Racial disparities in the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States

Last updated

The COVID-19 pandemic has had an unequal impact on different racial and ethnic groups in the United States, resulting in new disparities of health outcomes as well as exacerbating existing health and economic disparities.

Contents

The pandemic struck the United States in March 2020, causing almost 2 million known cases by June 1, 2020. [1] During that initial wave, known cases were more than twice as common among Black Americans (62 cases per 10,000) and over three times as common among Latino Americans (73 cases per 10,000) as among White Americans (23 cases per 10,000). [2] In the US, minority groups were disproportionately impacted by the health and economic consequences of the pandemic. Non-Hispanic Black Americans and Hispanic/Latin Americans have been hospitalized at 4.7 times the rate of White Americans, while non-Hispanic Native Americans have been hospitalized at 5.3 times the rate of White Americans. [3]

Effects on racial minorities have most widely been discussed by news sources in terms of increased infection and mortality rates, [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] but these effects extend to other domains including long-lasting detriment to educational outcomes and decreased economic stability. As such, the COVID-19 pandemic has brought to light existing racial and ethnic disparities in the United States through the risks of COVID, economic and financial tolls, and racism faced disproportionately by minority groups.

For instance, Black and Hispanic people have faced economic hardship during the COVID-19 pandemic due to their social and economic standing in the United States. Additionally, anti-Asian racism has been prevalent throughout the pandemic. As COVID vaccines began to be distributed to the public in December 2020, vaccinations were distributed unequally by race: in some states, Black and Hispanic people received smaller shares of the vaccinations even if their infection rates were higher. For example, Colorado had 10% of vaccinations going to Hispanic people even though Hispanics accounted for 41% of total cases. In the same state, White people received 80% of vaccinations even though they comprise 68% of the population. [9] [10]

Racial disparities

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed and exacerbated inequalities through uneven effects across social domains. [11] Some of these impacts include disproportionate financial toll, crime, education, human rights, xenophobia and racism, disproportionate impacts by gender, and racial inequalities. Racial disparities in the public health and socioeconomic impacts of COVID-19 have also been attributed to racial capitalism. [12]

Black Americans

Infection rate

Black Americans have a greater propensity for infection than White Americans. [13] [14] [15] For instance, a study from April 2020 showed that Black Americans in Chicago accounted for over 50% of COVID-19 cases, while comprising only 30% of the city's population. [16] In Michigan, Black Americans, who comprise 14% of the population, suffered 33% of the state's COVID-19 cases. [4] These examples are representative of the scale and magnitude of disparities affecting Black communities across the US. In fact, in April 2020 the Johns Hopkins University and American Community Survey noted from responses by 131 predominantly Black communities in the US that the infection rate of Black Americans was 137.5 per 100,000 individuals, more than three times that of White Americans. [16]

As the pandemic has progressed, racial inequalities have persisted. Data from September 2020 indicated that Black Americans still suffered a disproportionate infection rate. [17] Further analysis through March 2021 further confirmed that Black Americans had a higher infection rate than their White counterparts. [18]

Due to higher death rates from COVID-19 and deaths at younger ages, Black Americans suffered a greater decline in life expectancy in 2020 than their White counterparts. Specifically, projected life expectancy declined by 0.73 years for White people but 2.26 years for Black people. [19] [20]

Co-occurrence of chronic disease

Closely associated with infection rates is the co-occurrence of chronic disease, since underlying disease has been tightly linked to greater COVID-19 infection rates and poorer outcomes. [21] [22] [23]

Chronic disease has been associated with a number of factors, with diet and nutrition being a key contributor. [24] According to the Third National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey conducted from 1999 to 2002, Black Americans were 43% percent less likely than White Americans to consume vegetables and fruits at quantities meeting the USDA guidelines. [25] Moreover, according to the Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey data from 2000, Black Americans were the racial group least likely to consume vegetables and fruits five or more times per day. [24]

US Surgeon General Jerome Adams Jerome Adams 2019.jpg
US Surgeon General Jerome Adams

While older studies demonstrate the long-standing disparity in access and quality of food consumption, new studies support persistence of unequal access to and consumption of fruits and vegetables. In fact, some studies goes as far as to say "African Americans have an increased risk of cardiovascular disease partly due to low fruit and vegetable consumption", [26] and that reduced peripheral artery disease is associated with greater fruit and vegetable consumption. [27] In fact, the connection between nutrition and COVID-19 outcomes has been demonstrated directly in recent studies. One study noted that a western diet with low fruit and vegetable consumption may link to higher infection susceptibility and worse COVID-19 outcomes in Black and other minority communities, [28] exacerbating a long-standing problem existing even before COVID-19 arrival in the US.

Considering the link between nutrition and chronic disease discussed above, underlying disease itself has been associated with greater COVID-19 disease burden. [29] For instance, one study noted that Black Americans and other minority groups "have a disproportionate burden of chronic disease, SARS-CoV-2 infection, and COVID-19 diagnosis, hospitalization, and mortality", demonstrating how co-occurrence of chronic disease can adversely affect Black Americans. [29] US Surgeon General Jerome Adams described this intersection of factors in a video released by his office [30] :

Number 1 -- [Black] people, unfortunately, are likely to be of low socioeconomic status, which makes it harder to social distance,

Number 2 -- We know that Blacks are more likely to have diabetes, heart disease, lung disease ...

I've shared myself personally that I have high blood pressure, that I have heart disease and spent a week in the ICU due to a heart condition, that I actually have asthma and I'm prediabetic, and so I represent that legacy of growing up poor and Black in America.

Association with physical and built environment

To address the question of why some racial groups are disproportionately affected by COVID-19, the CDC compiled a list of factors linking a racial group to increased risk of COVID-19 exposure. [31] These factors are well-linked to the social determinants of health, the social contributors that influence heath outcomes for a particular group. These factors include:

  1. Physical environment, including social factors and residence in areas of high COVID-19 incidence
  2. Housing, and in specific their built environment
  3. Occupation, particularly because racial minorities are over-represented in essential service occupations
  4. Education and income, linking to pre-existing disparities

Specific to the physical and built environment, early during the COVID-19 pandemic, social distancing was heavily encouraged to minimize spread of COVID-19. [32] Naturally, these burden fell hardest on minority groups who are more constrained in their built environment. [33] Racial and ethnic minority groups have long been affected by challenges in finding affordable housing, partitioning them into regions that are often contain more buildings built upwards with less green space. [34] Often, these build environments suffer from overcrowding, and individuals tend to live in multi-generational homes, which makes it difficult to maintain adequate social distancing. [35] [36] Furthermore, studies have found a link between air pollution, socioeconomic status, and racial group, suggesting that air pollution unevenly contributes to poor health in areas where minorities live. [37]

Mortality rate

The disproportionate impacts on Black Americans has been manifest by dramatically increased mortality rates compared to other racial groups.

From data publicly available in April 2020, Black Americans averaged 6.3 deaths per 100,000 people, far greater than the 1.1 deaths per 100,000 for White Americans. [4] More detailed statistical analysis conducted in October 2020 revealed an significant increase in mortality rate for Black (1.9%) vs non-Black (0.8%) participants, and even after adjusting for age the mortality rate disproportionately affected Black participants. [38] Even more recently in September 2021, the Hamilton Project at the Brookings Institution tabulated that Black mortality rate due to COVID-19 was almost 1.5x that of White Americans. They argue that not only does increased mortality rates affect life expectancy for Black Americans, it also threatens their recovery from COVID-19-related damages. [39]

Association with economic stability

Even prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, the Black-White wealth gap was pronounced, with many studies discussing its magnitude. [40] Data from the Center for American Progress demonstrates that Black Americans, with less in way of savings, were harder hit economically by the pandemic-associated recession. [40] [41] Not only did the economic impacts have implications for long-term investment, they also affected quality and access to education during the pandemic, health outcomes, and retirement savings. [40]

The Economic Policy Institute wrote that, especially early in the pandemic, there were three categories of workers: "[1.] those who have lost their jobs and face economic insecurity, [2.] those who are classified as essential workers and face health insecurity as a result, and [3.] those who are able to continue working from the safety of their homes". [42] Further investigation found that Black Americans were losing their jobs at rates higher than White Americans, and those who retained their jobs were likely to be essential workers (namely working in healthcare facilities, farms, grocery stores, public transportation, and food production) exposed to higher health risks. [31] [42] [43] In fact, almost 25% of Hispanic and Black Americans work in the service industry and 30% of nurses are Black Americans. [3]

Association with social and work relationships

In October 2020, the KFF/Undefeated Survey on Race and Health found that 50% of Black respondents (compared to 42% White respondents) reported that they had lost a job or had their income reduced as a result of COVID-19. Moreover, 32% Black respondents reported that COVID-19 had a major impact on their ability to care for children (compared to 13% Whites) and 25% reported a major impact in their relationship with family members (compared to 12% Whites). [44] These factors culminated in respondents stating that "it is a bad time to be Black in America". [44]

These were not isolated findings. In April 2020, an analysis by the Center on Poverty and Social Policy at Columbia University found that working-age individuals, children, and Black Americans were most likely to fall into poverty due to COVID-19. A prominent nexus of these categories includes Black children, who are more likely than other groups to suffer long-term consequences from COVID-19. [45]

Association with education access and quality

A number of studies have documented unequal access to online education due to internet connectivity, technology access, among other factors. [40] [46] These studies often bring attention to the inequalities in Black and White education quality, access, and outcomes, even before COVID-19. [47]

Collectively, these many studies presented reflect themes of disproportionately decreased economic stability, job layoffs or employment in dangerous working conditions, worsened social relationships, and poorer educational outcomes for Black Americans.

Availability of vaccines

The New York Times reported in October 2022 that many Black and Latino communities had limited access to Covid vaccines when they became available at the end of 2020. The Biden administration provided vaccines from state stockpiles to community health clinics, put federal clinics in those communities, and "helped local organizations set up clinics at churches, barbershops and beauty salons." By the end of 2021, Covid death rates among Black and Latino Americans were generally lower than those of white Americans. [48]

Indigenous Americans

In 2020 and 2021, after two years of the pandemic, Native Americans and Alaska Natives experienced a precipitous drop in life expectancy to 65 years of age, which was a loss of more than 6.5 years since 2019. On par with the average American life expectancy in 1944 and lower than every country in the Americas except Haiti, this decrease in life expectancy was the worst among all racial groups in the United States. High rates of diabetes and obesity, combined with crowded multigenerational housing, added significantly to the risk of higher mortality among U.S. indigenous populations. [49]

Latino Americans

Latino Americans have a greater propensity for infection than White Americans. [2] [15] [50]

Latino Americans have also suffered a greater decrease in life expectancy. While the projected life expectancy of White people declined by 0.73 years, the drop for Latino people was more than a factor of 4 greater, at 3.28 years. [19] [20]

Filipino Americans

Filipino Americans have been impacted by COVID-19 perhaps more than any ethnic community in the United States. This is because a significant proportion of nurses in critical care and emergency rooms are Filipino-American. This demographic also makes up a higher percentage of essential workers in the United States compared to Black and Hispanic Americans. [51] [52] [53]

Several studies have investigated why there were disparities in infection and mortality rate during COVID. One study looked at patterns of COVID testing and mortality by race and ethnicity in veterans. The study found that Black and Hispanic individuals were twice as likely to test positive for COVID, even after adjusting for underlying conditions, geographic location, and other demographics. As a result, the researchers found that age, rural or urban residence, and place of care were better predictors of disparity. [54]

However, another study found that the gaps in COVID incidence and mortality cannot be explained by population age or sex distribution. Instead, they mentioned that the disparities could be attributed to underlying chronic illnesses that predispose individuals to mortality, lack of access to healthcare, as well as variations in community, household, and workplace exposure. [55]

One article by Rohan Khazanchi, Charlesnika Evans, and Jasmine Marcelin pulled two studies to determine why there were racial disparities in COVID. The studies used shared the result of socioeconomic status and comorbidity burdens being the reason for COVID-19 racial disparities. Both came to the understanding that Black and Hispanic individuals were disproportionately affected by low socioeconomic status and comorbidity burdens. [56]

A common thread is that race as a biological factor is not the cause for racial disparities in COVID, but that societal racism in the environment Black and Hispanic live and work in is a strong cause for the disparities present.

Impact of COVID-19 over time

On April 4, 2020, the CDC reported the number of cases per 100,000 people. Non-Hispanic White people had the lowest amount with 17.80 per 100,000 while Hispanic and non-Hispanic Black people had the highest with 52.6 and 49.73 per 100,000 respectively. When looking at deaths per 100,000 for the same day, American Indians had the lowest amount with 1.3 per 100,000, followed by White people with 3.07 per 100,000, ending with Black people with 7.10 per 100,000 people. [1]

Financial and economic toll

In addition to the health tolls that individuals faced, there was also a financial and economic toll that was disproportionate for racial and ethnic minorities. Pre-COVID, there were inequities in receiving higher education which then led to limited, lower paying, or less stable job opportunities. [31] With these jobs, there were less options for paid sick leave, making it difficult to take off of work if an individual was sick.

When the pandemic hit, racial and ethnic minorities were impacted more than their white counterparts. A poll conducted by the Washington Post in 2020 found that Hispanic people were twice as likely to be laid off as their white counterparts. [57] The CDC reported that as of August 2020, "more Hispanic or Latino people (53%) and non-Hispanic Black people (43%) reported that they had lost a job or taken a pay cut because of COVID-19 compared with non-Hispanic White people (38%). More non-Hispanic Black and Hispanic or Latino people, 40% and 43%, respectively, reported that they had to use money from savings or retirement to pay bills since the outbreak began, compared with 29% of non-Hispanic White people. Additionally, 43% of non-Hispanic Black people and 37% of Hispanic or Latino people reported having trouble paying their bills in full compared with non-Hispanic White people (18%)." [31]

Overall, minority groups were more vulnerable due to their social and economic standing in the United States and faced more financial hardship during the pandemic. If comparing the pandemic to other disasters that impacted people of color (the Great Recession, Hurricane Katrina, etc.), it can be expected that racial and ethnic minority groups who are more socially and economically disadvantaged will be slower to recover due to their standing. [58]

Racism and xenophobia

During the COVID-19 pandemic, Asian Americans have faced racism and anti-Asian rhetoric in addition to the danger of the pandemic to everyone. Asian Americans have faced scape-goating and xenophobia due to anti-Chinese rhetoric. [59] According to Human Rights Watch, racism and xenophobia were encouraged by government officials such as former President Donald Trump calling COVID the "Chinese virus." [59]

COVID-19 vaccines

Some groups have historically mistrusted medical practices and new medical procedures. As COVID vaccines became more prevalent, there was a push to get the vaccine to disproportionately affected groups. However, White people were receiving higher rates of vaccination even though the pandemic disproportionately affected people of color. Across the United States, Black and Hispanic people have received fewer vaccines in relation to their COVID cases and deaths. [9] Across 43 states, White people had a vaccination rate of 1.7 times higher than Hispanic people and 1.6 times higher than Black people. [9]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">HIV/AIDS in the United States</span> HIV/AIDS epidemic in the United States

The AIDS epidemic, caused by HIV, found its way to the United States between the 1970s and 1980s, but was first noticed after doctors discovered clusters of Kaposi's sarcoma and pneumocystis pneumonia in homosexual men in Los Angeles, New York City, and San Francisco in 1981. Treatment of HIV/AIDS is primarily via the use of multiple antiretroviral drugs, and education programs to help people avoid infection.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Maternal death</span> Aspect of human reproduction and medicine

Maternal death or maternal mortality is defined in slightly different ways by several different health organizations. The World Health Organization (WHO) defines maternal death as the death of a pregnant mother due to complications related to pregnancy, underlying conditions worsened by the pregnancy or management of these conditions. This can occur either while she is pregnant or within six weeks of resolution of the pregnancy. The CDC definition of pregnancy-related deaths extends the period of consideration to include one year from the resolution of the pregnancy. Pregnancy associated death, as defined by the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG), are all deaths occurring within one year of a pregnancy resolution. Identification of pregnancy associated deaths is important for deciding whether or not the pregnancy was a direct or indirect contributing cause of the death.

Health equity arises from access to the social determinants of health, specifically from wealth, power and prestige. Individuals who have consistently been deprived of these three determinants are significantly disadvantaged from health inequities, and face worse health outcomes than those who are able to access certain resources. It is not equity to simply provide every individual with the same resources; that would be equality. In order to achieve health equity, resources must be allocated based on an individual need-based principle.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Hispanic paradox</span> Epidemiological finding

The Hispanic paradox is an epidemiological finding that Hispanic Americans tend to have health outcomes that "paradoxically" are comparable to, or in some cases better than, those of their U.S. non-Hispanic White counterparts, even though Hispanics have lower average income and education, higher rates of disability, as well as a higher incidence of various cardiovascular risk factors and metabolic diseases.

Race and health refers to how being identified with a specific race influences health. Race is a complex concept that has changed across chronological eras and depends on both self-identification and social recognition. In the study of race and health, scientists organize people in racial categories depending on different factors such as: phenotype, ancestry, social identity, genetic makeup and lived experience. "Race" and ethnicity often remain undifferentiated in health research.

Research shows many health disparities among different racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Different outcomes in mental and physical health exist between all U.S. Census-recognized racial groups, but these differences stem from different historical and current factors, including genetics, socioeconomic factors, and racism. Research has demonstrated that numerous health care professionals show implicit bias in the way that they treat patients. Certain diseases have a higher prevalence among specific racial groups, and life expectancy also varies across groups.

In the United States, racial inequality refers to the social inequality and advantages and disparities that affect different races. These can also be seen as a result of historic oppression, inequality of inheritance, or racism and prejudice, especially against minority groups.

Societal racism is a type of racism based on a set of institutional, historical, cultural and interpersonal practices within a society that places one or more social or ethnic groups in a better position to succeed and disadvantages other groups so that disparities develop between the groups. Societal racism has also been called structural racism, because, according to Carl E. James, society is structured in a way that excludes substantial numbers of people from minority backgrounds from taking part in social institutions. Societal racism is sometimes referred to as systemic racism as well.

Healthcare in New York City describe the health care services available in New York City, the largest US city with a population of over eight million.

The weathering hypothesis was proposed to account for early health deterioration as a result of cumulative exposure to experiences of social, economic, and political adversity. It is well documented that minority groups and marginalized communities suffer from poorer health outcomes. This may be due to a multitude of stressors including prejudice, social alienation, institutional bias, political oppression, economic exclusion, and racial discrimination. The weathering hypothesis proposes that the cumulative burden of these stressors as individuals age is "weathering", and the increased weathering experienced by minority groups compared to others can account for differences in health outcomes. In recent years, the biological plausibility of the weathering hypothesis has been investigated in studies evaluating the physiological effects of social, environmental and political stressors among marginalized communities. This has led to more widespread use of the weathering hypothesis as a framework for explaining health disparities on the basis of differential exposure to racially based stressors. Researchers have also identified patterns connecting weathering to biological phenomena associated with stress and aging, such as allostatic load, epigenetics, telomere shortening, and accelerated brain aging.

A disease of despair is one of three classes of behavior-related medical conditions that increase in groups of people who experience despair due to a sense that their long-term social and economic prospects are bleak. The three disease types are drug overdose, suicide, and alcoholic liver disease.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">COVID-19 pandemic in the United States</span>

In the United States, the worldwide pandemic of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) caused by severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) has resulted in 103,436,829 confirmed cases with 1,188,935 all-time deaths, the most of any country, and the 20th highest per capita worldwide. The COVID-19 pandemic is the deadliest disaster in the country's history. It was the third-leading cause of death in the U.S. in 2020, behind heart disease and cancer. From 2019 to 2020, U.S. life expectancy dropped by 3 years for Hispanic and Latino Americans, 2.9 years for African Americans, and 1.2 years for white Americans. In 2021, U.S. deaths due to COVID-19 rose and life expectancy fell.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on other health issues</span> Health consequences of outbreak beyond the COVID-19 disease itself

The COVID-19 pandemic has had many impacts on global health beyond those caused by the COVID-19 disease itself. It has led to a reduction in hospital visits for other reasons. There have been 38 per cent fewer hospital visits for heart attack symptoms in the United States and 40 per cent fewer in Spain. The head of cardiology at the University of Arizona said, "My worry is some of these people are dying at home because they're too scared to go to the hospital." There is also concern that people with strokes and appendicitis are not seeking timely treatment. Shortages of medical supplies have impacted people with various conditions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Social impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States</span> Indirect effects of the COVID-19 pandemic in the U.S.

The COVID-19 pandemic in the United States has had far-reaching consequences in the country that go beyond the spread of the disease itself and efforts to quarantine it, including political, cultural, and social implications.

Black maternal mortality in the United States refers to the death of women, specifically those who identify as Black or African American, during or after child delivery. In general, maternal death can be due to a myriad of factors, such as the nature of the pregnancy or the delivery itself, but is not associated with unintentional or secondary causes. In the United States, around 700 women die from pregnancy-related illnesses or complications per year. This number does not include the approximately 50,000 women who experience life-threatening complications during childbirth, resulting in lifelong disabilities and complications. However, there are stark differences in maternal mortality rates for Black American women versus Indigenous American, Alaska Native, and White American women.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on African diaspora</span>

The COVID-19 pandemic has revealed race-based health care disparities in many countries, including the United States, United Kingdom, Norway, Sweden, Canada, and Singapore. These disparities are believed to originate from structural racism in these countries which pre-dates the pandemic; a commentary in The BMJ noted that "ethnoracialised differences in health outcomes have become the new normal across the world" as a result of ethnic and racial disparities in COVID-19 healthcare, determined by social factors. Data from the United States and elsewhere shows that minorities, especially black people, have been infected and killed at a disproportionate rate to white people.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Native American tribes and tribal communities</span> Effects of the viral outbreak on tribal communities

The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on Native American tribes and tribal communities has been severe and has emphasized underlying inequalities in Native American communities compared to the majority of the American population. The pandemic exacerbated existing healthcare and other economic and social disparities between Native Americans and other racial and ethnic groups in the United States. Along with black Americans, Latinos, and Pacific Islanders, the death rate in Native Americans due to COVID-19 was twice that of white and Asian Americans, with Native Americans having the highest mortality rate of all racial and ethnic groups nationwide. As of January 5, 2021, the mortality impact in Native American populations from COVID-19 was 1 in 595 or 168.4 deaths in 100,000, compared to 1 in 1,030 for white Americans and 1 in 1,670 for Asian Americans. Prior to the pandemic, Native Americans were already at a higher risk for infectious disease and mortality than any other group in the United States.

Maternal health outcomes differ significantly between racial groups within the United States. The American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists describes these disparities in obstetric outcomes as "prevalent and persistent." Black, indigenous, and people of color are disproportionately affected by many of the maternal health outcomes listed as national objectives in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services's national health objectives program, Healthy People 2030. The American Public Health Association considers maternal mortality to be a human rights issue, also noting the disparate rates of Black maternal death. Race affects maternal health throughout the pregnancy continuum, beginning prior to conception and continuing through pregnancy (antepartum), during labor and childbirth (intrapartum), and after birth (postpartum).

White Americans, as the largest racial group in the United States, have historically had better health outcomes than other oppressed racial groups in America. However, in recent years, the scholarly discourse has switched from recognition of the immense positive health outcomes of white Americans towards understanding the growing persistence of negative outcomes unique to this racial group. Scholars have discussed the effects of racial prejudice and its negative effect on health outcomes to not only those being oppressed but also those being given privileges. In addition to the effects of living in a racialized society, white Americans have the highest rate of suicide and lifetime psychiatric disorders of any other ethnicity or racial category. In conjunction with these psychiatric issues, the population presents higher rates of alcohol usage alongside lower levels of psychological flourishing. Given this information, the health status of white Americans has gained increasing importance due to the differences in health outcomes between white Americans and white people from other parts of the world.

Noreen Goldman is an American social scientist who is the Hughes-Rogers Professor of Demography and Public Affairs at Princeton University. She studies social and economic factors and how they impact adult health. She was elected a Member of the National Academy of Sciences in 2024.

References

  1. 1 2 CDC (March 28, 2020). "COVID Data Tracker". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  2. 1 2 Oppel, Richard A. Jr.; Gebeloff, Robert; Lai, K. K. Rebecca; Wright, Will; Smith, Mitch (July 5, 2020). "The Fullest Look Yet at the Racial Inequity of Coronavirus". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  3. 1 2 Marshall, William F. "Why are people of color more at risk of being affected by COVID-19?". Mayo Clinic. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  4. 1 2 3 Thebault, Reis; Tran, Andrew Ba; Williams, Vanessa (April 7, 2020). "The coronavirus is infecting and killing black Americans at an alarmingly high rate". Washington Post. ISSN   0190-8286 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  5. ↑ Blow, Charles M. (April 5, 2020). "Opinion | Social Distancing Is a Privilege". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  6. ↑ Weber, Lauren (April 22, 2020). "A Top Immunologist on Why Coronavirus Is Killing More African-Americans". Wall Street Journal. ISSN   0099-9660 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  7. ↑ "U.S. COVID-19 death analysis shows greater toll on Black, Hispanic youth: CDC". Reuters. September 15, 2020. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  8. ↑ "Hispanic Americans are most vulnerable to covid-19". The Economist. ISSN   0013-0613 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  9. 1 2 3 Haldar, Sweta (July 14, 2022). "Latest Data on COVID-19 Vaccinations by Race/Ethnicity". KFF. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  10. ↑ "Inoculation Nation: Tracking COVID-19 vaccine progress by state". APM Research Lab. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  11. ↑ Blundell, Richard; Costa Dias, Monica; Joyce, Robert; Xu, Xiaowei (June 2020). "COVID-19 and Inequalities*". Fiscal Studies. 41 (2): 291–319. doi:10.1111/1475-5890.12232. ISSN   0143-5671. PMC   7362053 . PMID   32836542.
  12. ↑ Laster Pirtle, Whitney N. (April 26, 2020). "Racial Capitalism: A Fundamental Cause of Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) Pandemic Inequities in the United States". Health Education & Behavior. 47 (4): 504–508. doi:10.1177/1090198120922942. ISSN   1090-1981. PMC   7301291 . PMID   32338071.
  13. ↑ Soucheray, Stephanie (August 14, 2020). "US blacks 3 times more likely than whites to get COVID-19". CIDRAP. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  14. ↑ Sze, Shirley; Pan, Daniel; Nevill, Clareece R.; Gray, Laura J.; Martin, Christopher A.; Nazareth, Joshua; Minhas, Jatinder S.; Divall, Pip; Khunti, Kamlesh; Abrams, Keith R.; Nellums, Laura B.; Pareek, Manish (December 1, 2020). "Ethnicity and clinical outcomes in COVID-19: A systematic review and meta-analysis". eClinicalMedicine. 29: 100630. doi:10.1016/j.eclinm.2020.100630. ISSN   2589-5370. PMC   7658622 . PMID   33200120.
  15. 1 2 "COVID-19 Cases and Deaths by Race/Ethnicity: Current Data and Changes Over Time". KFF. August 22, 2022. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  16. 1 2 Yancy, Clyde W. (May 19, 2020). "COVID-19 and African Americans". JAMA. 323 (19): 1891–1892. doi: 10.1001/jama.2020.6548 . ISSN   0098-7484. PMID   32293639. S2CID   215772941.
  17. ↑ Wood, Daniel (September 23, 2020). "As Pandemic Deaths Add Up, Racial Disparities Persist — And In Some Cases Worsen". NPR. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  18. ↑ Kimani, Mumbi E.; Sarr, Mare; Cuffee, Yendelela; Liu, Chang; Webster, Nicole S. (June 8, 2021). "Associations of Race/Ethnicity and Food Insecurity With COVID-19 Infection Rates Across US Counties". JAMA Network Open. 4 (6): e2112852. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2021.12852. ISSN   2574-3805. PMC   8188266 . PMID   34100936.
  19. 1 2 Xu, Jay J.; Chen, Jarvis T.; Belin, Thomas R.; Brookmeyer, Ronald S.; Suchard, Marc A.; Ramirez, Christina M. (January 2021). "Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Years of Potential Life Lost Attributable to COVID-19 in the United States: An Analysis of 45 States and the District of Columbia". International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health. 18 (6): 2921. doi: 10.3390/ijerph18062921 . ISSN   1660-4601. PMC   8000338 . PMID   33809240.
  20. 1 2 Andrasfay, Theresa; Goldman, Noreen (January 14, 2021). "Reductions in 2020 US life expectancy due to COVID-19 and the disproportionate impact on the Black and Latino populations". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 118 (5). Bibcode:2021PNAS..11814746A. doi: 10.1073/pnas.2014746118 . ISSN   0027-8424. PMC   7865122 . PMID   33446511.
  21. ↑ Laires, Pedro Almeida; Dias, Sónia; Gama, Ana; Moniz, Marta; Pedro, Ana R.; Soares, Patricia; Aguiar, Pedro; Nunes, Carla (January 12, 2021). "The Association Between Chronic Disease and Serious COVID-19 Outcomes and Its Influence on Risk Perception: Survey Study and Database Analysis". JMIR Public Health and Surveillance. 7 (1): e22794. doi: 10.2196/22794 . PMC   7806339 . PMID   33433397.
  22. ↑ Islam, Nazrul; Lacey, Ben; Shabnam, Sharmin; Erzurumluoglu, A. Mesut; Dambha-Miller, Hajira; Chowell, Gerardo; Kawachi, Ichiro; Marmot, Michael (June 1, 2021). "Social inequality and the syndemic of chronic disease and COVID-19: county-level analysis in the USA". J Epidemiol Community Health. 75 (6): 496–500. doi: 10.1136/jech-2020-215626 . ISSN   0143-005X. PMID   33402397. S2CID   230783685.
  23. ↑ Kompaniyets, Lyudmyla; Agathis, Nickolas T.; Nelson, Jennifer M.; Preston, Leigh Ellyn; Ko, Jean Y.; Belay, Brook; Pennington, Audrey F.; Danielson, Melissa L.; DeSisto, Carla L.; Chevinsky, Jennifer R.; Schieber, Lyna Z.; Yusuf, Hussain; Baggs, James; Mac Kenzie, William R.; Wong, Karen K. (June 7, 2021). "Underlying Medical Conditions Associated With Severe COVID-19 Illness Among Children". JAMA Network Open. 4 (6): e2111182. doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2021.11182. ISSN   2574-3805. PMC   8185607 . PMID   34097050.
  24. 1 2 Satia, Jessie A. (April 1, 2009). "Diet-Related Disparities: Understanding the Problem and Accelerating Solutions". Journal of the American Dietetic Association. 109 (4): 610–615. doi:10.1016/j.jada.2008.12.019. ISSN   0002-8223. PMC   2729116 . PMID   19328255.
  25. ↑ Casagrande, Sarah Stark; Wang, Youfa; Anderson, Cheryl; Gary, Tiffany L. (April 1, 2007). "Have Americans Increased Their Fruit and Vegetable Intake?: The Trends Between 1988 and 2002". American Journal of Preventive Medicine. 32 (4): 257–263. doi: 10.1016/j.amepre.2006.12.002 . ISSN   0749-3797. PMID   17383556.
  26. ↑ Barnidge, E. K.; Baker, E. A.; Schootman, M.; Motton, F.; Sawicki, M.; Rose, F. (September 2, 2015). "The effect of education plus access on perceived fruit and vegetable consumption in a rural African American community intervention". Health Education Research. 30 (5): 773–785. doi:10.1093/her/cyv041. ISSN   0268-1153. PMC   4668755 . PMID   26338985.
  27. ↑ Heffron, Sean P.; Rockman, Caron B.; Adelman, Mark A.; Gianos, Eugenia; Guo, Yu; Xu, Jin Feng; Berger, Jeffrey S. (June 1, 2017). "Greater Frequency of Fruit and Vegetable Consumption Is Associated With Lower Prevalence of Peripheral Artery Disease". Arteriosclerosis, Thrombosis, and Vascular Biology. 37 (6): 1234–1240. doi:10.1161/ATVBAHA.116.308474. PMC   5515295 . PMID   28522699.
  28. ↑ Butler, Michael J.; Barrientos, Ruth M. (July 1, 2020). "The impact of nutrition on COVID-19 susceptibility and long-term consequences". Brain, Behavior, and Immunity. 87: 53–54. doi:10.1016/j.bbi.2020.04.040. ISSN   0889-1591. PMC   7165103 . PMID   32311498.
  29. 1 2 Hacker, Karen A. (2021). "COVID-19 and Chronic Disease: The Impact Now and in the Future". Preventing Chronic Disease. 18: E62. doi:10.5888/pcd18.210086. ISSN   1545-1151. PMC   8220960 . PMID   34138696.
  30. ↑ U.S. Surgeon General: 'I and many black Americans are at higher risk for covid'. The Washington Post (video). April 7, 2020. Retrieved June 22, 2024.
  31. 1 2 3 4 CDC (March 8, 2022). "Health Equity". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  32. ↑ Glogowsky, Ulrich; Hansen, Emanuel; Schächtele, Simeon (September 22, 2021). "How effective are social distancing policies? Evidence on the fight against COVID-19". PLOS ONE. 16 (9): e0257363. Bibcode:2021PLoSO..1657363G. doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0257363 . ISSN   1932-6203. PMC   8457454 . PMID   34550995.
  33. ↑ Liao, Tim F, Dan Steward, and Caitlin Vitosky Clarke. "Section on Inequality, Poverty, and Mobility, the American Sociological Association." Social Distancing Deals a Triple Blow to People of Color' , June 2020.
  34. ↑ Wen, Ming; Zhang, Xingyou; Harris, Carmen D.; Holt, James B.; Croft, Janet B. (January 19, 2013). "Spatial Disparities in the Distribution of Parks and Green Spaces in the USA". Annals of Behavioral Medicine. 45 (S1): 18–27. doi:10.1007/s12160-012-9426-x. ISSN   0883-6612. PMC   3590901 . PMID   23334758.
  35. ↑ Airgood-Obrycki, Whitney (June 8, 2020). "High-Proximity Jobs and Household Vulnerabilities | Joint Center for Housing Studies". www.jchs.harvard.edu. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  36. ↑ Duque, Richard B. (August 1, 2021). "Black Health Matters Too... Especially in the Era of Covid-19: How Poverty and Race Converge to Reduce Access to Quality Housing, Safe Neighborhoods, and Health and Wellness Services and Increase the Risk of Co-morbidities Associated with Global Pandemics". Journal of Racial and Ethnic Health Disparities. 8 (4): 1012–1025. doi:10.1007/s40615-020-00857-w. ISSN   2196-8837. PMC   7500252 . PMID   32946069.
  37. ↑ O, 'Neill Marie S.; Jerrett, Michael; Kawachi, Ichiro; Levy, Jonathan I.; Cohen, Aaron J.; Gouveia, Nelson; Wilkinson, Paul; Fletcher, Tony; Cifuentes, Luis; Schwartz, Joel; null, null (December 1, 2003). "Health, wealth, and air pollution: advancing theory and methods". Environmental Health Perspectives. 111 (16): 1861–1870. doi:10.1289/ehp.6334. PMC   1241758 . PMID   14644658.
  38. ↑ Adegunsoye, Ayodeji; Ventura, Iazsmin Bauer; Liarski, Vladimir M. (October 1, 2020). "Association of Black Race with Outcomes in COVID-19 Disease: A Retrospective Cohort Study". Annals of the American Thoracic Society. 17 (10): 1336–1339. doi:10.1513/AnnalsATS.202006-583RL. ISSN   2329-6933. PMC   7640625 . PMID   32643398.
  39. ↑ Hardy, Bradley L, and Trevon D Logan. Rep. The Way Back: Assessing Economic Recovery Among Black Americans During COVID-19 . The Brookings Institution, September 2021.
  40. 1 2 3 4 E. Weller, Christian; Figueroa, Richard (July 28, 2021). "Wealth Matters: The Black-White Wealth Gap Before and During the Pandemic". Center for American Progress. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  41. ↑ Shambaugh, Kriston McIntosh, Emily Moss, Ryan Nunn, and Jay (February 27, 2020). "Examining the Black-white wealth gap". Brookings. Retrieved August 28, 2022.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link)
  42. 1 2 Gould, Elise; Wilson, Valerie (June 1, 2020). "Black workers face two of the most lethal preexisting conditions for coronavirus—racism and economic inequality". Economic Policy Institute. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  43. ↑ Edwards, Khadijah; Lopez, Mark Hugo (May 12, 2021). "Black Americans say coronavirus has hit hard financially, but impact varies by education level, age". Pew Research Center. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  44. 1 2 Hamel, Liz, Lunna Lopes, Cailey Muñana, Samantha Artiga, and Mollyann Brodie. Rep. Race, Health, and COVID-19: The Views and Experiences of Black Americans . Kaiser Family Foundation, October 2020.
  45. ↑ Glass, Kelly (June 29, 2020). "Black Families Were Hit Hard by the Pandemic. The Effects on Children May Be Lasting". The New York Times. ISSN   0362-4331 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  46. ↑ "COVID-19 Will Intensify Education Inequities for Black Students". Diverse: Issues In Higher Education. May 20, 2020. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  47. ↑ Darling-Hammond, Linda (March 1, 1998). "Unequal Opportunity: Race and Education". Brookings. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  48. ↑ Leonhard, David (October 4, 2022). "A Public Health Success Story". The New York Times . Archived from the original on October 4, 2022. Retrieved October 5, 2022.
  49. ↑ Caryn Rabin, Roni (August 31, 2022). "U.S. Life Expectancy Falls Again in 'Historic' Setback". New York Times. Archived from the original on August 31, 2022. Retrieved August 31, 2022.
  50. ↑ Despres, Cliff (August 1, 2022). "Update: Coronavirus Case Rates and Death Rates for Latinos in the United States". Salud America. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  51. ↑ "Coronavirus Is Killing Filipino Americans at Much Higher Rate: Report". PEOPLE.com. Retrieved August 7, 2020.
  52. ↑ "How COVID-19 has taken a toll on Filipino-American healthcare workers". FOX 5 New York. May 21, 2020. Retrieved August 7, 2020.
  53. ↑ "5 Ways COVID-19 Might Be Affecting Filipino Americans". Psychology Today. Retrieved August 7, 2020.
  54. ↑ Rentsch, Christopher T.; Kidwai-Khan, Farah; Tate, Janet P.; Park, Lesley S.; King, Joseph T. Jr.; Skanderson, Melissa; Hauser, Ronald G.; Schultze, Anna; Jarvis, Christopher I.; Holodniy, Mark; Iii, Vincent Lo Re; Akgün, Kathleen M.; Crothers, Kristina; Taddei, Tamar H.; Freiberg, Matthew S. (September 22, 2020). "Patterns of COVID-19 testing and mortality by race and ethnicity among United States veterans: A nationwide cohort study". PLOS Medicine. 17 (9): e1003379. doi: 10.1371/journal.pmed.1003379 . ISSN   1549-1676. PMC   7508372 . PMID   32960880.
  55. ↑ Zelner, Jon; Trangucci, Rob; Naraharisetti, Ramya; Cao, Alex; Malosh, Ryan; Broen, Kelly; Masters, Nina; Delamater, Paul (March 1, 2021). "Racial Disparities in Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Mortality Are Driven by Unequal Infection Risks". Clinical Infectious Diseases. 72 (5): e88–e95. doi:10.1093/cid/ciaa1723. PMC   7717213 . PMID   33221832 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  56. ↑ Khazanchi, Rohan; Evans, Charlesnika T.; Marcelin, Jasmine R. (September 25, 2020). "Racism, Not Race, Drives Inequity Across the COVID-19 Continuum". JAMA Network Open. 3 (9): e2019933. doi: 10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2020.19933 . ISSN   2574-3805. PMID   32975568. S2CID   221915730.
  57. ↑ "Hispanics are almost twice as likely as whites to have lost their jobs amid pandemic, poll finds". Washington Post. ISSN   0190-8286 . Retrieved August 28, 2022.
  58. ↑ Perry, Brea L.; Aronson, Brian; Pescosolido, Bernice A. (February 23, 2021). "Pandemic precarity: COVID-19 is exposing and exacerbating inequalities in the American heartland". Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 118 (8): e2020685118. Bibcode:2021PNAS..11820685P. doi: 10.1073/pnas.2020685118 . ISSN   0027-8424. PMC   7923675 . PMID   33547252.
  59. 1 2 "Covid-19 Fueling Anti-Asian Racism and Xenophobia Worldwide". Human Rights Watch. May 12, 2020. Retrieved August 28, 2022.
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.