L.A. and also as the Lieutenant Governor of Puducherry.
The Haryana Legislative Assembly is the unicameral legislature of Indian state of Haryana. The seating of the assembly is at Chandigarh, the capital of the state. There are 90 seats in the house filled by direct election using a single-member first-past-the-post system. The term of office is five years.
Kiran Choudhary is an Indian politician, who is serving as a Member of Parliament in the Rajya Sabha under the Bharatiya Janata Party from Haryana.
Manohar Lal Khattar is an Indian politician who is serving as the 33rd Minister of Power, 40th Minister of Housing and Urban Affairs since 2024. He also served 10th Chief Minister of Haryana from 26 October 2014 till his resignation on 12 March 2024. He is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and a former RSS pracharak. He represented the Karnal constituency in the Haryana Legislative Assembly since 2014 till 2024. He was elected to the Lok Sabha, lower house of the Parliament of India from Karnal, Haryana in the 2024 Indian general election. As of June 2024, he serves as the Minister of Power and Minister of Housing and Urban Affairs in the Third Modi Ministry.
Babu Mool Chand Jain, often referred to as "Gandhi of Haryana", - a Gandhian who was a member of the Congress Party, Vishal Haryana Party, Janata Party, Lok Dal and then Haryana Vikas Party at different times. He was a freedom fighter in the Indian independence movement, parliamentarian, lawyer, Satyagrahi social activist, and Indian statesman who also served as Excise & Taxation and Public Works Department Minister in Joint Punjab as well as Finance Minister, Deputy Chairman.
Ranjit Singh Chautala is a politician and businessman from the Indian state of Haryana. Elected to the Haryana Legislative Assembly and the Rajya Sabha, he has also served in ministerial posts. Previously a member of the Indian National Lok Dal, the Janata Dal, the Indian National Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party, he won the seat of Rania in the 2019 Haryana Assembly elections as an independent. Following the election, along with his grandnephew Dushyant Chautala, he supported the BJP to secure a majority and entered the Second Manohar Lal Khattar ministry with three portfolios: New and Renewable Energy, Power and Jails.
Udai Bhan is an Indian politician and a member of the Indian National Congress. He is the incumbent president of the Haryana Pradesh Congress Committee. He is former four-time elected Member of Haryana's Legislative Assembly (MLA). He represented the Hodal constituency from 2014 to 2019. He previously also represented the former constituency of Hassanpur in 1987, 2000, 2005.
Legislative Assembly election was held in Haryana on 21 October 2019 to elect 90 members of the Haryana Legislative Assembly. The final voter turnout was recorded at 68.20%. The results were announced on 24 October 2019.
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