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AHFS/Drugs.com | International Drug Names |
Routes of administration | Oral |
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ECHA InfoCard | 100.115.827 |
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Formula | C18H23N5O2 |
Molar mass | 341.415 g·mol−1 |
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Chirality | Racemic mixture |
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Fenethylline (BAN, USAN) or fenetylline (INN) is a codrug of amphetamine and theophylline and so a mutual prodrug of both. It is also spelled phenethylline; other names for it are amphetamin
Fenethylline was first synthesized by the German pharmaceutical firm Degussa AG in 1961 and used for around 25 years as a milder alternative to amphetamine and related compounds. [7] Although there are no FDA-approved indications for fenethylline, it was used in the treatment of "hyperkinetic children", in what would now be called attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, and, less commonly, for narcolepsy and depression. One of the main advantages of fenethylline was that it does not increase blood pressure to the same extent as an equivalent dose of amphetamine and so could be used in patients with cardiovascular conditions. [8]
Fenethylline was considered to have fewer side effects and less potential for abuse than amphetamine. Nevertheless, fenethylline was listed in 1981 as a schedule I controlled substance in the United States, and it became illegal in most countries in 1986 after being listed by the World Health Organization for international scheduling under the Convention on Psychotropic Substances, even though the actual incidence of fenethylline abuse was quite low. [8] [ circular reference ]
The fenethylline molecule results when theophylline is covalently linked with amphetamine by an alkyl chain. [9]
Fenethylline is metabolized by the body to form two drugs, amphetamine (24.5% of oral dose) and theophylline (13.7% of oral dose), both of which are active stimulants. The physiological effects of fenethylline therefore seem to result from a combination of these two compounds, [10] [11] [12] although it is not entirely clear how, and seems to involve a synergistic effect between amphetamine and theophylline produced following metabolism. [8] [13] The pharmacological actions of fenethylline before cleavage also remain poorly established, though it appears to act directly at several serotonin receptors. [14]
Abuse of fenethylline using the former brand name Captagon is common in the Middle East, [15] [16] and counterfeit versions of the drug continue to be available despite its illegality. [17] [18] Fenethylline is much less common outside of the Middle East, to the point that police may not recognize the drug. Fenethylline production and export has become a significant industry sponsored by the Syrian government, with revenue from its exports contributing more than 90% of its foreign currency. [19] The Assad regime's annual fenethylline revenues were estimated to have been worth US$57 billion in 2022, about three times the total trade of all Mexican drug barons. [20] [21] [4]
Many of these counterfeit "Captagon" tablets contain other amphetamine derivatives that are easier to produce, but are pressed and stamped to look like Captagon pills. Some counterfeit Captagon pills analysed do contain fenethylline, indicating that illicit production of the drug continues to take place. [22] These illicit pills often contain "a mix of amphetamines, caffeine[,] and various fillers",[ This quote needs a citation ] which are sometimes referred to as "captagon" (with a lowercase "c").[ citation needed ]
Fenethylline is a popular drug in Western Asia, and American media outlet CNN reported in 2015 that it is allegedly used by militant groups in Syria. [23] Later research demonstrated that it was the Syrian government of Bashar al-Assad that has been financing production and sponsoring networks of its drug dealers in coordination with the Syrian intelligence. [24] It is manufactured locally by a cheap and simple process. In July 2019 in Lebanon, captagon was sold for $1.50 to $2.00 a pill. [25] In 2021 in Syria, low-quality pills were sold locally for less than $1, while high-quality pills are increasingly smuggled abroad and may cost upwards of $14 each in Saudi Arabia. [15]
According to some leaks, militant groups export the drug in exchange for weapons and cash. [26] [27] According to Abdelelah Mohammed Al-Sharif, secretary general of the National Committee for Narcotics Control and assistant director of Anti-Drug and Preventative Affairs, forty percent of users between the ages of twelve and twenty-two in Saudi Arabia are addicted to fenethylline. In 2017, fenethylline was the most popular recreational drug in the Arabian Peninsula. [28]
In October 2015, a member of the Saudi royal family, Prince Abdel Mohsen Bin Walid Bin Abdulaziz, and four others were detained in Beirut on charges of drug trafficking after airport security discovered two tons of fenethylline pills and some cocaine on a private jet scheduled to depart for Riyadh, the Saudi capital. [29] [30] [31] The following month, Agence France-Presse reported that Turkish authorities had seized two tonnes of fenethylline—about eleven million pills—during raids in the Hatay region on the Syrian border. The pills had been produced in Syria and were being shipped to countries in the Arab states of the Persian Gulf. [32]
In December 2015, the Lebanese Army announced that it had discovered two large-scale drug production workshops in the north of the country and seized large quantities of fenethylline pills. Two days earlier, three tons of fenethylline and hashish were seized at Beirut Airport, concealed in school desks being exported to Egypt. [33]
Traces of the drug were found on a mobile phone used by Mohamed Lahouaiej Bouhlel, a French-Tunisian who killed eighty-four civilians in Nice on Bastille Day 2016. [34]
In May 2017, French customs at Charles de Gaulle Airport seized 750,000 fenethylline pills being transported from Lebanon to Saudi Arabia. [35] In 2017, two other consignments of pills were found at Charles de Gaulle Airport: in January, heading for the Czech Republic, and in February, hidden in steel moulds. [36] Further investigation showed that the seized products mainly contained a mixture of amphetamine and theophylline. [37]
In January 2018, Saudi Arabia seized 1.3 million fenethylline pills at the Al-Haditha crossing near the border with Jordan. [38] In December 2018, Greece intercepted a Syrian ship sailing for Libya, carrying six tonnes of processed cannabis and three million fenethylline pills. [39] In July 2019, a shipment of 33 million fenethylline pills, weighing 5.25 tonnes, was seized in Greece coming from Syria. [40] In July 2019, 800,000 fenethylline pills were found on a boat in the United Arab Emirates. [41] In August 2019, Saudi customs at Al-Haditha seized over 2.5 million fenethylline pills found inside a truck and a private vehicle. [42]
In February 2020, the UAE found 35 million fenethylline pills in a shipment of electric cables from Syria to Jebel Ali. [43] In April 2020, Saudi Arabia seized 44.7 million fenethylline pills smuggled from Syria, [44] and citing drug smuggling concerns, imposed an import ban on fruits and vegetables from Lebanon, causing the price of Lebanese lettuce to plummet. [45] [46] On 1 July 2020, an anti-drug operation coordinated in Italy by the Italian Guardia di Finanza and Customs and Monopolies Agency seized fourteen tonnes of amphetamines, labeled as Captagon, smuggled from Syria and initially thought by the Italian authorities to have been produced by ISIS, [47] [48] [49] which were found in three shipping containers filled with around 84 million pills, in the southern port of Salerno. [47] [48] [49] [50]
In November 2020, Egypt seized two shipments of fenethylline pills at Damietta port coming from Syria. The first had over 3.2 million tablets, [51] while the second contained 11 million. [52] In December 2020, Italian authorities seized about 14 tonnes of fenethylline arriving from Latakia, Syria, and heading towards Libya, consisting of about 85 million pills, worth around $1 billion. [53]
In January 2021, Egyptian authorities seized eight tons of fenethylline and another eight tons of hashish at Port Said, from a shipment that arrived from Lebanon. [54] In February 2021, Lebanese customs seized at Beirut port a shipment of 5 million fenethylline pills hidden in a tile-making machine, intended for Greece and Saudi Arabia. [55] In April 2021, Saudi authorities discovered 5.3 million fenethylline pills hidden in fruits imported from Lebanon. [56]
The drug has played a role in the Syrian civil war. [57] [58] The production and sale of fenethylline generates large revenues which are likely used to fund the purchase of weapons, and fenethylline is used as a stimulant by combatants. [58] [59] [60] Poverty and international sanctions that limit legal exports are contributing factors. [61]
In May 2021, The Guardian described the effects of fenethylline production in Syria on the economy as "a dirty business that is creating a near-narco-state". Drug money flowing into Syria is destabilizing legitimate businesses, positioning it as the global centre of fenethylline production, with increased industrialization, adaptation, and technical sophistication. [62] In June 2021, Saudi authorities at Jeddah port seized 14 million fenethylline tablets hidden inside a shipment of iron plates coming from Lebanon. [63] In the same month, Saudi authorities seized a shipment of 4.5 million fenethylline pills, smuggled inside several orange cartons, at Jeddah port. [64] In July 2021, Saudi customs discovered 2.1 million fenethylline pills at Al-Haditha hidden in a tomato paste shipment. [65]
The New York Times reported in December 2021 that the Syrian Army's elite 4th Armoured Division, commanded by Maher al-Assad, the brother of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, oversees much of the production and distribution of fenethylline, among other drugs. The unit controls manufacturing facilities, packing plants, and smuggling networks all across Syria, and had started to deal in crystal meth. [15] The division's security bureau, headed by Maj. Gen. Ghassan Bilal, provides protection for factories and along smuggling routes to the port city Latakia and to border crossings with Jordan and Lebanon. Jihad Yazigi, editor of The Syria Report, reported that fenethylline "has probably become Syria's most important source of foreign currency." [15]
Fenethylline is a major stimulant used amongst some jihadist fighters. It is sometimes dubbed the "Jihad drug" because of this. It quickly produces a euphoric intensity in users, allowing users to stay awake for very long periods of time. Along with this, one remains more calm and focused under the effects of the drug, which allows for ones senses to stay at more operational levels. It also helps to subdue feelings of fear and hunger, which is beneficial to conducting long term operations. [25] [66] [67] [68] Psychiatrist Dr. Robert Keisling says that the drug "gives you a sense of well-being and euphoria", along with the thought that "you're invincible and that nothing can harm you." [69] [66] Those who go on jihad missions take a lot of it to prepare, says a former fighter associated with the Muslim Brotherhood. He described the effect: "They go blank. Their heart rate spikes. They lose all connection to their emotions and thoughts." Some commented on this effect as a "zombielike detachment". [70] [71]
An illegal Syrian manufacturer told New York Magazine in 2015 of the effect the drug had on fighters: "[If] someone takes many pills, like 30 or so, they become violent and crazy, paranoid, unafraid of anything. They'll have a thirst for fighting and killing and will shoot at whatever they see. They lose any feeling or empathy for the people in front of them and can kill them without caring at all." [67]
According to some commentators, fighters taking the drug in Syria were better able to tolerate the pain of being shot [69] A drug control officer in the central city of Homs told Reuters that protestors and fighters were able to resist painful interrogations better while on fenethylline. [25] Former fighters have told the media that the pills helped them overcome their fear. Doctors report that the drug has dangerous side effects, including psychosis and brain damage. According to former fighters, hundreds became addicted to the pills they were given by brigade leaders without knowing what they were taking. [25]
Fenethylline use was associated with the rise of ISIS. [66] [69] One 19-year-old fighter named Kareem, who said he fought alongside ISIS for more than a year, told CNN in 2014: "They gave us drugs, hallucinogenic pills that would make you go to battle not caring if you live or die." [69]
In February 2023, Israel's Ministry of Defense thwarted an attempt to smuggle thousands of fenethylline tablets into the Gaza Strip. [72] Hamas claimed at the time that it seized 50,000 fenethylline pills on the border and claimed Israel was attempting to dope Gaza. [73]
Israel has publicly stated that fenethylline was used during the October 7 attacks, but this has been doubted by some experts. [74] Israeli forces said they had found fenethylline-containing tablets, powder, and liquid on the bodies of the attackers. [75] [76] But Caroline Rose of Newline Institute said that she had never seen fenethylline made in liquid form. While precursor chemicals for fenethylline tend to be in powdered form, fenethylline itself is not commonly a powder. She concluded "I find it somewhat difficult to believe that, in a single raid, we find two new forms of Captagon." [74] Videos compiled by the Israeli government of the Hamas attack — cobbled together from cell phones, GoPros, as well as car and surveillance cameras — supposedly show that at least some of the militants were under the influence of the drug. [77] [78] Some experts noted Israel had not made public direct evidence of Captagon use. [79]
Fenethylline was reportedly used by the ISIS attackers in the Crocus City Hall attack in 2024. [80] [81] [ better source needed ]
According to reviewers Pergolizzi Jr., et al., writing in 2024, the clandestine chemical synthesis of fenethylline is "straightforward and inexpensive". [82]
The overall transformation is accomplished in two laboratory steps, each requiring extraction and purification. In the first step, theophylline (1) is alkylated in a substitution reaction using 1-bromo-2-chloroethane (2) to give 7-(β-chloroethyl)theophylline (Benaphyllin, Eupnophile; 3).[ citation needed ] In the second step, the primary amine in amphetamine (4) displaces the terminal halide in 3 to give fenethylline (5).[ citation needed ]
Theophylline (1) reacts in the first step with 1-bromo-2-chloroethane (2) in solvent[ clarification needed ] under reflux at 90 °C for 18 hours,[ verification needed ] giving the 7-(β-chloroethyl)theophylline product (3) after cooling, filtration, extraction, drying, and chromatographic purification.[ citation needed ][ verification needed ] After purification, 3 is mixed directly in the second step, in absence of solvent,[ verification needed ] with amphetamine (4) and heated to 100 °C for 17 hours to produce fenethylline (5) after cooling, basifying, extraction, drying, and chromatographic purification.[ citation needed ][ verification needed ]
In addition, methods using the perdeuterated analog of 1,2-dichloroethane have yielded fenethylline-d4 (the deuterium atoms all lying in the ethyl-bridge between the two drugs); in the hands of these researchers, theophylline and 1,2-dichloroethane-d4 were refluxed in a first step at 80-90 °C for 18 h in 2-propanol / 0.75-molar aqueous sodium hydroxide (3:2) to give the chloroethyl-d4-theophylline intermediate (corresponding to 3 above) in 33% yield after extraction and chromatographic purification; this was followed by a second step of heating of this product and amphetamine without solvent to 100 °C for 17 hours to give the desired fenethylline-d4 in 48% yield (16% overall, again after extraction and chromatographic purification). [86] [87]
Since fenethylline is a controlled drug, a variety of identification methods are needed in order to regulate it. Many identification methods with different samples have been tested. Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) has been proven as an accurate tool to identify fenethylline in solid samples, as well as in urine and hair samples.[ citation needed ] [88]
First developed in the 1960s in Europe and approved briefly for use in the United States, fenethylline (sold as Captagon, one of its early trade names) is now a prominent drug of abuse in the Eastern Mediterranean Region. The drug was withdrawn from the United States market because of side effects that included hallucinations, visual distortions, and psychosis; it has also been linked to rare cases of myocardial infarction, seizures, and delusions. The chemical synthesis of fenethylline is straightforward and inexpensive. Manufactured in clandestine labs in Southern Europe and the Middle East, these amphetamines had been used by affluent Middle Eastern young people for recreation or study aids. Captagon has periodically emerged as a drug used in combat and conflict, and it was implicated in the 2015 riots in Paris...
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: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)The illegal drug trade, drug trafficking, or narcotrafficking is a global black market dedicated to the cultivation, manufacture, distribution and sale of prohibited drugs. Most jurisdictions prohibit trade, except under license, of many types of drugs through the use of drug prohibition laws. The think tank Global Financial Integrity's Transnational Crime and the Developing World report estimates the size of the global illicit drug market between US$426 and US$652 billion in 2014 alone. With a world GDP of US$78 trillion in the same year, the illegal drug trade may be estimated as nearly 1% of total global trade. Consumption of illegal drugs is widespread globally, and it remains very difficult for local authorities to reduce the rates of drug consumption.
Narco-state is a political and economic term applied to countries where all legitimate institutions become penetrated by the power and wealth of the illegal drug trade. The term was first used to describe Bolivia following the 1980 coup of Luis García Meza which was seen to be primarily financed with the help of narcotics traffickers.
Rifaat Ali al-Assad is the younger brother of the late President of Syria, Hafez al-Assad, and Jamil al-Assad, and the uncle of the incumbent President Bashar al-Assad. He was the commanding officer of the ground operations of the 1982 Hama massacre ordered by Hafez al-Assad.
Major General Maher al-Assad is a Syrian military officer and commander of the Syrian Army's elite 4th Armoured Division, which, together with Syria's Military Intelligence, forms the core of the country's security forces. He is the younger brother of Syrian president Bashar al-Assad, and also a member of the Central Committee of the Syrian Ba'ath Party.
The Syrian civil war is an ongoing multi-sided conflict in Syria involving various state-sponsored and non-state actors. In March 2011, popular discontent with the rule of Bashar al-Assad triggered large-scale protests and pro-democracy rallies across Syria, as part of the wider Arab Spring protests in the region. After months of crackdown by the government's security apparatus, various armed rebel groups such as the Free Syrian Army began forming across the country, marking the beginning of the Syrian insurgency. By mid-2012, the crisis had escalated into a full-blown civil war.
The Axis of Resistance is an informal Iranian-led political and military coalition in the Middle East.
Foreign involvement in the Syrian civil war refers to political, military and operational support to parties involved in the ongoing conflict in Syria that began in March 2011, as well as active foreign involvement. Most parties involved in the war in Syria receive various types of support from foreign countries and entities based outside Syria. The ongoing conflict in Syria is widely described as a series of overlapping proxy wars between the regional and world powers, primarily between the United States and Russia as well as between Iran and Saudi Arabia.
The Iran–Israel proxy conflict, also known as the Iran–Israel proxy war or Iran–Israel Cold War, is an ongoing proxy conflict between Iran and Israel. In the Israeli–Lebanese conflict, Iran has supported Lebanese Shia militias, most notably Hezbollah. In the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, Iran has backed Palestinian groups such as Hamas. Israel has supported Iranian rebels, such as the People's Mujahedin of Iran, conducted airstrikes against Iranian allies in Syria and assassinated Iranian nuclear scientists. In 2018 Israeli forces directly attacked Iranian forces in Syria.
The Islamic Republic of Iran and the Syrian Arab Republic are close strategic allies, and Iran has provided significant support for the Syrian government in the Syrian civil war, including logistical, technical and financial support, as well as training and some combat troops. Iran sees the survival of the Syrian government as being crucial to its regional interests. When the uprising developed into the Syrian Civil War, there were increasing reports of Iranian military support, and of Iranian training of the National Defence Forces both in Syria and Iran. From late 2011 and early 2012, Iran's IRGC began sending tens of thousands of Iranian troops and foreign paramilitary volunteers in coordination with the Syrian government to prevent the collapse of the Syrian Arab Army; thereby polarising the conflict along sectarian lines.
Following the outbreak of the protests of Syrian revolution during the Arab Spring in 2011 and the escalation of the ensuing conflict into a full-scale civil war by mid-2012, the Syrian Civil War became a theatre of proxy warfare between various regional powers such as Turkey and Iran. Spillover of the Syrian civil war into the wider region began when the Iraqi insurgent group known as the Islamic State of Iraq (ISI) started intervening in the conflict in 2012.
The following is a timeline of the Syrian civil war from August to December 2014. Information about aggregated casualty counts is found at Casualties of the Syrian Civil War.
The following is a timeline of the Syrian Civil War from August to December 2015. Information about aggregated casualty counts is found at Casualties of the Syrian Civil War.
Collaboration with the Islamic State refers to the cooperation and assistance given by governments, non-state actors, and private individuals to the Islamic State (IS) during the Syrian Civil War, Iraqi Civil War, and Libyan Civil War.
The diplomatic relations between Lebanon and Saudi Arabia are the relationship between two Arab nations in the Middle East. Lebanon has an embassy in Riyadh and Saudi Arabia has one in Beirut.
Corruption in Syria follows the familiar patterns of state-based corruption, namely government officials abusing their political powers for private gain in the country of Syria.
Syrian foreign policy during the presidency of Bashar al-Assad is based on continuity from the Cold War-era policies of his father and predecessor, Hafiz al-Assad. Hafiz al-Assad was a strong supporter of Soviet Union and aligned Ba'athist Syria closely with the Eastern Bloc. During this period, Syria adopted a strong anti-Zionist posture in the region, based on its military doctrine of gaining "strategic parity" and forming joint Arab initiatives.
The drug economy in Lebanon refers to the expanding Lebanese involvement in both drug production and trade, a phenomenon substantiated by studies. The economic and political upheaval in Lebanon, as delineated in a study by the Euro-Gulf Information Center, has driven Hezbollah, wherein narcotics serve as a notable revenue stream, to intensify its involvement in the drug economy. Western intelligence agencies estimate that Lebanon produces over 4 million pounds of hashish and 20,000 pounds of heroin annually, generating profits exceeding US$4 billion. According to The Washington Post, Lebanon's drug industry contributes substantially to the country's economy, accounting for over half of its foreign-exchange earnings.
The Syrian Captagon industry is responsible for about 80% of the global production of the Captagon drug. Syria exports the drug to various countries, mainly in the Middle East region, including Jordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Gulf states, and Egypt, as well as to organizations such as Hamas and ISIS. The drug export is one of the main sources of income for the government of Bashar al-Assad, helping it to rebuild the country from the economic crisis that followed the Syrian Civil War.
Nouh Zaiter is a Lebanese drug lord and a leader of an armed militia in the Beqaa Valey, involved in drug trafficking and arms dealing in Lebanon and the Middle East. He's often in the news due to his alleged connections with Hezbollah and the Syrian regime, and his involvement in the drug trade, particularly Captagon.
Whereas attention has been lavished on drug use among combatants, little attention has been paid to the societal and individual costs of the pervasive spread of narcotics during the conflict. Even more neglected are the structural dynamics of drug trafficking and their impact on the trajectory of the conflict itself. As the Syrian state has re-consolidated control over much of the country since 2018, narcotics trafficking in Syria has become more expansive and widespread. In parallel, the decimation of conventional economic activities has increased the relative attractiveness of industrial-scale drug profiteering, which has been largely captured and controlled by narco-entrepreneurs linked to the regime of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and the regime's foreign allies. Ironically, the armed group commonly thought to be most closely associated with the Captagon trade — Islamic State — is, in fact, among the few conflict actors that has had no demonstrable institutional connection to the trade of this drug. This association has persisted in large part because of sensational foreign media coverage. the narcotics trade was decisively reconfigured to the advantage of pro-Government forces. Increasingly prominent in this period are narco-entrepreneurs affiliated with the Assad regime. Record-setting foreign drug interceptions since 2018 evince the evolution of Syria's drug industry, with exports of Captagon and hashish suggesting new levels of mass production.
Israeli security forces have not produced any evidence to back up the claims put out in those outlets by anonymous officials. In the month since Oct. 7, Israel has not shown photographic or chemical evidence showing any widespread captagon use by Hamas in the attacks last month.
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